DEPARTMENT  OF  COMMERCE 

BUREAU  OF  FOREIGN  AND  DOMESTIC  COMMERCE 

JULIUS  KLEIN,  Director 


SPECIAL  AGENTS  SERIES— No.  220 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST 

AND 

LOWER  CALIFORNIA 

A COMMERCIAL  AND  INDUSTRIAL  SURVEY 


BV 

P.  L.  BELL 

Trade  Commissioner 
and 

H.  BENTLEY  MACKENZIE 

Assistant  Trade  Commissioner 

With  the  assistance  of  American  Consuls  Francis  J.  Dyer  (Nogales) 
Bartley  F.  Yost  (Guaymas),  and  W.  E.  Chapman  (Mazatlan) 


PRICE,  85  CENTS 

Sold  by  the  Superintendent  ol  Documents,  Government  Printing  Office 
Washington,  D.  C. 


WASHINGTON 

GOVERNMENT  PRINTING  OFFICE 
1923 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
in  2016 


https://archive.org/details/mexicanwestcoast01unit 


CONTENTS 


Page. 

Letter  of  submittal xv 

Part  1.  THE  WEST  COAST. 

Introduction 1 

Relation  to  Pacific  coast  of  United  States 1 

Position  of  territory  as  market  for  American  goods 2 

Land  development  from  standpoint  of  American  investors 3 

Necessity  of  market  outlets  for  products 4 

Conditions  similar  to  those  in  southern  California 5 

Measures  calculated  to  stimulate  economic  progress 5 

Agricultural  advantages  of  region 6 

Expected  increase  in  purchasing  power 7 

Need  of  additional  banking  facilities 7 

Present  position  of  American  interests — Opportunities  for  future 7 

Geography,  topography,  and  climate 9 

Geographic  position — Confines  of  region 9 

Routes  of  access  and  travel  influences 10 

Area 11 

Divisions  of  commercial  territory 12 

Topography 13 

Surface  and  relief 13 

Pacific  coastal  plain 15 

General  description  of  coast  line 16 

Rivers 18 

Lakes 19 

Climate 19 

Climatic  zones 19 

Seasons 20 

Temperatures 21 

Effect  of  climate  on  commercial  activities 21 

Population  and  living  conditions 23 

Factors  affecting  distribution  of  people 23 

Population  by  States  and  cities 24 

Population  of  contiguous  commercial  territory 25 

Racial  character  of  the  people 26 

Economic  and  social  aspects 27 

Effect  of  the  revolutions 28 

Living  conditions 31 

Foreign  population 32 

Chinese  residents 32 

Japanese  colonization 34 

Other  foreign  population 35 

Distribution  of  Americans  on  West  Coast 37 

Attitude  of  natives  toward  foreigners 37 

Indian  tribes 39 

44807°— 23  m 


IV 


CONTENTS. 


Page. 

Education 44 

Popular  education  in  State  of  Sonora 41 

Support  by  Federal  Government 43 

Vocational  schools 43 

Foreign  schools — Religious  schools 44 

Education  of  Mexicans  in  the  United  States 44 

Commercial  schools 44 

Transportation 45 

General  situation 45 

History  of  railway  development  on  West  Coast 46 

Kansas  City,  Mexico  & Orient  Railway 50 

Organization,  location,  and  construction 50 

West  Coast  division 51 

Future  considerations 52 

Southern  Pacific  Railroad  of  Mexico 52 

Rolling  stock  and  equipment 52 

Sonora  Railway 53 

Towns  on  main  line,  elevations,  connections,  etc 53 

Annual  report  for  1922 55 

Naco-Cananea  line 55 

Present  status  of  Southern  Pacific  claims 56 

Present  cost  of  Southern  Pacific  Railroad  of  Mexico 57 

Nacozari  Railroad  Co 57 

Tonnage  movement  and  development  of  region 58 

New  railway  construction  on  West  Coast 58 

Mayo  Valley  Railway  (“Ferrocarril  del  Rio  Mayo”) 58 

Method  of  financing  and  construction 59 

Progress  of  work 59 

Port  of  Yavaros 59 

Effect  of  line  on  ocean  freights  and  rail  competition 60 

Durango-Mazatlan  Railway 60 

Summary  of  proposed  railway  construction  in  West  Coast  region 61 

Railroad  freight  charges 62 

Steamer  lines  and  ports 62 

European  steamship  service 63 

List  of  companies  serving  West  Coast 63 

Companfa  Naviera  de  los  Estados  de  Mexico 64 

Calif ornia-Mexican  Steamship  Co 66 

Companfa  Naviera  del  Pacffi co 66 

Companfa  Naviera  Mexicana 66 

Crux  of  ocean-tonnage  situation  on  West  Coast 67 

Japanese  steamer  service 67 

Value  and  destination  of  exports 67 

Harbors  and  docks 67 

Port  dues,  tonnage  dues,  etc 67 

Port  of  Guaymas,  Sonora 69 

Pilotage  and  towage 69 

Harbor,  anchorage,  and  accommodations 70 

Wharves,  piers,  warehouses,  etc 71 

Stevedoring 71 

Bunkers 72 

Transshipment  of  goods 72 

Repairs 72 


CONTENTS. 


V 


Transportation — Continued. 

Harbors  and  docks — Continued. 

Port  of  Guaymas,  Sonora — Continued.  Page. 

Provisions _ 73 

Ballast 73 

Water 73 

Wholesale  and  retail  dealers 73 

Storage  companies 73 

Marine  industries 73 

Freight  supply 73 

Steamship  companies 73 

General  information 73 

Port  of  Topolobampo,  Sinaloa 74 

Pilotage  and  towage 74 

Harbor,  anchorage,  and  accommodations 74 

Wharves,  piers,  and  warehouses 75 

Stevedoring 75 

Bunkers 75 

Transshipment  of  goods 75 

Repairs 76 

Water 76 

Ship  chandlers’  and  engineers’  supplies 76 

Steamship  lines 76 

General  information 76 

Port  of  Mazatlan,  Sinaloa 76 

Location  and  aids  to  navigation 76 

Pilotage  and  towage 76 

Harbor,  anchorage,  and  accommodations 77 

Wharves,  piers,  warehouses,  etc 78 

Stevedoring 78 

Bunkers  and  fuel  oil 79 

Transshipment  of  goods 80 

Repairs 80 

Provisions 80 

Ballast 80 

Water 80 

Crews 80 

Cargoes  obtainable 80 

Port  improvements 80 

Port  of  San  Bias,  Nayarit 80 

Location  and  aids  to  navigation 80 

Pilotage  and  towage 81 

Harbor,  anchorage,  and  accommodations 81 

Wharves,  piers,  warehouses,  etc 82 

Stevedoring 82 

Bunkers  and  fuel  oil 82 

Transshipment  of  goods 82 

Repairs 82 

Provisions 82 

Ballast 82 

Water 82 

Frequency  of  steamship  connections 82 

General  information 83 


VI 


CONTENTS. 


Transportation — Continued . 

Harbors  and  docks — Continued.  Page_ 

Port  of  La  Paz,  Lower  California g3 

Location  and  aids  to  navigation g3 

Pilotage  and  towage g3 

Harbor,  anchorage,  and  accommodations g3 

Wharves,  piers,  warehouses,  etc g4 

Stevedoring g4 

Bunkers g4 

Transshipment  of  goods g4 

Repairs g4 

Water g4 

Steamship  service g4 

General  information g4 

Revised  Mexican  customs  regulations g4 

Sanitary  code gg 

Port  works  and  improvements 90 

New  port  of  St.  George’s  Bay 91 

Summary  of  West  Coast  shipping  development 91 

Roads  and  highways 92 

Nogales  and  Port  Lobos  Highway 93 

Culiacan-Badiraguato  Highway 93 

Mazatlan-Tepic  Highway 93 

Agriculture 95 

Past  and  present  position  of  industry 95 

Hydrographic  description  of  West  Coast 97 

Comparison  with  California 97 

Fundamental  considerations 98 

Primary  advantages  of  West  Coast  irrigable  areas 98 

State  of  Sonora 99 

Area  and  population 99 

Climatic  conditions 99 

Drainage  system 99 

Yaqui  River  alluvial  area 100 

Magdalena  River  Valley 105 

Sonora  River  Valley 105 

Ortiz  district 107 

Guaymas  district 107 

Colorado  River  delta  land  development 107 

Mayo  River  Valley 107 

State  of  Sinaloa 109 

Location  of  agricultural  lands 109 

Fuerte  River  Valley 109 

Sinaloa  River  Valley 116 

Mocorito  River  Valley 116 

Humaya  (Culiacan)  River  Valley 116 

San  Lorenzo  River  Valley 117 

Elota  River  Valley 117 

Piaxtla  River  Valley 117 

Quelite  River  Valley 118 

Mazatlan  River  Valley 118 

Concordia  district 118 

Chamela  River  Valley 118 


CONTENTS.  VII 

Agriculture — Continued . 

Hydrographic  description  of  West  Coast — Continued.  Page. 

State  of  Nayarit 118 

Classification  of  lands 118 

Santiago  River  Valley • 119 

Other  valleys 119 

Rivers  and  streams 120 

Waterfalls 120 

Climatic  conditions  affecting  agriculture 120 

Seasons 121 

Rainfall  tables 121 

Storms — Variations  of  rainy  season 122 

Temperatures 122 

Soil  conditions 123 

Crops  best  adapted  to  West  Coast  conditions 124 

Plant  diseases  and  insect  pests 124 

Character  of  products  and  quantity  of  production 125 

Cotton 126 

Coffee 127 

Tobacco 127 

Rice 128 

Wheat 129 

Production  in  Sonora  and  Nayarit 129 

Flour  mills 130 

Import  duty  on  wheat 130 

Milling  system 131 

Imports  of  cereals 131 

Imports  of  flour  at  Mazatlan 131 

Problem  of  marketing  surplus  wheat  production 132 

Garbanzos 132 

Cultivation  and  marketing 132 

Exports  of  garbanzos 134 

Grading 135 

Embargo  against  exportation 135 

Growers’  association 135 

Sterilization  plant  at  Guaymas 135 

Labor  conditions  in  Mayo  Valley 136 

Cleaning  machinery 136 

Summary  of  garbanzo  crop  and  market  conditions  in  1922 136 

Effect  of  war  on  market 137 

Sugar 138 

Production  figures — Number  of  mills 138 

Survey  of  industry 139 

Almada  Sugar  Refineries  Co 139 

Production  data,  Navolato  plantation 140 

Sugar  industry  in  Tepic,  Nayarit 140 

Market  for  alcohol 141 

Protective  tariff  on  sugar 141 

Markets  for  West  Coast  sugar 141 

Present  condition  of  sugar  industry 142 

Tomato  and  win  ter- vegetable  industry 142 

Renewal  ot  tomato  industry  in  Guaymas  Valley 143 

Damage  by  floods 144 


VIII 


CONTENTS. 


Agriculture — Continued . 

Tomato  and  win  ter- vegetable  industry — Continued.  Page. 

Loss  by  frost 144 

Transportation  difficulties  in  1920 144 

Results  of  1921  tomato  crop 144 

Results  of  1922  tomato  crop 145 

Figures  on  1923  shipping  season 146 

Scientific  considerations  in  connection  with  West  Coast  tomatoes 147 

History  of  the  western  Mexico  tomato  industry 147 

Location  of  the  industry 148 

Soil 148 

Effect  of  climate 148 

Varieties  of  tomatoes  grown  in  Mexico 149 

The  yield 150 

Causes  of  decreasing  yield 150 

Causes  of  heavy  culling 151 

Losses  in  transit 151 

Harvesting  and  marketing 152 

Summary  and  conclusions 153 

Plant-quarantine  regulations  of  United  States 155 

Mexican  export  duty  on  tomatoes 155 

American  import  duties 156 

Average  production  per  acre 158 

Freight-rate  notes 158 

Melons,  winter  vegetables,  etc 158 

Fruits 159 

Citrus  fruits 159 

Dates,  figs,  etc.,  from  Lower  California 159 

Alligator  pears,  or  “avocados’ ’ 160 

Bananas 161 

Grapes 162 

Marjoram 162 

Fibers 163 

Sesame  seed 163 

Mexican  land  laws 164 

Lands  taken  under  agrarian  law  in  West  Coast  territory 165 

Farming  conditions  for  foreigners  on  West  Coast 165 

Colonization  and  investment 166 

Land  taxation 168 

Rental  rates  and  conditions 168 

Conclusions 169 

Irrigation  and  power  projects 171 

Fuerte  River  storage-dam  project 171 

Bacubirito  power  site 171 

Flow  variations  in  rivers 171 

San  Dimas  power-development  project 172 

Santiago  River  irrigation  project 172 

Soil  conditions 173 

Finances 173 

Valuation  of  property 173 

Colonization  plans 174 

Canal  construction 174 

San  Pedro  River  project,  Nayarit 175 


CONTENTS. 


IX 


Irrigation  and  power  projects — Continued.  Page. 

Canal  ‘ 1 Rosales,  ’ ’ Culiacan  Valley 175 

Water  provision  and  allowances 176 

Water  rates  and  charges 176 

Ownership  of  land  in  Culiacan  Valley  by  Americans 176 

Legal  status  of  land  titles  in  Culiacan  Valley 177 

Technical  data  on  Canal  “Rosales’ ’ 178 

Policy  of  American  landowners  in  Culiacan  Valley 179 

Forest  products 180 

Coquito  nuts 180 

Coconuts 181 

Hardwoods 181 

Dyewoods 185 

Fishing  industry 187 

Commercial  fishes  of  West  Coast 187 

Mullet  most  abundant 188 

Milkfish — Four  varieties  of  robalo 189 

Five  varieties  of  corbina  (weakfish) 189 

Pargos  (snappers),  cabrilla  (sea  bass),  and  mero  (spotted  jewfish) 190 

Salt-water  bream,  pompanos,  and  butterfish 190 

Mojarros — Chiro — Spanish  mackerel 191 

Sardines  and  anchovies 191 

Sharks 192 

Shrimp  fishing 192 

Lobsters 193 

Oysters 193 

Summary 195 

Manufacturing 196 

Cotton  textile  mills 196 

Shoemaking 197 

Soap  making 198 

Breweries 198 

Distilleries 199 

Machine  shops  and  woodworking  plants 200 

Brooms,  carriages,  carts,  and  furniture 201 

Clothing 201 

Dye-extract  factory 201 

Tobacco  factories 202 

Match  factories 202 

Candy  factories 202 

Tanneries 203 

Considerations  in  connection  with  manufacturing 204 

Cold-storage  plants 204 

Electric  lighting  and  power  plants 204 

Hermosillo,  Sonora 205 

Guaymas,  Sonora 205 

Santa  Rosalia,  Lower  California 205 

Culiacan,  Sinaloa 205 

Mazatlan,  Sinaloa 205 

Rosario,  Sinaloa 206 

Tepic,  Nayarit 206 

Ensenada,  Lower  California 206 

Empalme,  Sonora 206 

Cananea,  Sonora 206 


X 


CONTENTS. 


Page. 

Live  stock 207 

Cattle-raising 207 

Hogs,  sheep,  and  goats 208 

Importation  of  Mexican  cattle  to  United  States' impracticable 208 

Exports  of  beef  cattle 209 

Future  of  the  industry 209 

Cattle-range  conditions  in  northern  Sonora 209 

American  import  duties  on  live  stock 210 

Petroleum 211 

Prospecting  for  oil 211 

Sales  methods  for  petroleum  products 212 

Mexican  import  duties 212 

Import  figures 212 

Use  of  fuel  oil 213 

Mining 214 

Outline  of  development 214 

Principal  mining  camps  and  districts  in  Sonora 216 

Cananea  copper  mines 217 

Magdalena  district  218 

Geological  characteristics  of  Las  Planchas  district 218 

Cocospera  region 219 

Cerro  Prieto  mines 220 

Providencia  group 221 

Ures  district 221 

Copete  mining  region 222 

Minas  Prietas  gold  mines 223 

Yaqui  River  district 225 

Sahuaripa  district 225 

Alamos  district 226 

Guaymas  district 227 

Lampazos  silver  region 228 

Moctezuma  district 228 

Arispe  district 229 

Altar  district 230 

Mining  in  Nogales  district 232 

Mineral  deposits  and  mining  industry  in  Sonora  in  1921 234 

Lower  California  mining  notes:  Southern  half  of  peninsula 235 

Salt  deposits,  Carmen  Island 235 

Manganese 236 

La  Sirena  mines 236 

Molybdenum 236 

Tungsten 237 

Sonora  properties  developed  since  1904 — Present  activities 237 

La  Brisca  placer  field 237 

San  Geronimo  mine 237 

Santa  Barbara  mines 237 

Arispe  smelter  scheme 237 

Lampazos  mines 238 

Dolores  and  La  Palma  mines 238 

Cerro  de  Oro  mines 238 

Hidalgo  mine 238 

Washington  Mines  Co 238 

International  Mines  Co 238 


CONTENTS. 


XI 


Mining — Continued. 

Sonora  properties  developed  since  1904 — Present  activities — Contd.  Page. 

Azteca  mine 238 

Aztec  Consolidated  Mining  Co. 239 

Verde  Grande  mine 239 

Bacoachilla  mines 239 

Rosales  mines,  Moctezuma  region  239 

El  Tramado  mines 239 

Mejia  mine,  Altar  district 240 

Alamos  district 240 

Las  Chispas  mines 240 

Calumet  & Sonora  of  Cananea  Mining  Co.,  S.  A 240 

Nacozari  mining  notes 241 

Lluvia  de  Oro  mines  242 

Batopilas  mine 242 

Mining  in  Mazatlan  district 244 

San  Dimas  district 245 

Mining  in  Nayarit 245 

Iron  deposits 247 

Gypsum  deposits 247 

Mica  deposits 247 

Antimony  deposits 247 

Metal  export  regulations 248 

Mining  laws  and  taxation  notes 248 

Mining  taxes 248 

Costs  of  location  of  claims 248 

Investment  in  mining  and  other  industries 249 

Ore  buying  in  Mexico:  Customs  and  usages 250 

Banks  and  banking 252 

Credits,  terms,  and  general  business  practices 256 

Overextension  of  credit 256 

Payments  and  collections 257 

Time  required  for  shipments  and  deliveries 258 

Average  valuations  to  cover  charges 259 

Ratio  of  annual  turnover  to  capital  and  stocks  carried 259 

Selection  of  attorneys  for  collections 260 

Credit  peculiarities  on  West  Coast 260 

Commerce  of  the  West  Coast 262 

Division  of  commercial  regions 263 

Buying  seasons 264 

Taxes  on  traveling  salesmen 265 

Commercial  organizations 266 

Expenses  in  connection  with  business  establishments 266 

Foreign  competition 267 

German  competition 267 

Progress  of  American  trade  on  West  Coast 268 

Tariff,  customs  regulations,  etc 269 

Present  commercial  conditions 269 

Traveling  traders 270 

Reselling  methods 270 

Notes  on  markets  for  specific  commodities 271 

Agricultural  implements  and  machinery 271 

Automobiles 271 

Textiles:  Dry  goods 271 


XII 


CONTENTS. 


Commerce  of  the  West  Coast — Continued. 

. Notes  on  markets  for  specific  commodities — Continued.  page. 

Foodstuffs 272 

Hardware 272 

Drugs  and  medicines 272 

Commercial  relations  with  American  firms  in  general 272 

Future  needs  and  prospects 273 

Foreign-trade  figures 274 

Part  2.  NORTHERN  HALF  OF  LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 

Introduction 281 

Geography,  topography,  and  climate 285 

Geographic  features 285 

Area 285 

Topography 286 

Surface  and  relief 286 

Geological  formations 287 

Valleys  and  plains 287 

Rivers  and  creeks 288 

Lakes  and  lagoons 288 

Islands 289 

Climate  and  rainfall 289 

General  survey  of  conditions 289 

Climate  and  rainfall  of  the  irrigation  district 290 

Climate  of  the  Ensenada  and  Pacific  coast  region 291 

Population 293 

Native  and  foreign  population 293 

Efforts  at  colonization 294 

Racial  characteristics 294 

Government  and  education 296 

Political  organization 296 

Educational  matters 296  . 

Budget  and  public  improvements 296 

Survey  of  industries 298 

Agriculture 299 

Agricultural  districts 299 

Mexicali  Valley 299 

Soil  formation 300 

Historical  notes  on  irrigation 300 

Improvements  and  drainage 301 

Acreage  on  Mexican  side  of  valley 302 

Irrigation  data:  Water,  weather,  and  crop  figures 303 

Percentages  of  crops 303 

Value  of  crops  and  production 303 

Cotton  planting 303 

Outline  of  development 303 

Grades  of  cotton 304 

Methods  of  planting 305 

Wages 305 

Labor  conditions 305 

Landholdings  and  methods  of  development 306 

Development  policy  of  Colorado  River  Land  Co 307 

Agricultural  implements  and  machinery 309 

Import  duty 309 


CONTENTS. 


XIII 


Agriculture — Continued. 

Mexicali  Valley — Continued. 

Agricultural  implements  and  machinery — Continued.  Page. 

Plows  and  harrows 309 

Implements  and  tools 309 

Tractors 310 

Agricultural  insurance 310 

Financing  crops — Banking 310 

Credit  considerations  with  respect  to  Chinese  planters 311 

Labor  notes 312 

Cotton  gins  and  compresses 312 

Cotton  seasons 312 

Cotton  exports  from  Mexicali  district  to  United  States 312 

Other  agricultural  exports  of  Mexicali  district 313 

Exports  of  live  stock 313 

Ensenada  district 313 

Magdalena  Bay  colonization  scheme 315 

Uncultivated  vegetable  products 316 

Fruits 317 

Live  stock 317 

Fishing 318 

Potentialities  of  industry 318 

San  Diego  cannery  fleet  and  plant 318 

Fresh-fish  industry 319 

Fishing  methods 319 

Prices 319 

Canning  plants  in  Lower  California 320 

General  fishing  statistics 320 

Fishing  concessions  and  Mexican  Government  regulations 321 

Mining 323 

Gold — Copper — Silver 323 

Phosphates — Magnesite 324 

Iron  deposits 325 

Kaolin — Cement — Salt 325 

Onyx  and  marble 325 

Other  mineral  deposits 326 

Factors  affecting  mining  operations 326 

Transportation 327 

Railways 327 

Roads 327 

Transportation  pro j ects 329 

Ocean  transportation 330 

Port  of  Ensenada 330 

Customs  and  port  regulations 330 

Commerce  and  trade 331 

Mexicali  district 331 

Ensenada  district 332 

Notes  on  southern  half  of  Lower  California 335 

Agriculture 335 

Topography  and  climate 335 

Live  stock 336 

Pearl-fishing  industry"  at  La  Paz 336 

Roads 336 

Commerce,  trade,  and  banking 337 

Future  prospects 337 


xrv 


CONTENTS. 


APPENDIX 

Commodity  reports 

Trade  lists  available.. 

Reference  material 


ILLUSTRATIONS.  Facing 

page. 

Fig.  1.  Bank  of  Sonora,  Guaymas 16 

2.  Municipal  Palace,  Guaymas 17 

3.  Public  market,  Guaymas 17 

4.  Calle  Serdan,  Guaymas 70 

5.  Customhouse,  Guaymas 70 

6.  View  of  main  part  of  Guaymas,  from  hill  above  railway  wharf 71 

7.  Calle  Belisario  Dominguez,  principal  business  street  in  Mazatlan 71 

8.  The  heart  of  Mazatlan 78 

9.  Customhouse  at  Mazatlan 78 

10.  Banana  plantation  near  San  Bias,  Nayarit 79 

11.  Five  underground  tubes,  Canal  ‘ Rosales,”  Culiacan  Valley 176 

12.  Head  gate  and  underground  tubes  with  air  vents,  Canal  “Rosales” 176 

13.  New  Government  building,  Mexicali 177 

14.  Main  irrigation  ditches  near  Mexicali 177 

15.  Plant  of  Companfa  Industrial  y Explotadora  de  Maderas 200 

16.  Three  units  of  semi-Diesel  engines  installed  in  Explotadora  plant 201 

Map  of  western  Mexico 240 


Page. 

339 

339 

340 


LETTER  OF  SUBMITTAL. 


Department  of  Commerce, 

Bureau  of  Foreign  and  Domestic  Commerce, 

Washington , April  16,  1923. 

Sir:  There  is  submitted  herewith  a commercial  and  industrial 
survey  of  the  Mexican  “West  Coast”  and  the  peninsula  of  Lower 
California,  by  Trade  Commissioner  P.  L.  Bell,  Assistant  Trade  Com- 
missioner H.  Bentley  MacKenzie,  and  American  Consuls  Francis  J. 
Dyer,  Bartley  F.  Yost,  and  W.  E.  Chapman.  The  monograph  is 
similar  in  plan  and  scope  to  Mr.  Bell’s  previously  published  hand- 
books of  Colombia  and  Venezuela — Special  Agents  Series  Nos.  206 
and  212. 

Extraordinary  difficulties  were  encountered  in  the  collection  of 
proper  material  and  in  the  writing  of  the  report,  because  of  unsettled 
conditions  in  Mexico.  Only  the  investigators’  personal  knowledge  of 
the  coast  territory  enabled  them  to  prepare  as  thorough  a discussion 
of  the  region  as  is  here  presented.  Trade  Commissioner  Bell’s  long 
residence  on  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico  has  made  it  possible  for  him 
to  select  material  judiciously,  to  collect  and  elaborate  on  the  mass  of 
miscellaneous  data  obtained  from  all  sources,  and  to  bring  out  the 
features  that  are  fundamentally  important. 

Special  acknowledgment  is  made  of  the  services  of  the  American 
consulates,  which  for  the  past  10  or  11  years  have  been  the  only 
agencies  active  in  the  collection  of  authentic  economic  and  com- 
mercial information  on  the  West  Coast.  Without  their  aid  and 
cooperation  and  the  use  of  the  data  gathered  by  them  the  present 
work  would  of  necessity  have  been  relatively  meager. 

Mr.  Bell  desires  to  give  particular  credit  also  to  the  work  of  the 
commodity  divisions  of  the  Bureau  of  Foreign  and  Domestic  Com- 
merce in  collecting  reports  on  various  articles  that  are  commercially 
important  on  the  Mexican  West  Coast  and  of  interest  to  American 
exporters.  He  calls  attention  to  the  fact  that  every  important  line 
has  been  covered  by  questionnaires  sent  to  the  consuls  by  the  various 
commodity  divisions,  and  that  there  is  available,  in  addition,  a wide 
range  of  special  reports  and  correspondence. 

For  60  years  the  people  of  the  Pacific  coast  of  the  United  States 
have  been  keenly  interested  in  the  development  of  mining  throughout 
the  West  Coast  region  of  Mexico;  and,  since  the  construction  of  the 
Southern  Pacific  Railroad  of  Mexico  down  the  coast  from  Guaymas, 
there  has  been  a heavy  investment  in  the  agricultural  development  of 
the  potentially  rich  river  valleys. 


xv 


XYI 


LETTER  OF  SUBMITTAL. 


It  is  believed  that  the  principal  value  of  this  report  will  be  found 
not  so  much  in  its  strictly  commercial  aspects  but  rather  in  the 
treatment  of  the  natural  resources  of  the  region  and  their  develop- 
ment. For  this  reason  special  attention  has  been  given  to  the  con- 
sideration of  land  and  mines. 

Respectfully, 

Julius  Klein,  Director  of  Bureau. 

To  Hon.  Herbert  Hoover, 

Secretary  of  Commerce. 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST  AND  LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 


Part  1.  THE  WEST  COAST. 


INTRODUCTION. 

RELATION  TO  PACIFIC  COAST  OF  UNITED  STATES. 

The  limits  of  the  “West  Coast”  of  Mexico,  as  the  term  is  used  in 
this  monograph,  are  defined  on  page  9.  The  greater  importance  of 
this  district  to  Americans,  as  compared  with  other  regions  of  Mexico, 
lies  in  its  geographic  position,  contiguous  to  the  rapidly  developing 
southern  part  of  the  Pacific  coast  of  the  United  States.  It  is  impor- 
tant not  so  much  as  a commercial  market  for  American  products 
but  rather  as  a field  for  investment  in  mining,  lands,  and  other 
enterprises.  The  West  Coast  of  Mexico  has  the  same  enormous 
mountain  areas  as  the  western  United  States,  with  notable  mining 
interests;  similar  valleys,  with  rivers  carrying  sufficient  water 
annually  to  irrigate  all  the  available  fertile  lands  of  the  various 
watersheds;  similar  prolific  fishing  banks  on  its  coast;  and  about 
the  same  market  conditions,  given  adequate  transportation  facilities. 
In  fact,  the  people  of  the  southern  half  of  the  Pacific  coast  of  the 
United  States  have  regarded  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico,  ever  since 
the  construction  of  the  Southern  Pacific  of  Mexico  Railroad  south 
from  Guaymas  in  1909,  as  “pioneer”  territory,  and  its  development 
by  them  has  been  retarded  and  delayed  only  by  the  conditions  exist- 
ing in  Mexico  for  the  past  11  years,  and  latterly  (since  the  return  of 
fairly  peaceful  conditions  in  Mexico  during  the  past  year  and  a half) 
only  by  the  present  features  of  Mexican  legislation,  which  precludes 
development  by  foreigners  to  a very  great  extent,  chiefly  in  relation 
to  land  development  and  colonization  enterprises,  in  which  un- 
doubtedly lies  the  future  of  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico,  whatever 
may  be  said  regarding  the  importance  of  the  mining  industry. 

However,  both  commercially  and  agriculturally,  the  territory  in 
question  has  its  limitations.  A large  portion  of  the  area  is  eliminated 
from  any  agricultural  development  on  account  of  its  more  or  less 
broken  topography,  and  by  far  the  greater  part  of  the  remainder 
of  the  more  or  less  level  regions  has  no  available  water  for  irriga- 
tion of  the  good  lands  that  might  otherwise  be  eventually  improved . 
A summary  of  this  situation,  treating  the  area  of  the  West  Coast 
as  a whole — that  is,  from  tire  mountain  ridge  line  to  the  coast — 
shows  hardly  one-tenth  of  the  total  surface  area  suitable  for  culti- 
vation, and  only  on  one- tenth  of  this  latter  area  are  conditions  right 
for  intensive  cultivation. 

X 

44807°— 23 2 


2 


MEXICAN-  WEST  COAST. 


POSITION  OF  TERRITORY  AS  MARKET  FOR  AMERICAN  GOODS. 

Commercially,  the  value  of  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico  as  a pros- 
pective market  for  American  goods  is  limited  by  the  fact  of  its 
sparse  population,  which  totaled  only  about  760,000  people  in  the 
three  States  of  Sonora,  Sinaloa,  and  Nayarit  according  to  the  census 
of  1910,  and  this  population  has  since  been  somewhat  decreased  by 
emigration  during  the  past  10  years.  This  decrease  in  numbers  has 
been  caused  by  the  same  factors  that  have  brought  about  the  de- 
crease in  the  average  per  capita  wealth  of  the  people  inhabiting  this 
territory.  However,  it  is  a fact  that  certain  factors  of  development, 
principally  the  rapid  increase  in  the  planting  of  winter  fruits  and 
vegetables  for  the  American  market  and  the  gradual  reopening  of 
the  mining  industry,  will  shortly  make  the  West  Coast  better  com- 
mercial territory  for  export  than  it  has  been  for  the  past  few  years. 

As  a foreign  market,  the  West  Coast  must  be  measured  by  the 
same  standards  of  average  purchasing  power  per  capita  as  the  rest 
of  Latin  Aonerica,  where  the  same  degree  of  development  obtains 
at  present,  and  this  standard  average  is  lower  than  the  per  capita 
average  in  the  United  States.  The  exception  to  this  rule  on  the 
Mexican  West  Coast  is  in  the  large  mining  camps,  such  as  Cananea, 
etc.,  where  industry  and  labor  have  become  quite  highly  specialized 
and  the  average  remuneration  is  much  higher  than  elsewhere  in  the 
territory  under  discussion.  Any  large  increase  in  the  sale  of  mer- 
chandise on  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico  will  come  only  with  an  in- 
crease in  population,  and  this  means  immigration  and  settlement. 

Settlement  and  development  proceed  along  what  sometimes  appear 
to  be  erratic  lines,  but,  when  thoroughly  analyzed,  curves  of  growth 
in  population  and  production  are  apt  to  have  an  entirely  reasonable 
base  and  to  work  out  under  certain  inexorable  natural  laws.  A 
very  good  example  may  be  cited  in  the  development  in  the  past  of 
the  southern  portion  of  the  State  of  Sonora  and  the  States  of 
Sinaloa  and  Nayarit.  As  long  as  the  easiest  means  of  communica- 
tion was  that  from  San  Francisco  by  water  to  the  port  of  Mazatlan 
or  of  Guaymas — and  exploration  and  development  had  to  be  at 
long  range,  with  few  facilities  for  making  them  really  effective — 
, development,  except  in  mining,  was  slow;  but  the  construction  of 
the  Southern  Pacific  line  south  from  Guaymas  along  the  coast, 
which  was  begun  in  1909,  changed  all  this,  with  daily  trains  through 
from  the  American  border  at  Nogales,  Ariz.,  and  through  Pullmans 
from  Los  Angeles  to  Tepic,  in  Nayarit;  and  the  foundation  was 
laid  for  a permanent  agricultural  and  industrial  development  by 
Americans  which  has  been  delayed  only  by  the  political  conditions 
existing  in  Mexico  for  the  past  1 1 years. 

This  same  factor  of  rail  transportation  has  brought  about  great 
changes  in  the  international  commerce  of  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico, 
as  well  as  on  the  West  Coast  itself  (in  the  way  of  transferring  com- 
mercial centers  of  activity) . Los  Angeles,  the  metropolis  of  southern 
California,  was  able  to  compete  commercially  with  San  Francisco  as 
an  export  center  for  the  Mexican  West  Coast.  On  the  coast  itself, 
Mazatlan  has  become  the  unrivaled  commercial  center,  with  Guay- 
mas correspondingly  depreciated  as  a port  and  center  of  business, 
and  with  Manzanillo  remaining  only  a port  of  transshipment  to  and 
from  the  interior  of  Mexico. 


INTRODTJ  OTTOS'. 


3 


LAND  DEVELOPMENT  FROM  STANDPOINT  OF  AMERICAN  INVESTORS. 

However,  most  of  this  early  development  of  10  to  15  years  ago 
was  manifested  by  the  purchase  of  large  tracts  of  good  land  by 
wealthy  American  investors  interested  in  the  eventual  profit  from 
cheap  acreage.  Their  colonization  efforts  would  have  resulted  in 
an  increase  of  the  agricultural  population  of  the  West  Coast,  but 
any  such  increase  would  not  have  been,  and  could  not  be,  adequate 
until  such  time  as  the  pressure  for  more  land  becomes  greater  than 
it  is  to-day  in  our  extreme  West.  Observation  of  such  development 
in  the  past  shows  that  it  is  always  slow  and  contemporary  with  an 
increase  in  population  in  other  areas  containing  good  lands.  As  an 
example,  the  development  of  the  Imperial  Valley  in  southern  Cali- 
fornia may  be  cited  here.  Water  was  provided  by  the  Colorado 
River  irrigation  system  in  1901.  Since  then  it  has  taken  21  years 
to  put  a total  of  435,000  acres  under  intensive  cultivation  on  the 
American  side  of  the  valley  and  approximately  200,000  acres  on 
the  Mexican  side.  With  the  building  of  the  proposed  Boulder 
Canyon  Dam  up  the  Colorado,  an  additional  1,200,000  acres  of  good 
land  will  come  under  irrigation  on  the  American  side  in  the  Imperial 
Valley  alone,  not  to  mention  another  million  acres  on  the  Mexican 
side  of  the  valley  and  the  additional  acreage  created  farther  up  the 
Colorado  River  Basin.  At  the  rate  of  less  than  half  a million  acres 
put  under  cultivation  in  20  years,  it  will  take  at  least  50  years  (and 
possibly  much  longer,  depending  on  general  conditions)  to  absorb 
the  available  lands  in  the  United  States  alone.  In  view  of  the 
semitropical  climate  of  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico,  its  large  propor- 
tion of  Indian  population,  the  present  property-ownership  laws  of 
Mexico  (which  so  directly  affect  foreigners),  and  the  unstable  condi- 
tions in  Mexico  during  the  past  11  years,  it  is  apparent  that,  even 
considering  the  lower  first  cost  of  the  land  itself,  any  very  rapid 
development  by  settlement  of  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico  can  not  be 
judiciously  predicted  at  this  time — the  probable  period  to  be  covered 
being,  one  may  say,  the  next  50  years. 

Colonization  efforts  by  the  owners  of  large  tracts  of  irrigated  lands 
will  help,  of  course.  Something  has  already  been  done  in  this  way 
for  the  West  Coast,  and  much  more  would  have  been  done  by  this 
time  but  for  the  interruption  of  the  years  of  disturbed  conditions  in 
Mexico.  However,  the  problem  as  a whole  will  be  of  slow  and  gradual 
solution. 

The  present  activity  on  the  West  Coast  in  the  production  of  winter 
tomatoes  and  vegetables  by  Americans  for  the  American  market  is 
helping  in  this  development  and  may  prove  to  be  a permanent 
industry  on  a large  scale;  but,  like  California,  the  West  Coast  must 
develop  other  products  of  consumption  (such  as  the  citrus  fruits  of 
southern  California),  not  only  for  the  consumption  of  the  most 
thickly  populated  part  of  Mexico  but  also  for  export. 

Increase  in  population  is  essential,  and  this  increase  must  come 
from  regions  other  than  Mexico  itself.  It  is  not  generally  thought, 
either  by  native  Mexicans  or  by  foreigners,  that  this  necessary 
immigration  to  the  West  Coast  can  or  will  come  from  the  interior 
of  Mexico,  where  70  per  cent  of  the  population  is  concentrated, 
because  there  is  sufficient  good  land  in  the  interior  to  support  the 
present  population  in  normal  times  and  under  normal  conditions; 
because  the  native  Mexican  of  the  agricultural  class  does  not  possess 


4 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


the  pioneer  spirit  or  landowning  desire  to  a very  great  degree,  being 
also  economically  unprepared  to  take  advantage  of  low-priced  lands ; 
because  the  people  of  the  highlands  of  the  country  will  not  go  to  the 
lowlands  of  the  coast  on  account  of  the  heat  and  fever;  and  because 
there  are  several  very  good  agricultural  regions,  still  only  partly 
developed,  much  nearer  the  centers  of  population  in  Mexico.  The 
agrarian  problem  in  Mexico,  with  the  exception  of  a few  districts 
inhabited  by  Indians,  is  not  one  of  lack  of  good  lands  for  the  people, 
but  rather  one  of  educating  the  existing  population  in  better  methods 
of  production  and  also  of  instilling  the  idea  of  land  and  home  owning. 

Another  important  factor  in  the  future  development  of  the  West 
Coast  of  Mexico,  and  one  which  is  to  be  taken  into  serious  considera- 
tion by  the  interests  owning  large  tracts  of  undeveloped  but  easily 
irrigated  land  there,  is  that  of  the  rapid  increase  of  the  class  of  tenant 
farmers  in  the  Middle  West  of  the  United  States,  where  the  land  has 
become  too  valuable  and  high  in  price  to  allow  of  purchase  outright; 
it  is  reasonable  to  suppose  that  this  class  of  farmer,  knowdng  good 
land,  will  be  attracted  by  the  price  of  $10  to  $20  per  acre  at  which  he 
can  secure  land  on  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico  with  water  available, 
which  will  insure  to  him  a competence,  with  the  additional  prospect 
of  increase  in  land  values  as  time  goes  on.  From  this  class  a fair 
portion  of  buyers  can  be  found  as  soon  as  conditions  in  Mexico  itself 
may  warrant  their  being  attracted  to  this  territory  through  coloniza- 
tion work  in  the  United  States  by  those  interested  in  the  development 
of  raw-land  acreage  on  the  West  Coast. 

NECESSITY  OF  MARKET  OUTLETS  FOR  PRODUCTS. 

To-day,  the  one  vital  and  most  necessary  thing  for  the  West  Coast 
of  Mexico  is  the  extension  of  the  Southern  Pacific  Railroad  line  to 
connect  with  the  National  Railways  of  Mexico  at  Guadalajara,  and 
thus  afford  direct  communication  between  the  West  Coast  and  the 
most  populous  part  of  Mexico,  where  70  per  cent  of  the  country’s 
people  are  congregated  in  the  central  region,  in  and  around  the 
capital.  Lacking  sufficient  consumptive  capacity  at  home  on 
account  of  the  small  population  (with  a potentially  high  agricultural 
production,  which  can  be  greatly  increased  even  with  the  present 
population),  the  West  Coast  lacks  an  adequate  market  outlet  for  its 
products.  Rice,  wheat,  com,  and  “garbanzos”  (chick-peas)  can 
not  be  shipped  to  the  United  States,  as  the  first  three  products  named 
can  not  compete  with  the  domestic  production  of  this  country  and 
the  last  named  is  not  sufficiently  well  known  in  the  United  States 
to  be  a staple  article  of  diet.  Overproduction  and  crops  on  hand 
from  harvest  to  harvest  have  been  the  result  for  the  West  Coast,  at 
the  same  time  that  the  central  part  of  Mexico  has  lacked  a sufficient 
staple  food  supply.  In  consequence,  the  West  Coast  has  -witnessed 
the  great  and  increasing  planting  of  -winter  tomatoes  and  vegetables 
for  the  American  markets,  where  high  prices  and  a ready  demand 
have  been  found. 

The  necessity  is  that  of  market  outlets  for  products,  and  the  ex- 
tension of  the  Southern  Pacific  Railroad  of  Mexico  to  the  National 
Lines  at  Guadalajara  would  furnish  this  market  outlet  until  such 
time  as  the  central  part  of  Mexico  again  begins  to  produce  an  ade- 
quate food  supply.  After  that,  as  nas  already  been  mentioned, 


INTRODUCTION. 


5 


the  West  Coast  must  develop  a product  of  export  such  as  the  citrus 

Products  of  southern  California.  This  development  means,  of  course, 
ighly  specialized  industry  and  competition  in  the  world’s  markets 
with  California,  Florida,  Spain,  Italy,  Cuba,  Porto  Rico,  etc.  On 
account  of  the  lack  of  sufficient  population,  of  sufficient  capital,  and 
of  experience  in  the  production  and  marketing  of  highly  specialized 
products  such  development  means  one  thing  for  the  West  Coast — 
American  capital  and  immigration.  This  condition  is  beginning  to 
be  fully  realized  by  the  people  of  education  and  enlightenment  on 
the  West  Coast,  who  will  welcome  and  emulate  such  development  by 
Americans,  as  they  are  now  doing  in  the  new  industry  of  winter  to- 
matoes and  vegetables. 

CONDITIONS  SIMILAR  TO  THOSE  IN  SOUTHERN  CALIFORNIA. 

In  further  analysis  of  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico  and  its  prospects 
of  future  development,  it  is  again  necessary  to  return  to  the  compari- 
son with  southern  California.  The  State  of  California  possesses  ap- 
proximately the  same  area  as  the  territory  called  the  “ West  Coast,” 
California  having  155,980  square  miles  as  compared  with  154,000 
square  miles  in  Sonora,  Sinaloa,  Nayarit,  and  a small  part  of  Du- 
rango— all  within  the  zone  of  influence  of  the  Southern  Pacific  of 
Mexico  Railroad  down  the  West  Coast.  In  California  12  per  cent 
of  the  total  area  is  more  or  less  thoroughly  cultivated  and  irrigated. 
Southern  California,  with  its  wonderful  production  of  citrus  fruits, 
vegetables,  nuts,  dried  fruits,  dairy  products,  olives,  dates,  etc.,  had 
an  area  of  only  slightly  more  than  200,000  acres  in  use  in  1909,  ex- 
clusive of  the  Imperial  V alley. 

As  regards  topography,  climate,  native  races,  and  history,  the  de- 
velopment of  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico  presents  almost  an  exact 
parallel  to  that  of  California.  The  similarity  is  explained  in  detail 
on  page  97. 

MEASURES  CALCULATED  TO  STIMULATE  ECONOMIC  PROGRESS. 

In  1908  the  Mexican  Government  began  to  pay  particular  atten- 
tion to  development.  Meteorological  stations  were  established  and 
bureaus  created.  Experts  were  sent  to  the  United  States  to  study 
American  methods  of  weather  reporting,  agricultural  development 
by  Government  aid,  etc.  Concessions  were  granted  on  the  West 
Coast  conveying  the  rights  to  the  use  of  123,280  liters  per  second  of 
water  for  power  purposes  and  40,000,000  liters  for  irrigation.  The 
Yaqui  Valley  irrigation  project  was  carried  out.  A number  of  pri- 
vate canals  were  constructed  in  the  Mayo  Valley.  The  irrigation 
system  of  the  Fuerte  Valley  was  constructed  by  the  United  Sugar 
Co.  A number  of  private  and  small-company  irrigation  canals  were 
put  in  operation  in  the  Sinaloa  River  Valley.  A large  irrigation 
scheme  was  carried  out  in  the  Santiago  Valley  in  Nayarit.  Latterly 
the  Canal  Rosales  was  constructed  by  Gen.  Angel  Flores  in  the 
Culiacan  Valley.  In  addition,  there  has  been  the  development  of 
new  lands  under  irrigation  by  the  various  sugar  companies.  Men- 
tion should  also  be  made  of  the  Canal  Canedo,  constructed  in  the 
Culiacan  Valley  by  the  Sinaloa  Land  & Water  Co.  for  their  lands  of 
the  Yevavito  hacienda. 


6 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


It  is  doubtful  whether  any  equal  amount  of  money  has  produced 
greater  results  in  civilization  and  modern  progress  than  the  40  to  50 
millions  of  dollars  spent  by  the  Southern  Pacific  Co.  in  the  construc- 
tion of  its  West  Coast  Line.  Isolated  communities,  in  which  the 
results  of  intermarriage,  want  of  spirit,  disease,  and  lack  of  outside 
contact  were  only  too  apparent,  were  awakened  and  began  to  get 
into  step  with  modern  progress  until  this  influence  was  thwarted  to 
a great  extent  by  the  revolutions,  when  the  benefit  of  improved  ma- 
terial conditions  (which  go  hand  in  hand  with  education,  sanitation, 
and  development  of  the  moral  qualities)  diminished  for  a time. 

AGRICULTURAL  ADVANTAGES  OF  REGION. 

It  has  been  said  that  the  future  of  the  West  Coast  territory  of 
Mexico  lies  in  agricultural  development.  It  is  a fact  that  the  world’s 
available  supply  of  arable  lands  is  being  so  rapidly  absorbed  that  10 
years  more  will  see  the  limit  in  the  North  American  Continent,  with 
the  exception  of  such  lands  as  can  be  developed  by  such  projects  as 
that  of  the  proposed  Boulder  Canyon  Dam  on  the  Colorado.  When 
the  Southern  Pacific  was  engaged  in  extending  its  line  down  the 
West  Coast,  a land  boom  was  started  from  California,  which,  if  it 
had  not  been  stopped  by  revolution  and  adverse  legislation  in  Mexico, 
would  probably  have  equaled  in  10  years  the  settlement  and  develop- 
ment of  southern  California. 

The  great  advantage  that  the  irrigable  areas  of  the  West  Coast 
of  Mexico  possess  over  other  agricultural  districts  is  that  the  rivers 
during  their  flood  periods  carry  large  amounts  of  silt,  which  con- 
stantly renews  the  soil.  Many  other  previously  fine  producing  areas 
are  annually  dropping  off  in  their  production  on  account  of  gradual 
soil  depletion,  while  on  the  West  Coast  the  opposite  is  true,  because 
soil  improvement  goes  on  as  cultivation  progresses. 

The  Panama  Canal  has  greatly  shortened  the  distance  by  water 
to  the  markets  of  the  world,  so  that  shipments  of  sugar,  fruits,  cereals, 
fibers,  metals,  etc.,  can  compete  with  California  and  the  Pacific 
Coast  States  of  the  United  States  in  eastern  and  European  markets. 
The  distance  from  Mazatlan  to  the  canal  is  1,810  miles  and  from 
Colon  to  New  York  1,989  miles.  California  is  now  shipping  its 
citrus  fruits,  dried  fruits,  and  other  products  to  the  eastern  sea- 
board of  the  United  States  by  water  and  has  been  forced  to  take 
full  advantage  of  the  cheaper  water  rates  in  order  to  be  able  to 
compete  in  our  eastern  markets  with  Italian  shipments  of  similar 
products. 

The  West  Coast  of  Mexico  has  a number  of  fairly  good  harbors, 
such  as  Guaymas,  Topolobampo,  Mazatlan,  San  Bias,  and  Manza- 
nillo. Topolobampo  is  a fine  natural  “fjord”  harbor,  and  the  settlers 
in  the  Fuerte  Valley  possess  the  great  additional  advantage  of  both 
rail  and  water  transportation. 

Commercially  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico  represents  a unit  of  that 
country  worth,  by  comparison,  one-twentieth  of  the  rest  of  the 
country  as  a market  at  the  present  time  for  American  products. 
Its  great  importance  lies  in  its  lands  situated  in  its  river  valleys 
and  subject  to  irrigation,  as  has  been  pointed  out.  Its  importance 
as  a commercial  territory  will  increase  only  in  direct  ratio  to  its 
agricultural  development,  and  this  development  must  come  with  the 


INTRODUCTION. 


7 


investment  of  American  capital  and  by  means  of  immigration  and 
settlement  from  the  United  States,  carried  out  with  the  same  spirit 
and  made  necessary  by  the  same  economic  fundamentals  as  in  the 
case  of  southern  California. 

EXPECTED  INCREASE  IN  PURCHASING  POWER. 

With  mining  relatively  stagnant,  cattle  resources  depleted,  and 
only  the  recent  development  of  the  tomato  and  winter-vegetable 
industry  for  the  American  market  holding  out  hopes  for  a renewed 
influx  of  circulating  medium,  in  face  of  the  limited  market  for  such 
West  Coast  staples  as  corn,  beans,  and  “garbanzos,”  the  West  Coast 
of  Mexico  does  not  present  an  attractive  field  for  immediate  com- 
mercial sales  work  on  the  part  of  American  houses  new  to  the  terri- 
tory or  with  limited  capital  or  foreign-trade  experience.  It  is  true, 
however,  that  the  West  Coast  will  take,  during  the  fall,  winter,  and 
spring  months  of  1922-23  approximately  three  times  the  total 
amount  of  imported  merchandise  taken  during  the  preceding  year, 
or  year  and  a half,  because  of  a combination  of  circumstances  such 
as  the  final  disposal  of  the  previous  year’s  “ garbanzo  ” crop,  the  good 
wheat  crop  in  Sonora,  the  corn  and  bean  crop  to  be  harvested  in 
December  in  Sinaloa,  and  the  large  increase  in  tomato  and  winter- 
vegetable  acreage,  which  may  be  said  to  be  three  times  that  of  the 
preceding  year  in  Nayarit  and  four  times  that  of  the  preceding  year 
in  Sinaloa  and  Sonora.  Much  of  this  expected  increase  in  purchasing 

{)ower  must  go  to  taking  care  of  a considerable  volume  of  old  accounts 
ong  overdue,  which  were  held  over  on  account  of  the  partial  crop 
failures  in  Sinaloa  in  corn  and  beans  during  the  seasons  of  1920  and 
1921  and  the  general  economic  depression  that  has  been  felt  all  over 
Mexico  since  the  middle  of  1921. 

NEED  OF  ADDITIONAL  BANKING  FACILITIES. 

The  greatest  need,  next  to  the  extension  of  the  railway  to  Guadala- 
jara, is  adequate  commercial  and  agricultural  banking  facilities,  and 
nothing  would  do  more  to  forward  American  commercial  and  invest- 
ment interests  on  the  West  Coast  than  the  establishment  of  a branch 
American  bank  at  Mazatlan,  with  branches  and  agencies  up  and  down 
the  coast,  but,  in  view  of  the  recent  past  history  of  banking  in  Mexico, 
the  present  unfavorable  legislation,  the  lack  of  adequate  regulations 
relating  to  financial  institutions  in  the  country,  and  other  factors 
involved  more  or  less  in  the  present  political  and  financial  condition 
of  the  Government  itself,  it  is  difficult  to  see  just  how  such  a bank 
could  be  established  at  the  present  time  despite  the  urgent  need  for 
its  services  and  the  undoubtedly  favorable  prospect  of  profit  to  the 
capital  so  invested. 

PRESENT  POSITION  OF  AMERICAN  INTERESTS— OPPORTUNITIES  FOR 

FUTURE. 

A careful  survey  of  the  commerce  and  trade  of  the  West  Coast 
under  present  conditions  shows  that  American  firms  already  have 
secured  what  amounts  to  practical  monopolies  of  the  existing  demand 
in  their  lines.  Germany  has  not  succeeded  recently  in  doing  anything 
worth  while  in  a commercial  way  in  this  market  notwithstanding 


8 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


all  reports  of  German  competition,  and  it  may  be  easily  predicted 
that  the  San  Francisco  and  Los  Angeles  firms  already  well  estab- 
lished with  the  trade  will  continue  to  enjoy  their  share  of  the  busi- 
ness and  reap  the  benefit  of  the  coming  better  conditions. 

Immediate  opportunities  in  the  extension  of  trade  with  the  West 
Coast  of  Mexico  lie  in  the  introduction  there  of  a number  of  special- 
ties now  manufactured  in  California  for  the  Pacific  coast  trade,  which 
have  been  developed  in  consequence  of  the  similar  conditions  exist- 
ing in  California. 

American  mining  companies  are  endeavoring  to  take  advantage  of 
the  existing  conditions  to  secure  likely  new  and  old  properties,  and 
the  entire  coast  and  adjacent  mountain  territory  is  being  carefully 
“prospected”  by  competent  engineers.  It  may  be  predicted,  so  far 
as  the  future  of  the  mining  industry  on  the  West  Coast  is  concerned, 
that  on  account  of  its  lesser  development  in  the  past  the  State  of 
Nayarit  will  be  the  scene  of  the  greatest  mining  activity  in  the  near 
future.  This  territory  is  now  attracting  greater  attention,  and  more 
surveying  work  is  being  done  there. 

Immediate  opportunity  also  exists  in  the  cedar  and  pine  lumber 
industry  on  the  West  Coast.  Cedar  from  Nayarit  is  now  being  man- 
ufactured at  Nogales,  Ariz.,  by  an  American  company,  and  accessible 
tracts  of  merchantable  pine  exist,  as  well  as  of  a species  of  black  oak 
in  a restricted  area. 

Possibly  the  greatest  opportunity  lies  in  the  development  of  banana 
plantations  along  the  coast  south  of  San  Bias,  Nayarit.  It  has  been 
demonstrated  since  1912,  when  the  first  Costa  Rican  plants  were 
imported,  that  the  banana  of  commerce  will  grow  successfully  in 
the  frostless  belt  along  that  part  of  the  littoral,  although  production 
is  not  so  rapid  as  in  Central  America  and  Colombia  on  account  of 
the  drop  in  temperature  during  the  three  winter  months,  retarding 
the  development  of  the  fruit.  The  market  exists  on  the  Pacific  sea- 
board of  the  United  States.  However,  as  regards  this  industry  it  is 
universally  believed  by  experienced  people  and  by  those  who  have 
had  the  opportunity  oi  observing  the  banana  industry  elsewhere  that 
such  an  undertaking  is  not  practical  on  a small  scale  or  by  inexpe- 
rienced people.  Ships  equipped  with  refrigeration  are  necessary; 
production  on  an  adequate  scale  is  also  necessaiy;  and  there  remains 
the  very  important  factor  of  market  and  distribution  organization  in 
the  United  States  or  that  part  of  the  American  territory  to  be  cov- 
ered. Attempts  on  a small  scale  are  now  being  organized. 

In  conclusion  it  may  be  said  that  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico  is  very 
well  known  by  a large  number  of  American  agriculturists,  land  men, 
mining  engineers,  merchants,  and  business  men  on  the  Pacific  coast 
of  the  United  States;  that  a great  deal  has  been  written  in  descrip- 
tion of  the  resources,  industries,  and  possibilities  of  the  West  Coast 
region  served  by  the  Southern  Pacific  Railroad  of  Mexico;  and  that 
there  is  a great  interest  in  the  development  of  that  territory  on  the 
part  of  the  American  people  of  our  Pacific  coast.  Reciprocally,  the 
Mexican  people  of  all  classes  on  the  West  Coast  have  had  a very  con- 
siderable contact  with  southern  California  during  the  past  10  years 
or  so,  and  it  is  undoubtedly  true  that  relations  have  been  formed 
and  cemented  which  will  lead  to  a better  understanding  and  increas- 
ingly beneficial  mutual  relations  in  the  near  future. 


GEOGRAPHY,  TOPOGRAPHY,  AND  CLIMATE. 

GEOGRAPHIC  POSITION— CONFINES  OF  REGION. 

The  West  Coast  occupies,  in  the  Republic  of  Mexico,  a geographic 
position  similar  to  that  of  the  Pacific  Coast  States  in  the  United  States. 
Washington,  Oregon,  and  California  may  be  compared  geographi- 
cally with  the  Mexican  States  of  Sonora,  Sinaloa,  and  Nayarit 
(formerly  the  Federal  Territory  of  Tepic) . 

There  is  also  a remarkable  similarity,  in  position  and  effect,  be- 
tween the  Sierra  Madre  Range  of  mountains  in  Mexico  and  the  Rocky 
Mountain  Range  in  the  United  States.  Both  cut  off  the  Pacific 
States  from  the  interior  central  districts  by  their  natural  barriers, 
causing  the  respective  Pacific  coast  territories  to  be  well  defined  as 
distinctive  regions. 

The  part  of  Mexico  commonly  known  as  the  West  Coast  extends 
from  the  international  boundary,  where  it  divides  the  American 
State  of  Arizona  from  the  Mexican  State  of  Sonora,  south  for  a dis- 
tance of  some  1,200  miles  in  a southeasterly  direction.  The  average 
width,  from  the  high  line  of  the  Sierra  Madre  Range  on  the  east 
(which  is  the  dividing  line)  to  the  Pacific  Ocean  on  the  west,  is  about 
130  miles.  The  international  boundary  begins  at  a point  on  the 
Colorado  River  about  16  miles  south  of  Yuma,  Ariz.,  whence  it  rims 
in  a straight  line  directly  southeast  to  Nogales  between  parallels  31 
and  33  north,  and  from  Nogales  due  east  to  the  point  where  the 
dividing  line  between  New  Mexico  and  Arizona  almost  joins  the 
boundary  of  the  Mexican  State  of  Chihuahua,  which  point  may  also 
be  taken  as  the  approximate  northern  termination  of  the  Sierra  Madre 
Range.  From  this  latter  point  the  eastern  boundary  of  the  West 
Coast  territory  proper  follows  the  summit  line  of  the  Sierra  Madre 
Range,  which  is  the  largest  and  most  important  mountain  range  of 
Mexico — the  western  watershed  being  considered  as  West  Coast  ter- 
ritory, even  though  a portion  of  the  area  is  found  within  the  bound- 
aries of  the  States  of  Chihuahua  and  Durango. 

The  southern  confines  of  the  West  Coast  may  be  said  to  be  deter- 
mined by  the  southern  boundary  line  of  the  State  of  Nayarit,  with 
part  of  the  boundary  of  the  State  of  Jalisco  completing  the  eastern 
line  of  the  territory  under  discussion;  although  commercially  the 
West  Coast  territory  may  also  be  said  to  extend  into  Jalisco  and 
Colima,  with  the  city  of  Guadalajara  as  the  southern  trade  center. 
However,  for  the  purposes  of  this  survey,  the  territory  of  Guada- 
lajara is  regarded  as  a separate  commercial  unit,  since  it  takes  in 
two  other  important  trade  areas  of  Mexico  besides  that  of  its  imme- 
diate surrounding  territory.  With  the  extension  of  the  Southern 
Pacific  Railway  from  Tepic  to  Guadalajara  the  two  commercial  dis- 
tricts will  rapidly  become  better  unified;  for  the  purposes  of  trade- 
territory  definition,  American  exporters  would  then  regard  the 
Guadalajara  district  as  included  in  their  “ West  Coast”  sales  terri- 
tory, and  it  should  be  borne  in  mind,  for  future  consideration,  that  the 
trade  territory  of  Guadalajara  is  second  only  to  that  of  the  Capital 
district  in  importance.  The  Gulf  of  California  and  the  Pacific  Ocean 
form  the  western  boundary  of  the  West  Coast  district.  The  southern 
end  of  this  territory  is,  approximately,  parallel  21. 


9 


10 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


ROUTES  OF  ACCESS  AND  TRAVEL  INFLUENCES. 

The  summit  of  the  watershed  of  the  Sierra  Madres  being  the  divid- 
ing line  between  the  West  Coast  territory  and  the  rest  of  Mexico, 
routes  of  access  are  determined  by  the  lines  of  least  resistance  and 
the  factor  of  transportation  facilities.  The  routes  were  greatly 
changed  by  the  construction  of  the  railway  down  the  coast  from 
Guaymas  in  1908  and  1909  contemporaneously  with  the  building  of 
the  unfinished  Kansas  City,  Mexico  & Orient  Railway  from  the  port 
of  Topolobampo  to  Fuerte.  Before  the  building  of  the  coast  line 
of  railway  by  the  Southern  Pacific  Co.  the  principal  activity  and 
interest  on  the  part  of  foreigners  in  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico — 
with  the  exception  of  the  commerce  by  water  to  and  from  San  Fran- 
cisco, Calif. — was  in  mining,  and  the  movement  was  extended  from 
the  mining  centers  of  Chihuahua  to  the  west  across  the  range,  coming 
from  Parral,  Durango,  etc.  From  the  Pacific  coast  of  the  United 
States  the  easiest  means  of  communication  was  from  San  Francisco 
by  steamer  to  either  Mazatlan  or  Guaymas,  and  exploration  and 
development  were  of  necessity  carried  on  at  long  range  and  with 
few  facilities  for  making  them  effective,  except  in  the  unusual  cases 
of  a few  rich  mine  properties. 

The  construction  of  the  coast  line  changed  this.  Passenger  and 
freight  trains  now  operate  directly  from  the  border  at  Nogales  to 
Tepic,  near  the  southern  end  of  the  territory  of  the  West  Coast,  and 
penetration  into  the  mountains  is  from  west  to  east  from  the  railway 
at  given  points.  Through  Pullmans  are  operated  out  of  Los  Angeles 
to  Mazatlan  now,  and  Los  Angeles  has  become  the  leading  West 
Coast  trade  city  and  the  place  of  greatest  contact  for  activities 
affecting  the  development  of  the  West  Coast  districts,  the  trade  being 
shared  with  San  Francisco  despite  the  long-established  commercial 
relations  of  the  latter  city.  San  Francisco  and  Los  Angeles  are  now 
close  rivals  for  the  trade  of  the  Mexican  West  Coast,  with  the  latter 
center  making  rapid  strides,  though  San  Francisco  still  retains  its 
control  of  imports  from  Mexico  and,  through  its  brokers  who  know 
foreign  markets,  continues  to  handle  a large  volume  of  southern 
California  export  products. 

As  has  been  indicated,  the  continuation  of  the  railway  from  its 
present  terminus  at  Tepic  to  Guadalajara  will  bring  about  still 
further  great  changes  in  the  West  Coast  trade  and  traffic.  Travel 
now  going  around  by  way  of  the  Mexican  Central  Railway  from 
Guadalajara  to  reach  the  United  States,  or  by  water,  via  Manzanillo, 
to  Los  Angeles  and  San  Francisco,  mil  come  directly  by  rail  to  Los 
Angeles  first — an  important  trade  consideration  in  itself.  At  the 
same  time  a wider  market  will  be  attracted  by  the  very  ease  and 
rapidity  of  travel  thus  afforded  to  the  Pacific  coast  of  the  United 
States,  which  will  then  have  its  trade  territory  in  Mexico  increased 
to  two  or  three  times  its  present  extent.  The  exporters  of  the 
Pacific  coast  will  then  be  able  to  compete  with  the  Middle  West  and 
East  (New  York)  in  the  commercial  districts  of  which  Guadalajara 
is  the  center,  extending  their  activities  still  farther  eastward  into 
the  interior  of  Mexico,  where  the  population  is  more  densely  con- 
centrated. 

In  this  connection  it  should  again  be  emphasized  that  the  present 
economic  problem  of  the  West  Coast  is  one  of  marketing  its  products 


GEOGRAPHY,  TOPOGRAPHY,  AND  CLIMATE. 


11 


and  that  the  present  consuming  capacity  of  this  region,  until  such 
time  as  new  products  are  developed,  is  necessarily  limited  to  the 
needs  of  a too  small  population  which  has  not  as  yet  reached  the 
stage  of  average  production  prevailing  anywhere  in  the  United  States. 
However,  it  has  been  demonstrated  in  actual  practice  that  firms  of 
the  Pacific  coast  (Los  Angeles  and  San  Francisco)  can  successfully 
enter  this  market  and  secure,  by  careful  and  industrious  develop- 
ment of  the  sales  territory,  what  amounts  to  a monopoly  in  their 
respective  lines.  With  ocean  transportation  from  both  California 
ports,  export  houses  are  already  entering  the  Guadalajara  district, 
and  this  extension  of  their  activities  is  of  the  utmost  importance,  as 
it  is  preparing  and  cementing  the  relations  which  will  become  in- 
finitely more  valuable  after  the  completion  of  the  railway  from  Tepic 
to  Guadalajara. 

Although  the  subject  of  transportation  will  be  dealt  with  in  more 
detail  under  that  special  heading  later,  it  is  thought  necessary  to 
point  out  at  this  point  the  present  situation  with  respect  to  rail  and 
water  transportation  and  its  effect  on  trade  relations  and  selling 
territory. 

The  West  Coast  Line  of  the  Southern  Pacific  Railway,  now  reach- 
ing as  far  south  as  Tepic,  is  still  in  effect  a local  line  without  trunk 
connections  with  the  interior  lines  of  Mexico,  and  it  is  therefore 
deprived  of  the  “through  tonnage  haul.”  This  condition,  combined 
with  the  present  high  freight  rates  in  the  United  States,  make  all- 
rail shipments  in  less  than  carload  lots,  say  from  San  Francisco  to 
Mazatlan  or  Tepic,  prohibitive  when  compared  with  the  prevailing 
water  rates.  Therefore  firms  in  Los  Angeles  or  San  Francisco  selling 
goods  to  a buyer  south  of  Culiacan  should  be  careful  to  compare 
freight  costs  and  to  follow  the  purchaser’s  instructions  as  to  ship- 
ments by  water  to  Mazatlan — to  be  sent  from  there  either  north  or 
south  along  the  railway  to  point  of  final  destination.  All  the  larger 
houses  north  and  south  of  Mazatlan  in  Sinaloa  and  Nayarit  have 
their  arrangements  made  for  forwarding  from  Mazatlan  all  ship- 
ments received  by  water  from  the  Pacific  coast  of  the  United  States. 

In  this  connection  there  have  been  in  the  past  too  many  cases 
where  the  shippers  in  San  Francsico  and  Los  Angeles,  lacking  definite 
and  particular  instructions  from  the  buyer  to  ship  by  water,  made 
shipment  by  rail,  with  the  result  that  freight  charges  cost  the  buyer 
more  than  the  goods  were  worth  and  a claim  resulted  against  the 
seller  in  the  United  States,  who  should  at  least  have  investigated  the 
matter  of  rates.  It  is  a fact  that  the  extra  port  charges  for  stevedor- 
ing, transfer-to-rail  charges,  etc.,  caused  by  shipments  coming  in 
to  Mazatlan  for  transshipment  into  the  interior  by  rail,  just  about 
balance  the  customs  brokerage  and  other  extra  charges  involved 
at  the  border  port  of  Nogales.  The  difference  in  favor  of  water  ship- 
ment lies  in  the  lower  steamer  rates.  There  is  no  element  of  time 
involved — except  possibly  on  certain  classes  of  parcel-post  ship- 
ments— in  view  of  the  present  excellent  and  competitive  steamer 
service  to  the  west-coast  ports  of  Mexico  from  the  Pacific  coast 
ports  of  the  United  States. 

AREA. 

According  to  the  hydrographic  report  on  the  west  coaso  of  Mexico 
made  by  Frank  H.  Olmstead  in  1909,  the  “impetus  zone”  of  the 
Southern  Pacific  Railway  of  Mexico,  then  under  construction  south- 


12 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


ward  from  Guaymas,  included  154,000  square  miles  of  territory, 
reaching  from  the  summit  of  the  Sierra  Madre  Range  at  the  American 
border  at  the  junction  point  of  the  States  of  Sonora  and  Chihuahua, 
and  extending  down  to  the  southern  border  of  the  State  of  Jalisco 
on  the  east,  and  to  the  Pacific  Ocean  and  the  Gulf  of  Lower  California 
on  the  west,  as  far  south  as  the  State  of  Colima — including  the  Mexi- 
can States  of  Sonora,  Sinaloa,  Nayarit,  and  a part  of  Jalisco.  The 
total  surface  area  of  the  Mexican  Republic  being  stated  as  767,325 
square  miles,  the  area  of  the  West  Coast  proper  may  be  said  to 
represent,  for  the  purpose  of  a rapid  comparison,  about  one-fifth  of 
Mexico’s  total  area. 

DIVISIONS  OF  COMMERCIAL  TERRITORY. 

If  one  considered  the  term  “West  Coast”  when  viewing  Mexico 
as  a whole,  all  of  the  Pacific  littoral  would  ordinarily  be  included, 
taking  in  the  States  of  Sonora,  Sinaloa,  Nayarit,  Jalisco,  Colima, 
Guerrero,  Michoacan,  Oaxaca,  and  Chiapas,  although  parts  of  the 
areas  of  the  three  last  named  properly  belong,  commercially  speaking, 
to  the  central  part  of  the  country,  being  more  accessible  (on  account 
of  topographical  factors)  to  Mexico  City  and  Guadalajara.  The  total 
coast  line  on  the  Pacific  is  3,883  miles,  as  compared  with  less  than 
2,500  miles  on  the  Pacific  coast  of  the  United  States.  Including  all 
the  above-mentioned  States  in  the  term  “West  Coast,”  the  total 
population  would  be  about  5,165,500  (including  Lower  California) 
and  the  total  area  approximately  one-half  that  of  the  Republic — 
the  population  being  greater  than  that  of  Australia  (5,030,479, 
census  of  1918)  or  of  thePacific  coast  of  the  United  States  (California, 
2,377,549;  Washington,  1,141,990;  Oregon,  672,765;  total,  4,192,- 
304) . However,  for  the  purpose  of  this  report,  and  on  account  of  the 
limitations  of  topography  and  the  lack  of  transportation  facilities, 
the  West  Coast  territory  proper  is  limited  to  the  States  of  Sonora, 
Sinaloa,  and  Nayarit,  together  with  a small  mountainous  portion  of 
western  Durango  and  Jalisco,  reached  from  Mazatlan  and  Tepic. 

Until  railway  connections  are  established  between  Tepic  and 
Guadalajara,  the  latter  city  and  its  great  commercial  territory  will 
have  to  be  considered  as  a separate  commercial  unit  which  includes 
the  western  part  of  Michoacan  and  all  of  Jalisco  and  Colima.  The 
parts  of  Guerrero  and  Oaxaca  which  can  be  reached  from  the  port 
of  Acapulco  are  of  very  small  commercial  importance  on  account  of 
the  great  mountain  barrier  along  the  coast  and  far  inland;  but  there 
is  no  reason  why  American  Pacific  coast  exporters  and  manufacturers 
can  not  compete  with  New  York  and  with  Europe  for  the  business 
of  Chiapas  and  the  entire  isthmus  of  Tehuantepec. 

Another  factor  which  limits  the  importance  of  the  West  Coast 
trade  territory  south  of  Nayarit  for  the  exporters  of  the  American 
Pacific  coast  is  the  fact  that  the  greater  proportion  of  the  population 
of  Michoacan,  Guerrero,  and  Oaxaca  is  found  in  the  eastern  parts  of 
those  States  and  is  therefore  nearer  and  more  easily  accessible  to 
Mexico  City,  the  great  trading,  commercial,  and  financial  center  of 
the  country.  These  territories  nave  to  be  considered  as  separate  sales 
areas  for  the  time  being,  distribution  being  different,  although  the 
same  sales  force  and  traveling  salesmen  cover  the  West  Coast  district 
included  in  this  survey,  the  Guadalajara  region,  then  Acapulco  and 


GEOGRAPHY,  TOPOGRAPHY,  AND  CLIMATE.  13 

Salina  Cruz,  continuing  down  the  west  coast  of  Central  and  South 
America. 

Because  of  (1)  the  development  in  the  past  of  railway  lines  from 
Mexico  City  to  points  in  all  directions  from  the  capital  (reaching 
Zacatecas,  Guadalajara,  Morelia  (Michoacan),  Oaxaca,  etc.),  (2) 
the  fact  that  trade  channels  from  the  capital  to  New  York  and 
Europe  have  been  through  Vera  Cruz,  and  (3)  the  existence  of  the 
long  and  firmly  established  wholesale  houses  in  the  capital,  exporters 
of  the  Pacific  coast  of  the  United  States  have  not,  as  yet,  secured 
what  may  be  considered  their  proper  share  of  the  business  of  the 
great  Guadalajara  region;  and,  given  cheap  and  rapid  water  service 
to  the  Pacific  port  of  Manzanillo  (shipment  by  water  is  preferred  by 
the  importers  even  to  Mazatlan)  from  the  Pacific  coast  ports  of  the 
United  States,  with  through  bills  of  lading  issued  right  in  San  Fran- 
cisco or  Los  Angeles  for  interior  points  in  Mexico,  via  Manzanillo, 
there  is  no  reason  why  their  greatest  export  business  opportunity 
should  not  lie  in  the  development  by  increased  effort  of  their  sales  in 
this  region,  the  second  in  commercial  importance  in  Mexico.  Jalisco 
has  a population  of  1,202,802;  Michoacan,  991,649;  Colima,  77,704 — 
a total  of  2,272,155  people,  those  of  Jalisco  possessing  the  highest 
purchasing  power  per  capita  of  any  people  in  Mexico.  Operations 
m the  Guadalajara  district  would  quite  naturally  lead,  in  time,  to  an 
extension  of  effort  in  Zacatecas,  Guanajuato,  and  San  Luis  Potosi. 

The  State  of  Sonora  has  an  area  of  approximately  76,900  square 
miles,  being  second  only  to  Chihuahua,  in  surface  area,  among  the 
Mexican  States.  Sinaloa  has  an  area  of  about  27,000  square  miles. 
The  new  State  of  Nayarit,  formerly  the  Federal  Territory  of  Tepic, 
has  a total  area  of  10,954  square  miles.  The  surface  areas  given  do 
not  include  the  various  islands  and  island  groups  which  lie  off  the 
coasts  of  the  three  States  mentioned.  The  rest  of  the  area  included 
in  the  West  Coast  territory  proper — namely,  154,000  square  miles — 
includes  the  parts  of  Durango,  Jalisco,  etc.,  reached  commercially 
from  Mazatlan  and  Tepic,  or  from  rail  points  to  the  north. 

Mexico  itself  is  some  1,900  miles  long  by  an  average  width  of  750 
miles,  while  the  territory  or  region  of  the  West  Coast  is  1,200  miles 
long  by  some  130  miles  in  average  width. 

TOPOGRAPHY. 

SURFACE  AND  RELIEF. 

The  outstanding  physical  features  of  the  West  Coast  territory  of 
Mexico  are  the  high  dividing  range  of  the  Sierra  Madre  Mountains, 
which  forms  the  barrier  separating  the  West  Coast  from  the  rest  of 
Mexico,  and  the  narrow  coastal  plain  extending  from  north  to  south 
and  of  varying  widths,  crossed  by  numerous  rivers  which  cut  it  into 
valleys  running  east  and  west.  The  general  relief  has  been  likened 
to  that  of  the  Pacific  Coast  States  of  the  United  States,  the  Sierra 
Madre  Range  corresponding  to  the  Rocky  Mountains  of  the  western 
part  of  the  United  States  so  far  as  the  main  division  from  the  rest 
of  the  respective  countries  is  concerned,  but  with  considerable 
differences  in  the  minor  formations.  Throughout  the  West  Coast  of 
Mexico,  with  the  exception  of  the  extreme  southern  part  of  the 
State  of  Nayarit,  such  ranges  as  are  found  on  the  immediate  Pacific 
coast  in  the  United  States  are  either  absent  or  consist  merely  of  groups 


14 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


of  hills  here  and  there.  The  river  valleys  all  run  straight  from  the 
sources  in  the  mountains  to  the  ocean,  from  east  to  west,  in  contrast  to 
the  important  interior  longitudinal  valleys  that  one  finds  throughout 
the  Pacific  coast  of  the  United  States. 

In  several  places  along  the  West  Coast,  the  foothills  of  the  main 
mountain  range  come  down  to  the  sea  and  cut  down  the  width  of  the 
plain,  to  the  north  and  south  of  these  formations.  This  is  most 
noticeable  at  and  just  to  the  south  of  Guaymas,  just  to  the  south  of 
Topolobampo,  at  Mazatlan,  and  south  of  the  port  of  San  Bias  in 
Nayarit.  Heavy  spurs  of  the  main  range,  extending  toward  the 
coast  between  the  various  river  valleys  and  the  main  body  of  the 
mountains,  cut  off  the  coastal  plain  entirely  at  Cape  Corrientes  north 
of  Manzanillo,  and  this  plain  does  not  again  become  important  until 
the  great  delta  of  the  Rio  Balsas  is  reached,  far  to  the  south  in 
Guerrero,  lying  north  of  the  port  of  Acapulco,  and  excluded  from 
the  territory  covered  by  this  survey.  The  relief  map  of  the  West 
Coast  of  Mexico  shows  the  widest  areas  of  level  land  in  Sonora, 
extending  inland  up  the  Yaqui  and  Fuerte  River  Valleys,  then 
growing  gradually  narrower  until  they  are  almost  nil  at  Mazatlan, 
and  then  again  gradually  widening  out  to  a maximum  width  in  the 
Santiago  River  Valley  in  Nayarit. 

The  Sierra  Madre  Occidental — to  distinguish  it  from  the  Sierra 
Madre  Oriental  of  the  eastern  part  of  Mexico — is  the  most  formidable 
mountain  mass  in  Mexico,  and  consists  of  a fairly  continuous  chain 
of  narrow  and  steep,  high  ridges.  Its  width  increases  from  about  100 
miles  at  its  northern  extremity  near  the  American  border  in  Sonora 
and  Chihuahua  to  about  300  miles  farther  south,  where  it  becomes 
lost  in  the  volcanic  belt  of  the  southern  and  central  part  of  the  country. 
Its  average  elevation  is  about  5,000  feet  above  sea  level  on  the  north, 
increasing  to  about  10,500  feet  at  about  latitude  26°  north,  opposite 
the  mouth  of  the  Fuerte  River.  In  several  places  there  are  peaks  and 
mountain  masses  of  notable  elevation,  snow  clad  all  the  year  round, 
such  as  La  Cumbre,  10,426  feet  above  sea  level,  in  Durango  near  the 
Sinaloa  line;  “El  Pinal,”  11,316  feet  above  sea  level,  in  western 
Jalisco;  and  farther  south  the  famous  volcano  of  Colima,  14,104  feet 
high.  From  the  central  plateau  the  ascent  to  this  mountainous 
region  is  fairly  easy,  but  from  the  coastal  plains  the  ascent  is  steep 
and  difficult  except  in  the  north  in  Sonora  where  the  range  is  lower 
and  where  desert  conditions  prevail  except  in  the  higher  reaches 
of  the  range  itself  in  the  southern  part  of  that  State.  The  few 
rivers — such  as  the  Choix  (an  affluent  of  the  Rio  Fuerte)  and  the  Rio 
Verde,  in  Chihuahua — that  breach  this  range  from  east  to  west  afford 
no  practical  route,  as  their  courses  in  the  mountains  are  deeply  cut 
canyons,  hindering,  rather  than  facilitating,  travel. 

Prior  to  the  construction  of  the  railway  down  the  coast  from  Guay- 
mas, and  on  account  of  the  influence  of  the  mining  development  by 
Americans  and  British  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  Sierra  Madre  Range, 
most  of  the  travel  was  by  mining  men  from  Chihuahua  and  Parral 
seeking  prospects  and  mines  by  crossing  the  range  to  the  west  and 
coming  out  at  the  coast  towns,  such  as  San  Bias,  Culiacan,  Mazatlan, 
etc.  There  are,  however,  certain  mineralized  regions,  such  as  that 
of  the  San  Dimas  district  inland  from  Mazatlan,  that  have  always 
been  more  accessible  from  the  coast. 


GEOGRAPHY,  TOPOGRAPHY,  AND  CLIMATE. 


15 


The  Sierra  Madres  have  always  acted  as  a formidable  hindrance  to 
the  east-and-west  trade  of  Mexico  and  have  isolated  the  region  of  the 
West  Coast  from  the  interior  of  the  country,  causing  the  traffic  and 
contact  of  the  former  district  to  he  chiefly  with  the  United  States. 
Nowhere  in  Mexico  have  the  people  had  more  intimate  contact 
with  those  of  the  United  States,  and  the  importance  of  the  close 
geographic  relation  to  our  Pacific  Coast  States  has  already  been 
pointed  out. 

On  account  of  the  broken  nature  of  the  mountains,  the  consequent 
difficulty  of  transportation,  and  the  development  of  mineral  resources 
since  Spanish  colonial  times,  mining  has  been  the  one  development 
of  the  highlands  contiguous  to  the  West  Coast  region. 

PACIFIC  COASTAL  PLAIN. 

The  Pacific  coastal  plain  of  Mexico  is  varied  and  irregular  and  can 
be  divided  into  three  main  regions.  The  first  division — that  of  the 
territory  covered  by  this  report — reaches  from  the  American  border 
at  Yuma  down  to  Cape  Corrientes,  just  north  of  parallel  20°  north. 
The  second  division  lies  north  of  the  port  of  Acapulco  and  takes  in 
the  delta  valley  of  the  Rio  Balsas.  The  third  division  is  called  the 
Costa  Grande  and  reaches  from  Acapulco  south  to  the  isthmus  of 
Tehuantepec,  that  part  north  of  Acapulco  being  called  the  “Costa 
Chic  a.”  The  total  length  of  the  first  division  is,  roughly,  1,200 
miles,  and  its  river  valleys  constitute  the  real  wealth  of  tne  West 
Coast  and  afford  the  greatest  opportunity  for  development. 

Fifteen  rivers  cut  the  plain  into  a series  of  large  ana  small  valleys, 
between  which  lie  bench  land  areas,  with  here  and  there  spurs  of  the 
mountain  foothills  reaching  down  to  the  sea — some  of  them  terminat- 
ing in  prominent  points.  The  largest  area  of  level  land  extending 
inland  is  found  in  Sonora  in  the  desert  region  north  of  Guaymas, 
this  region  gradually  ascending  to  the  flat  interior  plateau  of  the 
northern  central  part  of  the  State,  a condition  that  continues  to  the 
American  border  near  Nogales.  The  coast  line  rims  northwest- 
southeast  in  general  direction,  and  the  rivers  come  down  from  the 
mountains  at  right  angles,  there  being  slight  variation  to  this  general 
rule.  The  flat  interior  plateau  of  Sonora  is  divided  into  two  parts. 
The  first  extends  along  the  Arizona-Sonora  boundary  line  west  from 
Nogales,  with  a smaller  division  up  toward  the  extreme  western  part 
of  the  State  near  the  Colorado  River;  the  elevation  being  between 
2,000  and  3,500  feet  above  sea  level.  A large  circular  basin  occurs 
west  of  Magdalena  where  the  San  Ignacio  and  Altar  Rivers  have 
formed  an  inland  “delta.”  Neither  of  these  rivers  reaches  the  sea 
(except  in  the  rainy  season  of  certain  years  of  extraordinary  rainfall) ; 
they  disappear  in  the  desert  toward  the  coast  north  of  Guaymas. 
Between  Magdalena  and  Hermosillo  there  is  another  interior  table- 
land, south  of  which  the  Sonora  River  (Hermosillo)  forms  another 
interior  sink,  or  basin,  which  has  two  divisions — one  running  with  the 
river  westward  toward  the  gulf,  and  the  other  south  toward  (and 
reaching)  Guaymas.  The  next  level  area  is  that  of  the  great  delta 
of  the  Yaqui  River,  a fan-shaped  level  valley  starting  at  the  point  on 
the  railway  where  the  Yaqui  emerges  from  the  last  of  the  mountain 
spurs.  Then  follow  the  other  rivers  to  the  south,  with  the  inter- 
vening mesas  and  hills,  which  reach  far  back  inland  to  the  higher 
mountains. 


16 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


GENERAL  DESCRIPTION  OF  COAST  LINE. 

The  coast  for  a distance  of  90  to  100  miles  south  of  the  mouth  of 
the  Colorado  River  is  low  and  sandy,  relatively  even,  with  few 
indentations,  and  with  deep  water  close  inshore.  The  only  anchor- 
age is  that  of  George’s  Bay,  where  a small  10-mile  railway  reaches 
the  “Las  Pintas”  mine. 

From  Guaymas  to  the  head  of  the  Gulf  of  California  is  a distance 
of  about  320  miles,  and  the  greater  part  of  the  Sonora  coast  hne 
is  sandy  and  little  indented.  The  sand  dunes,  in  places,  extend 
inland  for  as  much  as  15  or  even  20  miles.  A little  north  of  Guaymas 
there  are  two  coves  affording  anchorage  for  small  boats  engaged  in 
fishing.  Tiburon  Island  has  an  area  of  about  400  square  miles  and 
a maximum  elevation  above  sea  level  of  3,990  feet.  It  is  inhabited 
by  a few  Indians  of  the  Seri  Tribe.  Desert  conditions  prevail  all 
along  the  coast  and  inland  north  of  Guaymas.  South  of  this  port 
the  coast  becomes  more  irregular,  having  more  or  less  prominent 
points  between  the  river  valleys  at  the  coast,  and  between  these  the 
shore  is  fringed  with  small  and  narrow  islands  lying  close  inshore  and 
forming  large  lagoons  of  brackish  water.  (For  a more  detailed 
description  of  the  coast  south  of  Guaymas,  see  “Hydrographic 
description  of  West  Coast,”  beginning  on  p.  97.) 

In  the  northern  Sonora  part  of  the  West  Coast  the  plain  is  about 
200  miles  in  width,  of  which  some  60  or  70  miles  consist  of  low,  level 
coast  lands  having  an  average  elevation  of  not  more  than  200  feet 
above  sea  level,  the  rest  being  a region  of  foothills  and  level  plateau 
of  about  2,000  feet  average  elevation,  with  here  and  there  peaks  of 
5,000  feet  or  more.  South  of  Guaymas  and  the  Yaqui  Valley,  which 
is  a formation  in  itself,  the  coastal  plain  proper  gradually  narrows 
after  each  succeeding  river  delta,  until  at  Mazatlan  it  disappears 
entirely,  to  open  up  again  to  the  south  with  variations  until  the  Rio 
Santiago  is  reached,  after  which  it  again  narrows  to  nothing  at  Cape 
Corrientes,  with  only  two  intervening  valleys  of  any  importance. 
The  “width”  of  the  coastal  plain  is  dependent  upon  the  length  of  the 
various  river  valleys,  the  average  being  some  30  miles  from  the  sea, 
although  the  Yaqui,  Fuerte,  and  Santiago  River  Valleys  extend  much 
farther  inland. 

Guaymas  Bay  is  an  almost  landlocked  harbor,  said  to  be  formed 
by  the  crater  of  an  extinct  volcano  and  certainly  having  that  appear- 
ance. The  surrounding  hills  have  a height  of  1,500  feet,  and  outside 
of  the  inner  bay  there  is  a shallow  bay  which  extends  inland  for  5 
miles  to  the  rail  point  of  Empalme,  where  are  located  the  shops  of 
the  Southern  Pacific  Railroad  of  Mexico.  Vessels  of  18  to  20  feet 
draft  can  lie  in  the  outer  harbor,  which  is  protected  on  all  sides 
except  from  the  south  and  southwest,  but  only  vessels  of  10  to  12 
feet  draft  can  enter  the  inner  harbor  in  front  of  the  town.  There  are 
proposals  to  make  Empalme  the  port  for  large  ocean  tonnage,  but 
the  building  of  the  railway  to  the  south  along  the  coast  has  caused 
Guaymas  to  diminish  in  importance,  and  it  is  doubtful  whether  such 
plans  will  be  carried  out.  (See  also  “The  port  of  Guaymas.”) 

The  next  port  of  any  importance  is  that  of  Topolobampo,  the  bay 
being  a long  inlet  from  the  sea  and  having  a dangerous  bar  at  its 
entrance,  which  is  only  practical  for  very  small  steamers  in  the  coast- 
wise trade.  Between  here  and  Guaymas  the  coast  is  low  and  sandy, 


Special  Agents  Series  No.  220. 


FIG.  1.— BANK  OF  SONORA,  GUAYMAS. 


Special  Agents  Series  No.  220. 


FIG:  2.— MUNICIPAL  PALACE.  GUAYMAS. 


FIG.  3.— PUBLIC  MARKET,  GUAYMAS. 


GEOGRAPHY,  TOPOGRAPHY,  AND  CLIMATE. 


17 


with  many  lagoons  fringing  the  river  delta  formations.  There  are 
three  ports,  the  first  being  Medano  Blanco,  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Yaqui  River  in  a large  shallow  bay  and  of  small  commercial  import- 
ance. Then  there  is  the  new  port  of  Yavaros,  situated  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Mayo  River,  south  of  the  Yaqui,  and  formerly  called  Santa 
Barbara.  Yavaros  is  the  objective  of  the  new  Mayo  River  Valley 
Railway,  now  under  construction  from  the  rail  point  of  Navojoa, 
and  will  become,  upon  the  completion  of  this  new  railway  being 
built  by  the  Mexican  Government,  the  principal  “garbanzo”  shipping 
point  of  the  West  Coast.  Deep  water  can  be  secured  by  extending 
the  railway  to  a pier  projected  on  the  end  of  the  island  lying  in  the 
large  shallow  bay.  The  next  port  is  that  of  Agiabampo,  a large 
shallow  bay  situated  just  north  of  the  mouth  of  the  Fuerte  River. 
It  is  also  a port  of  call  for  the  small  coasting  schooners  and  launches 
and  handles  some  beef  cattle  from  the  valley  for  Guaymas  and  Lower 
California  mining  camps  like  Santa  Rosalia. 

Just  south  of  the  mouth  of  the  Fuerte  River  is  the  port  of  Topo- 
lobampo,  the  largest  bay  on  the  West  Coast  and  a very  good  protected 
harbor  when  once  vessels  have  negotiated  the  shallow  and  dangerous 
bar  lying  offshore.  Only  2\  fathoms  of  water  are  reported  on  the 
bar  at  mean  low  tides.  The  inner  anchorage  lies  about  9 miles 
inland  up  a narrow  and  twisting  channel  of  deep  water,  which  is 
easily  navigable.  The  wharf  has  plenty  of  deep  water  alongside  and 
is  the  terminus  of  the  Kansas  City,  Mexico  & Orient  Railway,  which 
was  built  inland  as  far  as  the  town  of  Fuerte  at  the  head  of  the 
valley  of  the  Fuerte  River,  whence  the  line  is  surveyed  to  cross  the 
range  to  connect  with  the  extension  from  the  American  border  at 
Presidio  del  Norte  in  Texas.  (See  p.  50.) 

Perihuete,  or  Playa  Colorado,  is  another  small  bay  formed  by  the 
offshore  alluvial  islands,  just  north  of  the  mouth  of  the  Mocorito 
River.  It  is  like  Agiabampo  and  Medano  Blanco,  and  is  of  small 
importance.  Vessels  of  any  considerable  size  have  to  anchor  4 miles 
offshore,  but  are  protected  from  the  sweep  of  the  sea. 

The  next  port  is  that  of  Altata,  similar  to  the  other  shallow  ports 
mentioned  above.  It  was  of  some  importance  as  the  port  for  Culiacan 
and  the  Culiacan  River  Valley  up  to  the  time  that  a great  storm 
partially  closed  the  entrance  to  the  bay,  which  is  formed  by  a series 
of  long,  narrow  islands  lying  about  4 miles  offshore.  The  old 
entrance  was  on  the  north,  and  the  new  entrance  to  the  south  is 
opposite  the  mouth  of  the  Culiacan  River  over  Tonina  Bar,  which  is 
reported  to  have  4J  fathoms  of  water,  but  with  only  2 fathoms  at 
the  anchorage  at  the  town  which  is  the  terminus  of  the  Occidental 
Railway,  an  old  narrow-gauge  line  built  by  British  capital  many 
years  ago  for  the  traffic  of  Culiacan. 

There  is  a small  harbor  at  the  mouth  of  the  San  Lorenzo  River  that 
has  been  used  by  the  El  Dorado  sugar  properties  of  Redo  y Cia., 
but  only  when  the  railway  down  the  coast  was  out  of  service  during 
the  revolutions  in  Mexico. 

Mazatlan  is  not  a protected  natural  harbor,  but  is  formed  by  rocky 
projections  of  the  foothills  which  here  come  down  to  the  seacoast. 
There  is  a large  but  too  shallow  inland  bay  only  used  by  small  craft. 

From  Mazatlan  south,  the  coast  is  much  indented  by  large,  shallow 
lagoons,  especially  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  various  river  mouths. 

44807°— 23 3 


18 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


San  Bias  is  an  old  harbor  used  by  the  colonial  Spaniards  in  the  days 
of  the  son  of  Hernan  Cortes,  but  its  natural  facilities  are  very  poor 
and  there  are  no  improvements.  Farther  south  are  Banderas  Bay 
and  the  small  port  of  Las  Penas.  Manzanillo  is  a good  port  on 
Manzanillo  Bay,  where  the  anchorage  is  protected  by  a breakwater, 
and  further  improvements  are  projected.  This  is  the  rail  point  for 
the  interior  of  Mexico  from  the  west  coast  via  Guadalajara.  Another 
small  bay  and  port  is  that  of  Chamela,  about  70  miles  north  of  Man- 
zanillo, once  the  chosen  terminus  of  a proposed  railway  from 
Gauadalajara  to  the  coast  via  Colima. 

The  Tres  Marias  are  a group  of  islands  lying  just  south  of  parallel 
22°  and  opposite  the  mouth  of  the  Santiago  River  in  the  State  of 
Nayarit.  The  distance  from  the  nearest  port,  San  Bias,  is  from  60 
to  100  miles  offshore.  The  islands  are  lofty  and  rugged,  and  only 
on  Maria  Madre,  the  largest,  is  there  an  anchorage.  They  lack 
sufficient  water  supply,  but  have  been  used  in  times  past  as  a penal 
colony  by  the  Mexican  Government.  Some  guano  is  produced  at 
times.  Another  group  of  islands,  called  the  Tres  Marietas,  lie  off 
Mita  Point,  the  northern  headland  of  Banderas  Bay.  Guano  is 
shipped  from  them  at  times. 

RIVERS. 

As  has  been  said,  15  rivers  cut  the  West  Coast  plains  into  level 
delta  valleys.  These  rivers,  from  north  to  south,  are  mentioned 
below.  In  Sonora  there  are,  first,  the  Altar  and  the  San  Ignacio, 
the  former  rising  near  Nogales,  Ariz.,  and  the  latter  east  of  Magda- 
lena— the  two  joining  near  the  town  of  Altar,  from  which  point  the 
river,  now  called  the  Asuncion,  flows  directly  west  toward  the  Gulf, 
which  its  waters  do  not  reach,  being  absorbed  in  the  desert.  Then 
comes  the  Sonora  River,  which  forms  the  Hermosillo  Valley  at  the 
town  of  that  name  in  central  Sonora.  This  river  rises  near  the 
American  line  north  of  the  old  town  of  Arispe  (once  the  capital  of 
the  royal  provinces  of  Sonora  and  Sinaloa  in  Spanish  colonial  times), 
the  course  being  south  and  then  west  at  Hermosillo.  It  does  not 
reach  the  ocean  except  in  years  of  exceptionally  heavy  rainfall. 

Next,  in  Sonora,  comes  the  great  Yaqui  River,  heading  far  up  in 
the  Sierra  Madres  and,  next  to  the  Fuerte  and  the  Santiago,  the 
largest  river  on  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico.  South  of  the  Yaqui 
Valley  the  extreme  desert  conditions  begin  to  give  way  to  increasing 
rainfall  toward  the  south  along  the  coast,  and  the  Mayo  River  V alley 
shows  the  change  in  vegetation.  Then  follows  the  great  Fuerte 
River,  which  has  its  source  farthest  up  in  the  range,  above  the  40- 
inch  rainfall  line;  it  carries  a greater  volume  of  water,  later  in  the 
dry  season,  than  any  other  of  the  West  Coast  rivers. 

Next  come  the  less  important  valleys  of  the  Sinaloa  and  Mocorito 
Rivers,  between  the  Fuerte  River  and  the  Culiacan  River  Valley. 
Between  Culiacan  and  Mazatlan  there  are  four  other  rivers — the  San 
Lorenzo,  the  Elota,  the  Piaxtla,  and  the  Quelite.  South  of  Mazatlan, 
and  before  the  great  Santiago  (the  largest  of  them  all)  is  reached, 
there  are  the  Mazatlan,  the  Rosario,  the  Acaponeta,  the  San  Pedro, 
and  the  Guasameta  (affluent  of  the  Santiago) . South  of  the  Santiago 
are  the  lesser  rivers,  the  Compostela  and  the  Ameca,  the  latter  the 
only  important  stream  south  of  the  Santiago  until  the  mouth  of  the 
great  Rio  Balsas  is  reached,  far  to  the  south  of  Manzanillo  and 
outside  of  the  West  Coast  region  under  consideration. 


GEOGRAPHY,  TOPOGRAPHY,  AND  CLIMATE. 


19 


(For  detailed  description  of  the  rivers  of  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico, 
see  “Hydrographic  description,”  under  “Agriculture,”  beginning  on 
p.  97  of  this  report.) 

LAKES. 

With  the  exception  of  the  large  lagoons,  or  “esteros,”  along  the 
coast,  there  are  no  lakes  of  importance  in  all  the  West  Coast  region; 
only  in  Nayarit  are  lakes  found  at  all  inland,  and  the  two  existing 
are  small  and  unimportant. 

The  rivers  of  the  West  Coast  form  the  potential  wealth  of  the 
region  by  reason  of  their  alluvial  formations,  and  it  is  only  in  these 
river  valleys  and  their  deltas  that  good  agricultural  land  is  found 
anywhere  on  the  West  Coast  in  any  considerable  extent.  In  the 
chapter  on  “Agriculture”  will  be  found  the  detailed  description  of 
the  formation,  extent,  and  hydrography  of  each  river  valley. 

CLIMATE. 

CLIMATIC  ZONES. 

In  Mexico,  as  in  all  other  Latin  American  countries  within  the 
Tropic  Zone,  climatic  conditions  are  a matter  of  elevation  above  sea 
level,  and  this  rule  applies  to  the  West  Coast.  There  are  three 
divisions,  or  zones.  The  first  is  that  of  the  coast  and  the  territory 
extending  inland  to  an  elevation  of  some  3,000  feet  above  sea  level, 
called  the  “tierra  caliente”;  this  includes,  on  the  West  Coast,  the 
seaports  and  all  the  towns  along  the  railway,  south  of  Guaymas,  with 
the  exception  of  Tepic  in  Nayarit,  which  has  a sufficient  elevation  to 
make  its  climate  much  cooler  than  the  immediate  coast. 

The  next  division  is  that  of  the  “tierra  templada,”  from  3,000  to 
6,500  feet  above  sea  level.  Unlike  the  rest  of  Mexico,  there  are  no 
towns  of  importance  at  these  elevations  on  the  West  Coast,  the  country 
being  too  broken  and  difficult  of  access  from  the  coast.  All  agri- 
culture of  any  importance  flourishes  in  the  hot  valleys  of  the  rivers 
near  the  coast. 

The  third  division  is  that  of  the  high  sierras,  from  6,500  feet  to 
the  snow  line,  taking  in  the  most  rugged  and  inaccessible  part  of  the 
mountain  range  of  the  Sierras. 

It  has  been  said  that  topographically  and  climatically  the  West 
Coast  of  Mexico  very  much  resembles  the  Pacific  coast  region  of  the 
United  States.  Climatically,  however,  conditions  are  reversed  in 
direction,  and  the  modification  of  climatic  conditions  farther  to  the 
south  should  also  be  taken  into  consideration.  The  heaviest  rain- 
fall on  the  Pacific  coast  of  the  United  States  is  found  in  the  northern 
part,  this  precipitation  diminishing  gradually  toward  the  south 
until  desert  conditions  are  encountered  in  the  extreme  southern 
part  of  California  where,  in  the  Imperial  Valley,  the  average  annual 
rainfall  is  only  2.4  inches.  Inversely,  the  lowest  rainfall  of  the 
West  Coast  of  Mexico  is  in  the  region  just  south  of  the  American 
border,  across  from  Arizona,  where,  in  northwestern  Sonora,  extreme 
desert  conditions  obtain.  The  rainfall  increases  slightly  toward 
the  south — Guaymas,  320  miles  south  of  Arizona,  having  an  annual 
rainfall  of  about  5 inches.  Also,  inland,  the  rainfall  increases  to- 
ward the  mountains  until  an  annual  average  of  15  inches  is  reached, 
but  this  does  not  provide  to  the  rivers  north  of  Guaymas  sufficient 
water  for  the  extensive  irrigation  development  needed  in  connection 
with  the  available  land  in  the  river  valleys. 


20 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


South,  of  the  Yaqui  Valley  the  rainfall  increases  gradually.  The 
Culiacan  Valley  has  an  annual  precipitation  of  about  20  inches  (hut 
not  constant  each  year) ; Mazatlan  gets  nearly  30  inches  of  rainfall 
and  Tepic  has  nearly  40  inches.  In  certain  places  in  the  southern 
part  of  the  State  of  Nayarit  nearly  60  inches  of  rainfall  have  been 
registered  in  some  years. 

With  the  exception  of  the  mining  activities  of  the  more  moun- 
tainous part  of  the  West  Coast  territory,  all  the  development  on  the 
coast  has  been  in  the  hot  river  valleys  where  tropical,  or  at  least 
semitropical,  conditions  obtain,  the  humidity  and  moisture  increas- 
ing with  the  increasing  rainfall  toward  the  south.  Only  in  the 
“ tierra  fria”  of  the  high  mountains  does  the  temperature  fall  below 
freezing  point,  although  the  entire  coast  is  subject  to  damaging  frosts 
during  the  winter  months,  except  in  the  extreme  southern  end  of  the 
West  Coast  proper,  south  of  the  port  of  Mazatlan. 

SEASONS. 

There  are  only  two  seasons,  the  dry  and  the  rainy,  the  former 
lasting  from  October  through  the  winter,  spring,  and  summer  months 
to  the  end  of  June,  when  the  rainy  season  usually  begins.  However, 
the  rainy  season  may  vary  as  much  as  a month  in  some  years.  The 
dry  season  is  warm,  very  hot,  in  fact,  during  March,  April,  May,  and 
June  until  the  rains  begin.  During  December,  January,  and  Feb- 
ruary there  is  a great  variation  between  the  day  and  night  tempera- 
times,  sudden  drops  of  from  15°  to  20°  being  common.  This  is  one 
of  the  peculiarities  of  the  West  Coast  climate  that  is  not  well  under- 
stood by  persons  interested  in  prospective  agricultural  development 
there.  The  region  of  the  coast  north  of  Mazatlan  is  called  “frost- 
less,” but  this  is  not  true,  as  frosts  occur  which  occasionally  damage 
the  winter  tomato  and  vegetable  plantings.  No  absolutely  frostless 
region  is  found  until  one  reaches  the  valley  of  the  Rio  Santiago,  in 
Nayarit,  and  the  region  south  of  there  along  the  coast,  where  bananas 
do  very  well.  However,  on  account  of  the  sudden  and  heavy  drop 
in  temperatures  even  in  this  region  of  heavier  rainfall  and  no  frost, 
the  growth  of  such  tropical  products  as  bananas  is  retarded  to  a very 
appreciable  extent.  For  example,  in  Costa  Rica  and  Colombia 
bananas  produce  every  seven  months  (on  an  average)  from  the  time 
of  planting,  while  in  Nayarit,  south  of  San  Bias,  11  months  is  the 
average,  the  delay  in  maturity  of  the  fruit  occurring  from  December 
to  March  each  year  on  account  of  the  low  temperatures  at  night. 

On  the  coast  the  rainy  season  is  very  hot  and  humid  and  generally 
unhealthful  to  Americans  and  Europeans.  Malaria  is  prevalent  to 
a considerable  degree,  along  with  other  minor  tropical  diseases  to 
which  foreigners  are  more  subject  than  the  natives,  but  which  also 
affect  the  natives  in  a latent  manner. 

The  high  desert  plateaus  of  northern  and  central  Sonora  are  sub- 
ject to  the  same  winter  conditions  as  the  country  along  the  American 
border  in  the  neighborhood  of  Nogales.  High  and  cold  winds,  called 
“northers,”  which  sweep  down  from  the  north  and  northeast,  bring 
intense  cold  spells  lasting  for  about  one  week  at  a time.  Farther 
south  there  is  little  effect  from  these  cold  winds  and  the  sea  air 
currents  are  felt. 


GEOGRAPHY,  TOPOGRAPHY,  AND  CLIMATE. 


21 


In  eight-year  cycles  heavy  storms,  called  "chubazcos,”  occur  along 
the  coast  and  in  the  Gulf  of  Lower  California,  at  times  doing  consid- 
erable damage  to  shipping  and  seaport  cities  and  towns.  The  worst 
of  these  sudden  and  heavy  storms  occur  during  the  season  of  the  fall 
equinox  at  the  end  of  the  rainy  season  in  September  or  October. 
Storms  of  less  violence  also  can  be  expected  in  the  spring  equinoctial 
season — February  or  March.  These  atmospheric  disturbances  come 
every  year  during  the  periods  mentioned,  hut  only  once  in  every 
eight  years  is  their  intensity  sufficient  to  cause  heavy  loss.  These 
storms  carry  far  inland  and  have  even  caused  serious  damage  to  the 
railway  line  between  Guaymas  and  Hermosillo  in  times  past.  The 
general  meteorological  condition  would  appear  to  be  very  much  the 
same  for  the  entire  west  coast  of  Mexico,  Central  and  South  America. 

Some  years  the  spring  equinoctial  storms  bring  too  heavy  rains, 
which  cause  real  floods  in  the  river  valleys  and  damage  to  crops  and 
property.  As  a usual  thing,  light  but  steady  rains  occur  throughout 
the  West  Coast  during  the  latter  part  of  February  or  early  in  March, 
according  to  the  equinoctial  season.  These  light  spring  rains  usually 
last  for  two  weeks  and  are  depended  upon  throughout  the  southern 
half  of  the  West  Coast  to  mature  winter  crops  of  corn  and  beans 
planted  only  in  bottom  lands  along  the  rivers.  However,  even  in 
Nayarit  in  the  Santiago  Valley,  these  winter  rains  are  very  variable 
in  quantity  and  can  not  always  be  depended  upon  to  be  sufficient  to 
make  a good  crop. 

TEMPERATURES. 

During  the  summer  months,  days  of  100°  F.  and  over  are  not 
uncommon  on  the  West  Coast  from  Hermosillo  south.  In  the 
extreme  northwestern  part  of  Sonora  the  annual  average  mean  low 
temperature  is  54°  F.,  and  the  maximum  mean  temperature  around 
90.5°  F.  In  the  region  of  Mazatlan  the  mean  low  temperature  is 
around  67°  F.  with  sudden  drops  to  just  above  freezing,  or  at  times 
a little  below  that  mark.  The  maximum  mean  average  during  the 
summer  months  is  93.3°  F.  There  are  many  variations  in  these 
figures  between  the  points  mentioned.  On  account  of  the  impor- 
tance of  climatic  conditions  affecting  agriculture  on  the  West  Coast, 
more  detailed  data  of  rainfall,  temperatures,  etc.,  will  be  given  later 
under  "Agriculture.” 

As  of  general  information  to  the  traveler,  it  may  be  said  that  the 
summer  climate  of  the  West  Coast  is  hot,  humid,  and  unhealthful, 
and  that  the  winter  climate  is  almost  ideal,  surpassing  that  of 
southern  California  in  equality  of  temperature  and  uniformity  of 
days. 

EFFECT  OF  CLIMATE  ON  COMMERCIAL  ACTIVITIES. 

The  effect  of  these  climatic  conditions  on  trade  activities  should 
be  thoroughly  understood  and  taken  into  account  by  the  exporter 
interested  in  the  trade  of  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico,  both  import  and 
export.  During  the  rainy  season  (June  to  October)  roads  and  trails 
are  almost  impassable  even  for  the  pack  mule  and  the  two-wheeled 
oxcart  of  the  country,  and  even  the  railway  is  hampered  by  a series 
of  washouts,  landslides,  etc.  At  the  beginning  of  the  rainy  season 
the  cattle  are  moved  from  the  fields  in  the  valleys  to  the  foothills 
and  higher  mesas  inland.  The  population  being  instinctively  agri- 
cultural, except  in  the  few  and  scattered  mining  towns  of  the  moun- 


22 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


tains  where  crops  can  not  be  planted,  the  men  leave  other  work  and 
prepare  for  the  corn-planting  season  in  the  foothills  and  in  the  river 
valleys  of  the  coastal  plain.  The  transport  of  mine  products  and 
supplies  to  and  from  the  railway  along  the  coast  stops,  as  does  also 
the  production  of  hardwoods  and  other  minor  products  of  export. 
Business  in  the  stores  in  the  towns  and  cities  becomes  practically 
suspended  after  the  brisk  buying  season  just  before  the  rainy  season 
is  to  start  (which  is  always  the  busiest  commercial  time  of  the  year) , 
and  nearly  all  activity  centers  around  planting.  Trade  does  not 
again  become  at  all  active  until  after  the  harvest  in  November  and 
December.  This  is  true  of  the  regions  yielding  all  the  various 
products — wheat  in  Sonora,  the  “garbanzo”  of  the  Mayo  and 
Sinaloa  River  Valleys,  and  the  com  and  beans  of  the  rest  of  the 
coast  and  foothill  country. 

Even  the  sugar  people  employ  a minimum  of  labor  during  the 
rainy  season,  which  is  also  the  growing  season  for  the  sugar  cane, 
the  cutting  and  grinding  seasons  beginning  in  December.  In  the 
past  few  years  winter  tomato  planting  has  developed  into  a great 
industry  throughout  the  West  Coast  from  the  Fuerte  Valley  south 
to  the  Santiago  Valley,  and  even  this  new  industry  takes  its  maximum 
supply  of  labor  toward  the  end  of  the  corn-harvesting  season — a con- 
dition that  is  very  fortunate  for  the  growers  of  tomatoes  and  winter 
vegetables,  since  otherwise  their  efforts  would  be  seriously  curtailed 
by  the  lack  of  sufficient  labor  when  they  most  need  it. 

Commercial  activity  increases  rapidly  at  the  time  of  the  disposal 
of  the  wheat,  corn,  and  bean  harvest  in  December;  and  importers  buy 
accordingly,  placing  their  heaviest  orders  toward  the  last  of  the  year 
in  preparation  for  this  demand,  and  again  in  May  for  the  preplanting 
outfitting  demand.  Local  accounts  are  usually  settled  from  one 
planting  season  to  another  at  the  time  of  the  crop  delivery  after  the 
harvest.  Delivery  takes  place  all  the  way  from  the  first  of  December 
to  March.  Tomato  shipments  to  the  American  market  centers  begin 
in  February  and  last  until  the  Florida  and  California  crops  start  to 
move  early  in  April.  This  influx  of  money  is  now  helping  the  mer- 
chants to  extend  the  buying  season  after  March  of  each  year. 

The  mining  industry  buys  heavily  of  all  sorts  of  supplies  just 
before  the  rainy  season,  because  supplies,  machinery,  etc.,  can  not 
be  moved  into  the  hills  and  mountains  after  the  heavy  rains  begin, 
and  there  is  also  a scarcity  of  labor,  as  all  the  men  who  are  not 
professional  miners  take  to  the  hills  and  valleys  for  the  corn- 
planting season. 

Many  of  the  West  Coast  merchants  are  spending  most  of  the  slow 
summer  months  in  the  United  States  with  their  families,  using  this 
time  for  their  season’s  buying  trips  to  the  commercial  supply  centers. 
On  account  of  the  proximity  and  climatic  conditions,  California  is 
getting  “first  call”  as  regards  most  of  these  visitors,  and  this  con- 
dition has  helped  California  manufacturers  and  exporters  to  increase 
their  trade  relations  with  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico. 


POPULATION  AND  LIVING  CONDITIONS. 

FACTORS  AFFECTING  DISTRIBUTION  OF  PEOPLE. 

The  West  Coast  zone  of  Mexico  comprises  about  one-fifth  of  the 
total  surface  area  of  the  country,  or  approximately  154,000  square 
miles,  including  the  States  of  Sonora,  Sinaloa,  and  Nayarit,  and 
portions  of  the  States  of  Durango  and  Jalisco  that  lie  on  the  western 
watershed  of  the  Sierra  Madre  Mountain  Range  and  that  are  more 
easily  accessible  from  the  West  Coast  trade  centers. 

According  to  the  census  of  1921,  the  three  States  first  named 
had  a total  population  of  approximately  760,000,  representing 
about  one-twentieth  of  Mexico’s  total  number  of  inhabitants.  The 
mountainous  areas  along  the  extreme  eastern  boundary  of  the 
development  zone  of  the  West  Coast  (in  Durango  and  Jalisco)  are 
very  sparsely  populated,  there  being,  at  present,  only  a very  few 
isolated  mining  camps,  so  that  the  grand  total  can  not  be  greatly 
increased,  and  the  proportions  mentioned  above  for  comparative  pur- 
poses are  not  materially  altered. 

It  is  also  a fact  that  the  rather  high  average  birth  rate  of  the 
country  has  been  counteracted  by  the  heavy  emigration  from  Mexico 
to  the  United  States  during  the  past  11  years  of  disturbed  condi- 
tions in  the  former  country.  Southern  California  alone,  according 
to  the  figures  compiled  by  the  Mexican  consulate  at  Los  Angeles, 
has  a population  of  nearly  200,000  Mexicans,  and  Mexican  work- 
men are  seen  all  along  the  transcontinental  railway  lines  as  far  east 
as  Kansas  City  and  even  Chicago.  The  largest  percentage  of  these 
men  comes  from  the  West  Coast  States. 

In  the  year  1876,  Mexico’s  total  population  was  estimated  at 
9,380,439;  by  the  year  1910,  the  inhabitants  numbered,  roughly, 
15,000,000,  giving  a total  of  19.55  persons  per  square  mile.  Imports 
into  the  country  during  the  10-year  period  ending  in  1910  increased 
from  $21,490,604  (United  States  currency)  to  $146,376,587.  This 
great  increase  in  population  and  enormous  increase  in  imports  into 
the  country  was  brought  about  and  made  effective  by  the  30  years 
of  peace  under  the  Diaz  regime;  it  was  more  apparent  in  the  more 
densely  populated  central  part  of  the  country  than  on  the  West 
Coast,  which  was  isolated  by  its  mountain  barrier,  effectively  shut- 
ting it  off  from  easy  contact  with  the  rest  of  the  country.  The 
Southern  Pacific  Railway  had  not  been  built  down  the  West  Coast; 
and  new  blood  and  the  stimulus  of  new  contact  and  education  were, 
for  the  most  part,  lacking.  In  many  of  the  communities  here  10 
generations  had  intermarried,  with  unfortunate  results,  and  then 
came  the  series  of  revolutions  to  thwart  development  Just  at  the 
time  when  the  influence  of  the  railway  was  beginning  to  make  itself 
felt  in  the  way  of  general  economic  and  social  improvement. 

The  West  Coast  has  always  lacked  a sufficient  population,  and  it  is 
to-day  fully  realized  bv  the  people  themselves  that  immigration  is 
necessary  if  the  rich  alluvial  valleys  of  the  coast  are  to  be  opened 
and  developed  as  they  should  be.  In  Mexico,  as  elsewhere,  the 

23 


24 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


combination  of  level  lands  with  adequate  rainfall  for  crops  tends  to 
attract  the  largest  population,  and  the  bulk  of  the  population  of 
Mexico  is  essentially  rural;  but,  like  the  east  coast  of  the  country, 
the  West  Coast  is  hot  and  fairly  tropical,  and  the  bulk  of  the  popula- 
tion of  the  country  is  found  in  the  regions  of  the  south-central 
plateaus  where  the  high  altitude,  adequate  rainfall,  and  level  forma- 
tion furnish  all  the  elements  of  easy  transportation,  rainfall,  and 
good  climate. 

The  native  Indians  of  Mexico,  in  their  various  tribes  and  nations, 
were  distributed  along  the  above  lines,  and  the  invading  Spaniards 
followed  the  same  natural  tendency,  establishing  their  cities  and 
towns  on  the  same  sites  as  those  of  the  Aztecs  and  other  native 
tribes  in  the  country.  The  West  Coast  had  no  large  Indian  popula- 
tion at  the  time  of  the  conquest  of  Mexico,  and  the  centers  of  largest 
Indian  habitation  were  determined  by  the  river  valleys,  as,  for  exam- 
ple, Hermosillo  in  Sonora,  Culiacan  in  Sinaloa,  etc.  The  native  of 
the  highlands  of  the  interior  will  not  leave  the  cool  climate  for  the 
hot  lands  of  the  coast,  even  if  rich  land  with  irrigation  is  provided 
for  him,  and,  therefore,  an  adequate  population  for  the  West  Coast 
is  a matter  of  immigration  and  settlement. 

The  development  of  the  dry,  hot  lands  of  the  Imperial  Valley  in 
southern  California,  and  also  the  arid  and  hot  desert  lands  of  Arizona, 
given  water  for  irrigation,  is  an  example  of  what  the  white  man  can 
do  in  the  heat  of  the  Tropics  when  attracted  by  cheap  land  with 
water,  and  an  example  has  been  set  for  the  ultimate  development 
of  the  West  Coast  by  American  settlement,  as  such  settlement  is 
impracticable  from  any  other  source. 

As  has  been  said,  the  present  centers  of  population  of  the  West 
Coast  are  determined  by  the  river  valleys,  with  the  exception  of  the 
dry  and  arid  northern  part  of  the  State  of  Sonora,  where  the 
existence  of  large  and  rich  mining  camps,  such  as  Cananea,  Xaco- 
zari,  etc.,  attract  most  of  the  people  in  that  region. 

POPULATION  BY  STATES  AND  CITIES. 

In  the  following  tables  the  population  of  the  three  States  of 
Sonora,  Sinaloa,  and  Nayarit  are  given,  with  comparative  figures 
of  the  census  of  1910  and  that  of  1921,  together  with  the  population 
of  the  various  political  subdivisions  of  the  States.  The  Mexican 
census  returns  do  not  give  the  exact  population  of  each  city  or 
town,  but  that  of  the  “municipio,”  or  district,  which  corresponds 
to  the  county  in  the  United  States' 


SUMMARY  BY  STATES. 


States. 

Total  population. 

Area. 

Population  per 
square  mile. 

1910 

1921 

1910 

1921 

265, 3S3 
323,642 
171,173 

267,474 
343, 247 
147,048 

So.  milts. 
76,922 
33, 6S1 
11,279 

3.5 

9.6 
15.2 

3.5 

10.2 

13.0 

POPULATION  AND  LIVING  CONDITIONS, 


25 


POPULATION  BY  DISTRICTS. 


Districts. 

Popu- 

lation. 

Districts. 

Popu- 

lation. 

Districts. 

Popu- 

lation. 

SONORA.1 

Agua  Prieta 

5,126 

18,751 

2,148 

SINALOA  .2 

Mazatlan  (seaport  and 
railway) 

25,231 

13,500 

6,100 

NAYARIT.3 

Tepic  (capital;  railway). 

Acaponeta  (railway) 

Jala 

16,800 

5,000 

Culiacan  (railway) 

3^400 

Arispe 

5',  175 

Rosario  (railway) 

Tecuala 

2, 200 

Bacum 

4,412 

Eseuinapa  (railway) 

Guadelupe  de  los  Reyes 
(mining  camp) 

4,400 

San  Bias  (port) 

2,000 

Cananea 

11,269 

14,246 

19,237 

3,158 

6,155 

3,074 

4,943 

Ahuacatlan 

2,000 

Guaymas 

2,700 

2,500 

Jalisco 

2, 000 

Hermosillo 

Concordia  (railway) 

Compostela 

2, 700 
1,900 

Cosala 

2,100 

San  Redro  Lagunillas . . . 
Amatlan  de  Canas 

Magdalena 

Mocorito  (railway) 

2,000 

1,800 

Moctezuma 

San  Jose  de  Gracia  (min- 
ing camp) 

Jomulco 

qsoo 

Garcia 

2,000 

Santa  Maria  del  Oro 

Navojoa 

18; 849 
14,753 
5,758 
3,137 
3,523 
4,171 
3,480 

Sinaloa  (railway) 

2,000 

1,500 

Nogales 

Navolato  (railway) 

1,700 

Santiago  Ixquintla 

7,600 

Oputo 

La  Noria  (railway) 

1,500 

Huajicori. . T 

« 

0) 

(<) 

0) 

(0 

Nacozari 

Panuco  (mining  camp).. 
Villa  Union  (railway) . . . 
San  Ignacio  (mining 
camp) 

1,500 

1.500 

1,300 

1,200 

1,100 

500 

4.500 

Ixtlan  del  Rio 

Quiriego 

Sahuaripa 

H orcasitas 

La  Yesca  (mining) 

Rosa  Morada  (mining) . . 
Tuxpam 

Santa  Ana 

4,974 

Los  Mochis  (railway) 

Choix  (mining  town) 

Topolobampo  (seaport 

and  railway) 

Badiriguato 

1 On  account  of  the  closing  of  most  of  the  large  mining  camps  in  Sonora  during  the  last  10  years,  towns 
like  Cananea  and  Alamos  dwindled  in  population  to  a great  degree.  Before  the  great  Cananea  mines 
were  reopened  in  August.  1922,  the  town  did  not  have  more  than  2,500  people,  as  compared  with  18,000 
in  the  district  in  1910.  A similar  condition  prevailed  in  Altar,  La  Colorada,  Nacozari,  Arispe,  etc.,  all 
formerly  mining  centers.  The  fastest-growing  population  in  the  State  is  that  of  the  Mayo  Valley  at 
Navojoa,  the  “garbanzo”  center.  The  town  has  possibly  3,000  people,  the  figure  given  being  that  of  the 
total  population  of  the  county  or  municipality.  The  population  of  the  port  of  Guaymas  has  also  greatly 
diminished  and  is  now  estimated  at  about  5,000. 

- The  port  of  Mazatlan  has  attracted  an  increasing  population,  while  the  mining  towns  in  the  interior 
of  the  State  have  suffered  accordingly.  The  completion  of  the  Canal  “Rosales”  at  Culiacan  should  increase 
the  population  in  the  near  future.  Outside  of  Mazatlan  the  population  is  increasing  by  drawing  from  the 
mining  regions  and  the  towns  of  the  immediate  interior  at  such  agricultural  centers  as  San  Bias,  on  the 
Fuerte  River,  at  the  crossing  of  the  Kansas  City,  Mexico  & Orient  Ry.  and  the  Southern  Pacific. 

3 The  official  State  map  gives  the  total  surface  area  as  28,371  square  kilometers,  or  10,954  square  miles, 
and,  including  the  areas  of  the  Tres  Marias  and  Tres  Marietas  Islands,  29,378  square  kilometers,  equaling 
the  figures  given  in  the  table  above.  The  decrease  in  the  population  in  the  State  of  Nayarit  has  been 
due  to  the  disturbed  conditions  obtaining  for  the  past  10  or  1 1 years,  causing  the  curtailment  of  industries 
and  a consequent  emigration  of  the  people  to  either  Mazatlan  or  Guadalajara,  and  even  to  the  cotton 
fields  of  Arizona  and  the  Imperial  Valley  region. 

4 No  figures  available. 

Complete  returns  from  the  Mexican  national  census  of  November, 
1921,  are  still  lacking,  and  it  should  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  1921 
figures  are  incomplete  and  the  official  statistics  inaccurate,  because 
of  the  difficulties  of  collecting  the  data  and  the  general  disinclination 
of  many  of  the  rural  inhabitants  to  give  the  required  information  on 
account  of  their  fear  of  obligatory  military  service,  taxation,  etc. 

POPULATION  OF  CONTIGUOUS  COMMERCIAL  TERRITORY. 

The  Mexican  States  to  the  south  and  east  of  the  West  Coast  proper — 
that  is,  the  States  of  Jalisco,  Colima,  and  Micboacan — have  a total 
population  of  2,272,155,  or  three  times  that  of  the  three  West  Coast 
States  treated  in  the  present  report.  Pacific  coast  firms  of  the 
United  States  can  now  reach  this  important  commercial  territory 
through  the  center,  Guadalajara,  via  the  port  of  Manzanillo,  and 
efforts  at  trade  extension  in  this  direction  have  already  proved 
successful,  although  Guadalajara  still  buys  heavily  from  the  large 
wholesaling  importers  located  in  Mexico  City,  and  also  directly  from 
New  York  or  Europe  to  some  extent.  Commercial  success  in  this 
territory  is  a question  of  sales  work  along  the  same  lines  that  have 


26 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


brought  results  to  the  firms  of  Los  Angeles  in  extending  their  trade 
down  the  West  Coast  during  the  past  three  years.  The  completion 
of  the  railway  from  Tepic  to  Guadalajara  will  greatly  enhance  the 
personal  contact  with  the  Pacific  coast  of  the  United  States,  but  the 
cheaper  water  transportation  via  Manzanillo  will  carry  the  bulk  of 
the  shipments,  just  as  it  does  now. 

RACIAL  CHARACTER  OF  THE  PEOPLE. 

To-day  less  than  8 per  cent  of  the  population  of  the  West  Coast  of 
Mexico  can  be  said  to  be  of  pure  Spanish  blood,  descended  from  the 
original  Spanish  settlers  of  colonial  times.  Even  in  the  higher  social 
class,  which  forms  about  10  per  cent  of  the  total  population,  there  is 
seen  the  admixture  of  Indian  blood,  and  this  proportion  is  rapidly 
increasing,  being  materially  augmented  through  the  effects  of  the 
social  upheavals  of  the  last  11  years  by' reason  of  the  problems  of 
economic  necessity  and  social  readjustment  involved.  There  are 
relatively  few  people  of  pure  Indian  blood  left  anywhere  on  the  West 
Coast,  and  the  only  tribes  existing  are  those  of  the  Yaquis  in  Sonora 
and  the  Mayos  in  the  Mayo  and  Fuerte  River  Valleys.  The  great 
bulk  of  the  population  is  composed  of  persons  of  predominating 
Indian  blood,  among  whom  there  is  a great  variation  in  the  proportion 
of  Spanish  blood.  Since  colonial  times  the  racial  fusion  has  been 
going  on,  the  result  being  a half-blood  whose  social  status  has  been 
that  of  the  “ peon  ” (lowest  class) , but  who,  in  turn,  has  carried  on  the 
admixture  of  the  Spanish  white  blood  among  the  lower  class.  Again, 
numbers  of  these  half-bloods  attained  high  social  recognition  after 
rising  to  wealth  or  political  prominence. 

Taking  the  country  as  a whole,  the  proportions,  prior  to  1910,  were 
generally  estimated  at  10  per  cent  for  pure  white  Spanish  blood,  the 
highest  class  of  society;  4 per  cent  for  the  “middle  class”  (so  called), 
composed  of  the  artisans  and  small  trades  people;  with  the  remainder 
consisting  of  the  “peon”  or  “Indian”  class,  who  were  the  workers  in 
the  fields,  mines,  etc.  To-day  the  once  small  “middle  class”  is 
rapidly  increasing,  for  various  reasons,  and  is  now  estimated  at  about 
25  per  cent,  being  composed  of  members  of  the  formerly  land-wealthy 
class  who  have  had  to  seek  employment  other  than  that  of  the 
administration  of  their  estates,  and  also  of  members  of  the  former 
lower  class  in  whose  veins  runs  a greater  percentage  of  white  blood 
and  who  have  risen  to  be  artisans  and  small  shopmen.  This  latter 
class  has  also  been  considerably  augmented  by  the  members  of  the 
new  political  regimes,  as  many  government  positions  are  now  filled 
by  former  members  of  the  “peon”  class.  Another  factor  in  the 
increase  of  the  “middle  class”  has  been  the  effect  of  “peons’”  emi- 
gration to  the  United  States.  There  they  have  been  brought  in 
contact  with  modern  conditions  and  have  been  shown  how  to  work  to 
greater  advantage.  Many  Mexicans  in  the  United  States  have 
learned  trades  and  better  methods  for  the  application  of  their  energy, 
with  the  result  that,  returning  to  their  homes,  they  have  been  able 
to  better  their  condition  and  that  of  their  families. 

Commercially,  this  increase  in  numbers  of  the  “middle  class”  has 
been,  and  is,  a good  thing.  These  people  now  consume  foodstuffs 
and  use  wearing  apparel,  household  goods,  etc.,  that  they  would 
not  have  been  able  to  buy  before  the  new  order  of  things  in  Mexico, 


POPULATION  AND  LIVING  CONDITIONS. 


27 


and  it  is  this  class  that  will  soon  form  the  largest  portion  of  the 
consuming  public  in  the  country. 

The  mixture  of  the  races  has  brought  about  the  evolution  of  a type, 
or  race,  commonly  called  “Mexican” — darker  in  complexion  than 
the  Spanish  or  southern  Italian  peoples,  but  not  so  dark  as  the  native 
Indian,  and  showing  the  characteristics  of  both  the  Spanish  and  the 
native  Indian  races,  in  both  mentality  and  physique. 

ECONOMIC  AND  SOCIAL  ASPECTS. 

The  characteristics  of  the  Mexican  people  vary,  of  course,  in  the 
different  parts  of  the  country,  climatic  and  economic  conditions 
changing  the  mode  of  life  to  some  extent.  There  is,  however,  a gen- 
eral willingness  to  accept  a low  standard  of  living,  combined  with  a 
poorly  developed  sense  of  responsibility  and  lack  of  interest  in  mod- 
ern methods  and  appliances.  The  semitropical  climate  of  the  coast 
region  causes  malaria,  hookworm  (tropical  anemia),  dysentery,  and 
other  tropical  diseases  to  be  prevalent,  and  this  condition  tends 
further  to  lower  the  energy  and  stamina  of  the  people,  more  espe- 
cially those  of  the  rural  districts. 

Of  importance,  in  this  connection,  is  also  the  unrestricted  use  of 
alcoholic  drinks,  such  as  the  “mescal”  of  the  country,  a powerful 
intoxicant,  and  the  general  lack  of  education,  70  per  cent  of  the 
people  being  classed  as  illiterate.  Malnutrition  and  disease  are  com- 
mon throughout  the  coast  region  under  discussion,  and  this  is  also 
true  of  the  greater  part  of  the  country  in  general.  It  is  a common 
occurrence  to  have  to  feed  a gang  of  new  men,  engaged  for  heavy 
labor,  for  a few  days  before  they  can  stand  hard  work  in  the  sun,  and 
Americans  engaged  in  tomato  growing  have  found  great  difficulty  in 
securing  the  proper  cultivation  and  care  of  the  plants,  proper  selec- 
tion, etc.,  in  picking  and  packing,  on  account  of  the  universal  unre- 
sponsiveness of  the  people  engaged  in  this  work. 

There  is  no  lack  of  good  land  on  the  West  Coast;  the  real  lack  is 
that  of  people  to  go  on  the  land  and  produce  on  a large  scale.  There 
is  no  agrarian  problem  in  any  of  the  three  Pacific  Coast  States  con- 
sidered in  this  report. 

Many  of  the  younger  men  of  the  wealthy  class  (including  many 
“mestizos”)  of  the  West  Coast  have  been  educated  in  the  United  States, 
and  thousands  of  young  Mexicans  have  been  forced  to  seek  a liveli- 
hood in  this  country  during  the  various  disturbances  in  Mexico  during 
the  past  1 1 years.  This  has  done  much  to  spread  modern  ideas  and 
methods  in  Mexico,  and  the  effect  is  being  seen  in  the  increasing  use 
of  better  tools,  agricultural  implements  and  machinery,  etc.,  on  the 
West  Coast.  There  is  also  an  increasing  number  of  engineers,  archi- 
tects, and  members  of  the  other  professions. 

The  men  of  the  upper  class  engage  in  the  professions,  politics,  and 
trade;  the  middle  class  is  composed  of  the  teachers  and  of  the  masons, 
carpenters,  and  other  artisans,  while  the  lower,  or  “peon,”  class  com- 
prises the  manual  workers  of  the  country  and  also  the  rural  popula- 
tion. As  has  been  pointed  out,  the  greatest  economic,  social,  and 
commercial  factor  is  the  rapidly  increasing  middle  class,  despite  the 
demoralizing  effect  of  the  years  of  revolution  and  political  upheaval. 

The  most  important  factors  contributing  to  the  advancement  and 
development  of  the  people  of  the  West  Coast  have  been  (1)  the  con- 
struction of  the  Southern  Pacific  Railway  south  along  the  coast  from 


28 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


Guaymas  and  (2)  the  influx  of  American  settlers  in  the  river  valleys, 
where  modern  agricultural  colonies  have  been  successfully  estab- 
lished. 

EFFECT  OF  THE  REVOLUTIONS. 

Possibly  on  account  of  the  relatively  sparse  population,  the  lack 
of  large  capital  for  development  within  the  country,  and  the  lack  of 
initiative  on  the  part  of  the  upper,  or  landowning  class,  sufficient 
community  lands  remained  to  the  people  of  the  West  Coast  for  the 
production  of  enough  food  for  their  maintenance,  except  in  the 
mountain  region  where  the  broken  nature  of  the  country  caused 
level  plow  land  to  be  scarce,  forcing  the  scant  population  to  take  to 
mining  as  the  only  means  of  livelihood.  It  is  true  that  in  the  river 
valleys  where  large  tracts  of  level  land  existed,  most  of  this  good 
land,  subject  to  irrigation,  was  acquired  by  the  original  Spanish 
colonials— not  by  taking  it  from  the  Indians,  who  were  few  in  num- 
bers, but  by  means  of  grants  from  the  Spanish  Crown,  subject  to 
its  development,  the  Indians  being  left  sufficient  lands  for  their 
needs  around  their  “ pueblos  ” (also  called  “ ejidos  ”) , in  which  they  en- 
joyed community  rights.  From  the  Spanish  colonial  times  there  was 
built  up  a system  of  share  planting  on  the  large  haciendas  of  the  val- 
leys, most  of  the  peons  preferring  this  method,  or  customary  system, 
because  they  themselves  lacked  the  individual  initiative  to  organize 
and  work  them  own  lands  on  anything  like  a fair  scale,  and  the  large 
landowners  furnished,  during  the  crop  season,  seed,  equipment,  and, 
still  more  important,  a ration  of  food  and  clothing,  which  the  indi- 
vidual had  failed  to  provide  for  himself.  By  this  system  only  were 
the  largest  crops  produced,  as  the  native,  left  to  himself,  would 
plant  only  for  Ids  immediate  family  needs  for  the  season.  He  also 
preferred  the  easier  way  of  planting  by  the  “rosa”  method — -that  is, 
merely  chopping  down  the  trees  and  brush  on  a hillside,  burning  it 
off  during  the  dry  season,  and  then  planting  with  a stick.  By  this 
method  there  was  no  plowing  and  few  weeds  to  take  care  of  by 
cultivation,  as  the  fire  killed  the  weed-seed  germination  in  the  top 
soil.  It  was  the  easiest  way,  and  also  the  ancient  system  of  planting. 
The  bulk  of  the  Indian,  or  more  modern  “mestizo,”  population  is, 
as  has  been  said,  essentially  agricultural  in  instinct,  but  lacking  in 
vision  and  ambition  to  do  anything  on  a large  scale. 

In  the  foothills  and  mountains  there  are  many  tiny  villages  where 
small  crops  are  grown  but  not  in  sufficient  quantity  to  support  the 
entire  population,  small  as  it  is,  and  numbers  of  the  people  are 
forced  either  to  work  in  the  mines  or  to  come  down  to  the  coast  for 
wages  with  which  to  obtain  the  things  they  need.  It  is  also  true 
that  their  small  planting,  when  successful,  only  furnishes  enough 
corn  for  bare  necessity,  and  that  they  depend  upon  work  in  the  mines 
or  on  the  coast  lands  to  obtain  extra  money  for  clothing,  etc. 

Prior  to  1911  it  was  almost  impossible  to  secure  sufficient  labor 
for  field  work  on  anything  like  a large  scale,  as  American  landowners 
found  to  their  cost  after  the  seed  was  in  the  ground,  even  when  they 
offered  to  pay  double  wages.  The  sugar  people  had  difficulty  every 
year  in  securing  sufficient  labor. 

The  exception  to  this  rule  is  the  population  of  the  dry  region  of 
northern  and  central  Sonora,  a region  devoted  to  cattle  raising  and 
mining,  the  latter  employing  by  far  the  greatest  amount  of  labor. 


POPULATION  AND  LIVING  CONDITIONS. 


29 


By  reason  of  the  arid  nature  of  this  region,  the  people  were  forced 
to  meet  the  demands  of  modern  organization  in  the  mines  and 
became  fair  workers,  for  the  most  part. 

Prior  to  1911,  foreign  land  investors,  attracted  by  the  mistaken 
theory  of  the  advantages  of  cheap  labor,  found  to  their  cost  that  the 
general  inefficiency  and.  seasonal  lack  of  labor  supply,  combined 
with  the  inherent  fundamental  characteristics  of  the  people 
themselves,  made  organization,  development,  and  crop  planting 
on  an  adequate  and  efficient  scale  impossible  and  a costly  experi- 
ment in  the  end.  It  remained  for  one  or  two  progressive  Amer- 
icans, who  knew  the  country  and  the  people,  to  demonstrate 
that  the  so-called  cheap  labor  of  the  country  was,  in  the  end, 
more  costly  than  the  high-priced  labor  of  the  United  States, 
worked  in  combination  with  modern  methods  and  machinery, 
such  as  tractors,  etc.  What  was  not  understood  by  the  newcomers 
to  the  West  Coast  was  the  fact  that  the  element  of  time  was  the 
essential  factor,  because  of  the  regularity  and  shortness  of  the  rainy, 
or  crop-making,  season  during  the  summer  from  the  end  of  June  to 
the  middle  of  September,  and  that  the  problem  was  one  of  dry 
plowing  and  seeding  in  a sufficient  area  before  cultivating  had  to 
start,  so  as  to  insure  an  adequate  return  on  the  year’s  crop  invest- 
ment. 

The  effect  of  the  various  revolutions  since  1911  has  been  to  accentu- 
ate the  lack  of  organization  and  method  on  the  West  Coast  and  make 
the  people  more  vaguely  independent,  without  giving  them  any 
practical  basis  of  economic  betterment.  On  the  West  Coast  only  a 
small  element  of  the  population  even  joined  the  various  rebel  organi- 
zations, if  they  can  be  called  such,  although  the  bulk  of  the  "peon” 
population  had  some  vague  idea  that  the  new  governments  were 
going  to  make  them  independent  and  rich  without  any  effort  on 
their  part.  The  general  effect  has  been  almost  completely  disastrous 
economically  for  the  entire  West  Coast.  The  cattle  supply  has  been 
seriously  depleted,  mines  have  been  shut  down  all  over  the  country, 
and  many  thousands  of  people  have  been  forced  to  abandon  their 
homes  to  seek  a living  in  the  United  States.  In  the  potentially 
rich  Culiacan  Valley  the  entire  population  of  the  district  was  only 
saved  from  partial  starvation  after  two  years  of  crop  failures  by 
the  expenditure  there  of  some  2,000,000  pesos  by  the  Government 
in  the  construction  of  the  Canal  “ Rosales.”  When  the  great  Cananea 
copper  mines  opened  up  in  August,  1922,  after  a year  and  a half  of 
inactivity,  the  rush  of  people  from  all  parts  of  Sonora  to  Cananea 
in  search  of  work  amounted  to  a stampede,  the  number  being  esti- 
mated at  about  12,000  people,  many  of  the  men  being  accompanied 
by  their  families. 

The  general  destruction  of  sources  of  wealth  during  the  past  10 
or  11  years  has  created  a temporary  surplus  of  labor  throughout 
the  West  Coast.  The  sugar  plantations  and  mills,  tomato  planters, 
etc.,  have  enough  labor  for  the  time  being  at  1.50  pesos  ($0.75  United 
States  currency)  per  day,  and  the  men  are  doing  better  work  and 
averaging  more  days  a week  on  the  job  than  ever  before — from 
sheer  necessity.  In  the  old  days  the  only  effect  of  better  wages 
for  farm  labor  was  that  the  men  worked  fewer  days  per  week.  The 
people  are  poorer  to-day  than  ever  before. 


30 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


A result  still  worse  tlian  those  already  mentioned  is  the  fact  that 
the  revolutions  stopped  the  influx  of  American  capital  and  energy 
on  the  rich  lands  of  the  river  valleys,  and  on  account  of  the  inability 
of  the  West  Coast  to  ship  to  the  interior  of  the  country  production 
has  languished,  except  that  of  sugar,  which  was  stimulated  by  the 
high  prices  obtained  during  the  war  in  Europe. 

The  ultimate  solution  of  the  problems  presented  by  conditions  oh 
the  West  Coast  is  involved  in  the  national  political  and  educational 
problem,  and  it  also  goes  deeper  into  the  fundamental  characteristics 
of  the  people  themselves.  The  prospect  of  evolution  by  means  of 
education  is  viewed  with  marked  skepticism  among  even  the  better- 
informed  Mexicans  themselves. 

It  is  true  that  the  younger  men  of  the  better  class  on  the  West 
Coast  are  manifesting  much  more  of  the  spirit  of  initiative  than 
ever  before.  Many  of  them  are  now  going  in  for  tomato  and  winter- 
vegetable  planting  and  other  agricultural  development,  but  their 
efforts  are  handicapped  by  inexperience,  lack  of  local  and  national 
means  of  scientific  assistance,  lack  of  sufficient  local  capital  and 
banking  facilities,  and  the  ever-present  labor  problem,  arising  now 
not  so  much  from  actual  lack  of  workmen  as  from  the  general  ineffi- 
ciency of  the  men  themselves.  The  rehabilitation  of  the  West  Coast 
of  Mexico  depends,  first,  upon  the  ability  of  the  present  national 
political  regime  to  consolidate  the  country  under  a new  and  funda- 
mentally sound  system  of  government  (thus  doing  away  with  the 
ever-present  fear  and  general  lack  of  confidence  and  bringing  in  its 
wake  new  investment  and  financial  assistance),  and  second,  the 
return  of  the  American  investors  and  settlement  of  the  land  in  the 
various  valleys  by  producing  foreigners. 

Another  factor  that  has  also  been  pointed  out  previously  is  the 
necessity  for  the  development  of  standard  products  for  export.  It 
is  still  a question  whether  the  new  industry  of  winter  tomatoes  and 
vegetables  for  the  American  market,  which  has  been  increasing  so 
rapidly  during  the  past  few  years  from  the  Fuerte  Valley  south  to 
that  of  the  Santiago  in  Nayarit,  can  be  developed  into  a permanent 
industry.  The  market  certainly  exists  and  would  increase  in  demand 
volume  in  the  United  States  if  better  selection,  packing,  and  ship- 
ping methods  were  applied.  The  Mexican  tomatoes  and  winter  vege- 
tables do  not  compete  with  those  of  the  United  States  (from  California 
and  Florida) ; the  former  come  onto  the  market  about  two  months 
earlier.  The  main  difficulties  are  (1)  the  fact  that  almost  90  per 
cent  of  the  tomato  investment  is  purely  promotion  money  from  the 
United  States  (California)  and  (2)  the  problem  of  securing  anything 
like  adequate  measures  to  combat  insect  pests  and  plant  disease  in 
the  tomato  region,  necessitating  organization  and  teamwork  among 
the  growers,  something  to  which  the  Mexican  people  are  entirely 
foreign  by  nature  and  through  lack  of  experience.1 

(On  account  of  the  importance  of  the  labor  factor  in  mining  and 
agricultural  development  in  the  West  Coast  territory  of  Mexico, 

1 For  more  detailed  analysis  of  the  racial  characteristics,  tendencies,  and  fundamental  social  conditions 
of  the  Mexican  people,  reference  is  made  to  The  People  of  Mexico,  by  Wallace  Thompson,  pp.  33S-341,  etc. 
For  an  analysis  of  the  general  economic-political-financial  situation  iii  Mexico  of  the  present  day,  reference 
is  made  to  Mexico:  Its  Reconstruction,  by  Chester  Lloyd  Jones,  D.  Appleton  & Co.,  1921.  For  a treatise 
on  labor  and  sociological  conditions  of  Mexico  which  also  applies  very  aptly  to  the  West  Coast  section  of 
that  country,  reference  is  also  made  to  the  work  of  Percy  Alvin  Martin,  Ph.  D.,  of  Stanford  University, 
appearing  under  the  title  of  “ Labor  conditions;  Educational  system  ” in  Section  VII,  Mexican  Year  Book, 
1920-21,  by  Robert  Glass  Cleland. 


POPULATION  AND  LIVING  CONDITIONS. 


31 


more  details  will  be  given  under  those  headings  farther  along  in 
this  survey.) 

LIVING  CONDITIONS. 


The  same  great  contrasts  in  the  living  conditions  of  the  various 
classes  of  society  that  are  seen  throughout  Latin  America  obtain  in 
the  Mexican  West  Coast  region.  The  people  of  the  wealthy  class 
live  in  well-built  Spanish-style  houses  constructed  of  brick  and 
stucco,  with  modern  plumbing  installations  made  possible  by  the 
facilities  of  the  cities  where  they  reside.  Nearly  all  the  towns  of 
5,000  or  more  inhabitants  have  electric-lighting  and  ice-making 
plants.  Nogales,  Hermosillo,  Guaymas,  Culiacan,  Mazatlan,  and 
Tepic  have  clubs  for  social  gatherings  and  recreation.  The  people 
of  this  class  are  also  well  traveled  and  usually  spend  several  months 
of  the  year  during  the  hot  rainy  season  in  California.  In  their 
dress,  styles,  etc.,  they  are  like  the  people  of  the  United  States,  and 
their  demands  are  about  the  same. 

The  middle  class  also  lives  in  the  cities  and  towns  in  houses  like 
those  of  the  upper  class,  but  not  so  large  or  well  appointed. 

The  lower  classes  are  congregated  in  dwellings  of  a poorer  sort  on 
the  edges  of  the  towns  and  cities,  or  live  in  palm-thatched  mud- 
wattled  huts  called  “jacales”  around  the  larger  houses  of  the  owners 
of  the  “ haciendas.”  On  the  community  lands  there  are  numerous 
small  villages  comprising  houses  of  this  class.  In  these  dwellings 
the  doors  and  windows  are  merely  openings  in  the  walls;  there  are 
no  floors,  and  the  furniture  is  limited  to  a wooden-frame  cot,  laced 
with  rope  or  rawhide,  and  an  open-air  cooking  arrangement  with 
the  inevitable  “metate”  stone  for  grinding  the  corn  used  for  the 
“tortillas,”  the  universal  food.  The  clothing  of  the  men  is  made 
by  hand  from  cotton  cloth  of  the  country,  and  the  blanket  is  at  once 
overcoat,  raincoat,  and  bed  at  night,  and  is  made  sufficient  for  all 
needs  of  cover.  Numerically,  this  class  constitutes  the  bulk  of  the 
population,  possibly  70  per  cent  of  the  total,  and  its  per  capita 
purchasing  power  as  regards  imported  goods  is  very  low,  being 
limited  to  drugs  in  small  quantities,  articles  of  cheap  ornament  for 
the  women,  and  a few  tools,  mostly  machetes.  These  people  do 
not  wear  shoes,  while  persons  of  the  upper  class  either  wear  the 
finest  imported  American  shoes  or  patronize  the  many  small  shops 
of  the  cities  for  their  specially  made  footwear.  People  of  the  middle 
class  are  all  wearing  shoes  now,  but  of  the  cheaper  domestic  kind 
which  sells  for  about  one-half  the  price  of  imported  footwear,  which 
is  high  priced  on  account  of  the  import  duty  designed  to  protect  the 
native  industry. 

Even  with  the  coming  of  the  railway  the  “peon”  has  not  changed 
much,  if  at  all,  in  any  respect,  but  the  educated  class  is  becoming 
rapidly  more  modern  in  many  ways.  The  style  of  furniture  in  the 
houses,  the  decorations,  etc.,  have  always  been  those  of  the  Continent, 
more  Latin  than  American,  but  this  order  of  things  is  beginning  to 
give  way  to  American  styles.  The  metal  bed  is  now  universally  used, 
and  one  sees  standard  lamps,  mission-style  furniture,  tapestry  furni- 
ture, etc.,  in  increasing  numbers. 

The  people  of  this  class  are  also  very  much  interested  in  new 
things — new  electrical  appliances,  new  styles,  new  inventions — and 
their  contact  is  with  California.  In  every  city  home  where  they  can 
be  afforded  electric  fans  are  found  now,  and  this  article  has  become 


32 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


one  of  first  necessity  to  this  class  of  the  people  during  the  hot  months 
of  the  year.  The  demand  for  clothing  and  merchandise  of  all  sorts 
is  the  same  as  that  in  the  United  States,  modified  only  by  the  limi- 
tations of  the  market  itself  and  the  climatic  conditions. 

FOREIGN  POPULATION. 

CHINESE  RESIDENTS. 

The  Chinese  have  long  been,  numerically,  the  largest  foreign  element 
on  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico,  and  their  numbers  have  considerably 
increased,  instead  of  diminishing,  during  the  past  11  years  of  dis- 
turbances in  Mexico,  and  more  of  them  are  still  coming.  Even  prior 
to  1910  there  were  more  than  1,200  Chinese  on  the  West  Coast,  the 
largest  colony  being  located  at  Guaymas,  where  they  practically  con- 
trolled the  grocery  trade  and  were  branching  out  into  dry  goods, 
shoes,  etc.  The  Chinese  also  engaged  in  truck  gardening  and  gave 
the  people  of  the  West  Coast  towns  and  cities  their  first  adequate 
supply  of  green  vegetables. 

When  cotton  became  "king”  in  Arizona  and  the  Imperial  Valley 
of  California  and  the  adjoining  Mexicali  Valley  a few  years  ago  (see 
p.  303),  about  5,000  Chinese  were  imported  to  work  the  cotton  fields 
on  the  Mexican  side  of  the  line  on  the  leasing  system.  When  the 
bottom  dropped  out  ot  the  cotton  market  in  1920,  many  of  the  Chinese 
drifted  farther  down  into  Mexico,  not  being  able  to  enter  the  United 
States,  and  numbers  of  them  have  joined  the  Chinese  colonies  at 
various  points  and  located  more  or  less  permanently — the  West  Coast 
of  Mexico,  on  account  of  its  proximity  and  the  already  established 
colonies,  receiving  the  greater  number  of  the  newly  arriving  Chinese. 
The  number  of  Chinese  on  the  West  Coast  to-day — -that  is,  in  the 
States  of  Sonora,  Sinaloa,  and  Nayarit — is  not  accurately  known  and 
is  not  shown  in  the  rather  incomplete  census  returns  of  November, 
1921,  but  estimates  show,  in  round  numbers,  something  like  3,500  of 
them,  the  largest  colonies  being  located  at  Guaymas  and  Mazatlan, 
with  others  scattered  in  all  towns  of  the  West  Coast. 

The  Chinese  are  laundrymen,  truck  gardeners,  etc.,  and  engage  in 
nearly  every  possible  line  of  business  endeavor,  such  as  grocery  stores, 
soft-drink  places,  general  stores  (handling  principally  dry  goods),  and 
they  have  a large  tannery  and  shoe  factory  at  both  Guaymas  and 
Culiacan  and  another  small  one  at  Mazatlan.  The  largest  grocery 
and  food  store  in  Culiacan  is  owned  and  managed  by  Chinese,  repre- 
senting one  of  the  largest  commercial  investments  in  that  city 
to-day.  In  August,  1922,  a shipload  of  Chinese  immigrants  to 
Mexico  were  refused  entry  into  the  country  at  the  port  of  Manzanillo 
by  the  National  Government  of  Mexico.  In  Sonora  "tong”  war 
disturbances  among  the  Chinese,  due  to  political  factions  and  sym- 
pathy with  the  revolutionary  Chinese  governments,  caused  the 
deportation  of  more  than  200  of  them  by  the  State  government,  the 
men  being  held  at  Mazatlan  for  a steamer  to  China. 

While  many  of  the  Chinese  marry  native  women  and  raise  families 
in  Mexico,  they  live  very  much  to  themselves,  being  clannish  in  the 
extreme  and  very  uncommunicative  to  Mexicans  and  to  other  foreign- 
ers. Most  of  these  Chinese  work  to  acquire  sufficient  wealth  to  return 
to  China  to  pass  their  remaining  days  in  comfort  in  the  homeland. 


POPULATION  AND  LIVING  CONDITIONS. 


33 


It  is  a growing  custom  among  the  Chinese  of  the  West  Coast  to 
take  Spanish  names  for  business  reasons  and  also  for  greater  facility 
in  communication  with  the  natives. 

Most  of  the  Chinese  of  the  West  Coast  retain  their  “tong”  and 
“association”  relations — San  Francisco,  Calif.,  being  their  head- 
quarters in  the  United  States,  their  center  for  financial  capital,  to  a 
great  extent,  and  also  a clearing  house  for  their  business  activities. 
They  also  engage  in  the  exportation  of  certain  Mexican  products, 
such  as  dried  shrimp,  sharks’  fins,  etc.,  to  China.  By  far  the  greater 
portion  of  their  merchandise  is  purchased  in  the  United  States,  the 
largest  volume  of  their  business  in  this  line  being  handled  through 
the  main  offices  of  their  mutual  associations  in  San  Francisco.  A 
great  many  of  the  Chinese  stores  of  the  West  Coast  are,  in  reality, 
branches  of  an  association  with  headquarters  in  San  Francisco. 
There  are,  of  course,  a number  of  independent  merchants  who  im- 
port direct  for  their  own  account,  but  not  all  of  this  class  can  be  listed 
as  good  credit  risks,  and  Chinese  merchants’  accounts,  unless  their 
actual  affiliation  in  the  United  States  is  known,  should  be  carefully 
investigated  before  shipment  of  merchandise  in  case  the  order  is 
from  a customer  previously  unknown  to  the  exporting  firm.  Long- 
established  Chinese  firms  are  equal  to  the  best  native  credit  risks, 
if  the  usual  business  rules  are  applied. 

In  trade  the  Chinese  are  now  a very  important  factor  throughout 
the  West  Coast,  the  volume  of  their  aggregate  business  being  almost 
equal  to  that  of  all  the  native  Mexican  merchants,  and  it  is  therefore 
important  that  American  exporters  interested  in  increasing  their 
sales  to  the  West  Coast  territory  of  Mexico  should  cultivate  relations 
with  them  in  every  possible  way,  preferably  first  through  direct  con- 
tact with  their  head  offices  in  San  Francisco,  which  control  most  of 
the  commercial  activities  (of  any  considerable  volume)  of  the  Chinese 
in  this  region.  The  American  people  and  nation  have  the  reputation 
among  them  of  being  champions  of  the  Chinese  race  the  world  over, 
and  they  are  very  appreciative  of  good  treatment  and  become  excel- 
lent, steady  customers  of  export  houses  when  they  are  convinced 
that  they  are  being  accorded  just  and  honorable  treatment  on  an 
equality  with  the  other  importers  of  their  community. 

The  Chinese  storekeepers  buy  very  few,  if  any,  goods  from  the  local 
wholesale  importing  houses  such  as  the  larger  and  long-established 
German  firms  of  Mazatlan,  preferring  to  buy  direct,  or  through  their 
association  in  the  United  States.  They  extend  credit  to  the  retail 
buyers  locally. 

The  main  difficulty  encountered  by  American  firms  desirous  of 
selling  on  the  West  Coast  to  the  Chinese  is  their  inherent  character- 
istic of  secretiveness  and  lack  of  understanding  of  the  real  value  of  a 
credit  statement  to  serve  as  a basis  for  credit  extension  and  com- 
mercial operations  to  the  satisfaction  of  both  parties.  They  fear 
local  excessive  taxation  and  can  be  persuaded  to  give  out  a statement 
only  after  becoming  well  acquainted  with  the  representative  of  the 
house  that  is  trying  to  sell  them  goods.  It  is  therefore  better  and 
easier  for  American  houses  to  make  direct  arrangements  with  the 
central  Chinese  association  offices  in  San  Francisco.  However,  they 
are  very  shrewd  and  careful  buyers,  and  it  takes  some  time  and  care- 
ful effort  to  develop  business  through  these  channels. 

44807°— 23 4 


34 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


In  order  to  facilitate  their  business  affairs  in  the  United  States  it  is 
usual  for  these  associations  to  have  some  trusted  American  repre- 
sentative who  acts  for  them  and  whose  introduction  is  worth  a great 
deal.  A fact  not  very  well  known  is  that  the  central  "associations” 
actually  force  members  and  branches  to  take  care  of  delinquent 
accounts  and  to  do  a uniformly  legitimate  and  clean  business — 
the  effect  of  the  associations  being  very  beneficial  and  of  far-reaching 
influence.  The  affairs  of  these  mutual  cooperative  associations  are 
handled  by  a regular  board  of  directors  who  dictate  the  general  policy 
and  pass  upon  the  acts  of  the  various  branches  and  members,  their 
American  adviser  being  frequently  consulted  and  his  advice  taken. 

In  the  port  of  Guaymas,  and  also  in  Hermosillo  and  Nogales,  the 
Chinese  have  dominated  in  the  retail  trade,  having  branched  out  into 
general  dry-goods  lines  during  the  past  10  years,  and  this  is  becoming 
true  also  of  such  centers  as  Culiacan  and  Mazatlan;  so  that  the 
Chinese,  despite  their  difficulties  arising  from  racial  feeling,  inade- 
quate protection,  etc.,  are  increasingly  important  commercial  factors 
on  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico  to-day  on  account  of  their  ability  to 
survive  in  business  during  the  frequent  political  disturbances  through 
which  the  country  has  passed  during  the  past  10  or  11  years,  This 
is  due  to  a very  great  extent  to  their  system  of  cooperative  business 
among  themselves,  and  also  to  their  extreme  economy  and  frugality, 
which  enables  them  to  conduct  a business  with  less  overhead  expense 
than  any  other  people. 

The  future  status  of  the  Chinese  in  Mexico  is  very  doubtful.  The 
present  administration  in  Mexico  is  known  not  to  look  with  favor 
on  Asiatic  immigration.  The  Chinese  have  not  proved  very  success- 
ful at  heavy  agricultural  work  on  a large  scale  such  as  is  required 
for  the  opening  and  planting  of  cotton  land  in  the  Imperial  Valley 
on  the  Mexican  side  of  the  line,  and  the  latest  and  most  successful 
development  there  has  been  accomplished  by  large  American  cotton- 
growing  syndicates  employing  native  Mexicans  under  American 
supervision,  the  work  proving  much  more  satisfactory  than  under 
the  first-tried  Chinese  leasing  system.  More  Chinese  in  the  Mexicali 
region  would  eventually  mean  more  of  them  down  the  West  Coast 
of  Mexico  and  also  in  the  United  States. 

JAPANESE  COLONIZATION. 

The  first  Japanese  to  locate  on  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico  was  a 
Japanese  doctor,  who  established  himself  13  years  ago  in  Culiacan, 
where  he  has  remained  and  has  been  followed  by  a Japanese  dentist, 
another  Japanese  doctor,  and  one  Japanese  civil  engineer,  who  has 
purchased  land  in  the  Culiacan  Valley  and  is  now  engaged  in  agricul- 
ture. There  are  also  one  or  two  Japanese  professional  men  in 
Mazatlan,  and  one  engaged  in  mining  farther  down  the  coast. 

Two  efforts  at  colonization  on  the  West  Coast  by  Japanese  have 
failed  for  various  reasons,  and  the  Japanese  Government  until 
recently  would  not  issue  passports  to  its  nationals  for  Mexico  on 
account  of  the  disturbed  conditions  in  the  country. 

There  is  under  way  at  present  an  effort  to  bring  large  numbers  of 
Japanese  into  the  Mexicali  Valley  in  Lower  California  for  land 
development  and  colonization  there.  It  may  be  supposed  that 
interests  owning  large  areas  of  the  Mexicali  Valley  lands  are  inter- 
ested, since  their  great  problem  is  that  of  securing  sufficient  labor  on 


POPULATION  AND  LIVING  CONDITIONS. 


35 


some  practical  basis  for  working  the  now  undeveloped  land  on  a large 
scale,  and  this  labor  can  not  come  from  the  United  States  under  present 
conditions,  nor  can  the  land  be  cut  up  and  sold  to  American  investors  or 
farmers  on  account  of  the  existing  Mexican  land  law  affecting  foreign 
ownership  of  land  so  near  to  the  border  of  Mexico.  Inasmuch  as  a 
well-conducted  and  carefully  selected  and  planned  Japanese  land  colo- 
nization scheme  failed  in  the  Santiago  Valley  (the  best  part  of  the  entire 
West  Coast)  because  of  the  advent  of  the  period  of  revolution  and 
the  inability  of  the  promoters  to  attract  either  immigrants  or  capital 
from  Japan,  it  is  very  doubtful  (in  view  of  Japan’s  interest  in  the 
development  and  colonization  of  Korea  and  certain  regions  of  China, 
so  much  nearer  home,  and  the  lack  of  adequate  capital  in  Japan) 
whether  any  colonization  scheme  for  Japanese  on  the  West  Coast 
of  Mexico  will  be  possible  for  some  time  to  come. 

In  view  of  the  inability  of  the  American  investors  in  large  tracts 
of  fine  valley  lands  in  the  river  valleys  of  the  West  Coast  to  realize 
anything  on  their  investment  for  the  past  11  years  on  account  of 
the  disturbances  in  Mexico  and  the  present  very  unfavorable  legis- 
lation affecting  their  titles  and  properties,  they  would  probably 
be  very  glad  to  sell  their  land  holdings  to  the  Japanese  or  any  others 
who  might  be  induced  to  purchase  under  present  conditions,  but 
such  buyers  are  lacking. 

(For  a report  on  the  Japanese  colonization  efforts  on  the  West 
Coast  of  Mexico,  see  p.  167.) 

OTHER  FOREIGN  POPULATION. 

Prior  to  1910  there  were  many  Americans  scattered  throughout 
the  West  Coast,  the  mining  men  having  come  first,  making  the  coast 
towns  their  headquarters  for  their  prospecting  and  mining  operations 
in  the  interior  districts.  With  the  construction  of  the  railway  down 
the  coast  from  Guaymas  in  1909  several  thousand  Amei’icans  came 
into  the  coast  country  and  many  of  them  purchased  land,  principally 
in  large  tracts  from  the  Mexican  owners,  with  the  object  of  sub- 
dividing and  reselling  it  to  American  farmers.  Large  irrigation 
schemes  were  planned  and  several  were  started  on  a great  scale, 
attracting  agricultural  colonies  of  Americans  whose  inducement  was 
that  of  cheaper  land  than  could  be  secured  in  the  United  States. 
At  the  beginning  of  the  revolutions  in  Mexico  there  were  estimated 
to  be  more  than  1,000  Americans  on  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico, 
engaged  in  mining  and  land  enterprises,  as  well  as  the  numerous 
employees  of  the  Southern  Pacific  Railroad  of  Mexico  (West  Coast 
Line).  During  the  first,  or  Madero,  revolt,  the  property  and  lives 
of  foreigners  were  fairly  well  respected  by  the  revolutionists  through- 
out the  country,  but,  with  the  succeeding  revolutions,  many  Ameri- 
cans were  killed,  others  were  forced  to  leave  the  country,  and 
properties  were  stolen  or  destroyed.  A few  of  the  hardier  ones 
stayed,  and  many  of  them  returned  to  the  West  Coast  during  each 
short  era  of  peace  in  Mexico,  hoping  that  a new  stable  government 
would  be  established.  Numbers  of  these  Americans  had  spent  the 
greater  part  of  their  lives  in  Mexico,  and  it  meant  hardship  and 
ruin  to  abandon  their  holdings  and  hopes  for  the  future. 

With  only  a few  exceptions  mines  were  shut  down  all  over  the 
West  Coast  zone,  and  the  only  agricultural  colonies  of  foreigners 
(Americans)  that  continued  to  exist  were  those  of  the  Yaqui  and 


36 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


Fuerte  (Los  Mochis)  Valleys,  with  some  40  families  each,  and  even 
these  were  forced  to  abandon  their  lands  several  times.  With  the 
growth  of  the  winter  tomato  and  vegetable  industry  on  the  West 
Coast  during  the  past  few  years,  and,  with  fairly  peaceful  conditions 
obtaining  during  the  Obregon  regime,  many  Americans,  attracted  by 
the  opportunities  for  profit,  are  again  going  down  the  coast.  Large 
mining  companies  are  sending  out  engineers  to  look  up  likely  mining 
properties,  and  it  is  estimated  that  about  90  per  cent  of  the  money 
being  devoted  to  the  production  of  winter  tomatoes  and  green 
vegetables  on  the  West  Coast  is  American  money,  directly  or  indi- 
rectly invested.  There  are  many  projects  in  mines,  hydroelectric 
plants,  irrigation  of  valley  lands,  etc.,  under  consideration  by  Ameri- 
cans who  know  the  conditions  of  the  West  Coast  territory  very  well, 
and  only  favorable  legislation  and  peaceful  conditions  in  Mexico  are 
needed  to  bring  about  the  resumption  of  the  development  of  the 
West  Coast  by  Americans.  However,  this  development  will  neces- 
sarily be  slow.2 

The  Germans  and  Spaniards  have  long  been  established  in  trade 
on  the  West  Coast,  with  their  headquarters  at  Mazatlan,  where  they 
have  continued  to  do  a large  business  despite  the  conditions  brought 
about  by  the  World  War  and  the  revolutions  in  Mexico.  Few 
Americans  have  engaged  in  trade  activities  on  the  West  Coast  or 
in  Mexico  in  the  past,  but  latterly  several  American  commercial 
enterprises  have  entered  the  field  with  stores  and  agencies  and  have 
been  doing  fairly  well  despite  their  handicap  of  small  capital.  The 
greatest  commercial  influence  is,  of  course,  that  of  the  large  German 
and  Spanish  houses  located  at  Mazatlan.  These  firms  have  the 
very  great  advantages  of  having  been  long  established  in  the  country 
and  of  possessing  adequate  commercial  capital  and  credit,  a thorough 
knowledge  of  the  standing  of  local  people,  and  the  ability  to  handle 
products  of  export  in  the  most  profitable  manner.  Since  the  begin- 
ning of  the  World  War  the  largest  volume  of  their  business  has  been 
with  San  Francisco,  Calif.,  and  they  now  maintain  branches  as  far 
north  as  Navojoa,  Sonora,  and  as  far  south  as  Acaponeta,  Nayarit, 
controlling  the  largest  volume  of  trade  as  far  as  the  radius  reached  by 
the  border  houses  at  Nogales. 

Several  of  the  large  French  dry-goods  firms  of  Mexico  City  maintain 
branches  under  their  own  name,  or  through  affiliated  concerns,  in 
Guaymas  and  Mazatlan.  There  are  a few  Syrian  merchants  esta- 
blished in  the  various  trade  centers  of  the  West  Coast,  but  none  of 
them  are  very  large. 

British  interests  have  the  small  narrow-gauge  railway  which 
connects  Culiacan  with  Altata,  the  water  supply  of  Mazatlan,  and 
one  or  two  land  interests.  The  number  of  the  British  on  the  West 
Coast  is  very  small,  possibly  not  more  than  10  persons  in  all. 

The  Germans  have  invested  in  breweries  at  Mazatlan,  and  one  old 
German  house  has  coquito-nut  plantations  and  coffee  plantations  in 
Nayarit,  as  well  as  a soap  factory  there,  near  the  coast.  The  Germans 
number  about  45  individuals  on  the  entire  coast. 

The  Spaniards  have  about  the  same  number,  their  largest  group 
being  located  on  the  Aguirre  properties  in  Nayarit,  with  their  com- 


s The  aspects  and  effect  of  the  existing  land  laws  and  foreign  ownership,  etc.,  are  more  definitely  treated 
on  pp.  164  and  167  of  this  report. 


POPULATION  AND  LIVING  CONDITIONS. 


37 


mercial  men  at  Mazatlan,  and  a few  others  scattered  up  and  down 
the  coast,  with  only  a few  isolated  individuals  in  the  interior. 

By  far  the  largest  number  of  Americans  are  located  at  the  various 
large  mining  camps  such  as  Cananea  and  Nacozari  and  on  the  valley 
lands  of  the  rivers,  principally  at  Los  Mochis,  in  the  Fuerte  Valley, 
and  in  the  Yaqqi  Valley.  There  are  not  half  a dozen  permanent 
American  residents  to-day  in  Hermosillo,  and  about  the  same  number 
at  Guaymas,  aside  from  the  employees  of  the  Southern  Pacific 
there  and  at  Empalme,  the  railway  shops  and  repair  center  for  the 
West  Coast  Line.  At  Culiacan  about  a dozen  Americans  are  living — 
principally  men  interested  in  mining  and  agricultural  enterprises — 
and  there  are  about  twice  as  many  located  in  Mazatlan.  Tepic  has 
only  two  or  three  as  residents,  although  more  American  mining 
men  are  now  visiting  that  section  of  the  coast  than  ever  before. 
The  Americans  engaged  in  agricultural  work  on  the  West  Coast, 
including  the  newcomers  interested  in  the  tomato  and  winter- 
vegetable  industry,  may  be  estimated,  for  the  entire  coast  territory, 
from  the  Yaqui  Valley  to  Tepic,  at  about  300,  in  all,  at  the  present 
time. 

DISTRIBUTION  OF  AMERICANS  ON  WEST  COAST. 

In  order  to  convey  some  idea  of  the  distribution  of  Americans 
in  Sonora,  there  is  given  below  a condensed  copy  of  the  register  on 
file  at  the  American  consulate  at  Guaymas  for  the  year  1921,  this 
being  the  only  available  record: 


Location. 

Industry. 

Number 
of  men. 

Mining 

23 

Agriculture 

53 

. . .~.do 

6 

Railway  shops 

1 100 

Agriculture.  T 

10 

Commerce,  etc 

14 

Mining  and  commerce 

2 40 

Mining 

3 

do^ 

10 

15 

Total 

274 

1 35  with  families.  2 Includes  persons  in  interior. 


The  railway  shops  are  now  employing  about  1 50  men.  The  above 
table  covers  the  district  from  north  of  Hermosillo  to  the  Sinaloa  line 
on  the  south. 

ATTITUDE  OF  NATIVES  TOWARD  FOREIGNERS. 

The  Spaniard,  of  all  the  foreigners  in  Mexico,  knows  best  how  to  deal 
with  the  natives.  He  has  the  most  intimate  understanding  of  their 
racial  and  national  psychology.  Spaniards  are  accepted  in  the  best 
social  circles  of  the  country;  frequently  they  marry  into  the  best 
Mexican  families  and  become  identified  permanently  with  the  region 
where  they  are  located  in  business. 

The  Germans  are  undoubtedly  the  best  liked  of  all  foreigners  on 
the  West  Coast.  Many  of  the  younger  men  brought  out  from  Ger- 
many by  the  large  commercial  houses  have  married  native  girls. 
They  become  permanently  identified  with  their  communities  and 


38 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


are  almost  invariably  of  a high  type.  They  adopt  the  continental 
manner,  which  is  pleasing  to  the  Mexicans,  and  they  do  not  mix  in 
politics  in  any  way.  The  Germans  lost  something  of  their  prestige 
during  the  World  War.  Commercially,  they  also  made  too  much  of 
the  prospect  of  Germany’s  coming  back  as  an  export  nation  soon 
after  the  war,  and  their  failure  to  accomplish  deliveries  of  goods  has 
injured  them  commercially  to  the  advantage  of  the  United  States. 

The  United  States  has  been  more  or  less  unfortunate  on  the  West 
Coast  as  regards  the  regrettable  personal  characteristics  of  some  of 
the  Americans  who  have  gone  there.  The  Mexican  people  and  the 
resident  American  colonies  have  suffered  from  certain  types  of 
‘'floaters”  on  the  West  Coast.  It  is  also  a fact  that  the  average 
Mexican,  even  of  the  cultured  class,  does  not  fully  understand  the 
general  American  attitude. 

However,  this  general  attitude  is  becoming  less  apparent.  The 
better  educated  and  more  traveled  of  the  Mexicans  of  the  West 
Coast  have  become  acquainted  with  certain  vital  economic  princi- 
ples during  the  past  10  years  through  a forced  recognition  of  tne  con- 
ditions in  their  own  country  and  a comparison  with  those  in  the  United 
States;  they  now  are  more  willing  to  admit  the  patience  and  toler- 
ance of  the  American  Government  and  people,  and  are  also  more 
frank  in  stating  their  opinion  that  American  investment  and  enter- 
prise is  absolutely  necessary  for  the  development  of  the  West  Coast’s 
natural  resources  in  minerals,  lands,  and  industries. 

The  general  attitude  of  the  Mexicans  of  the  lower  and  middle 
classes  of  the  West  Coast  is  one  of  marked  dislike  of  all  foreigners. 
However,  foreigners  (Americans)  are  tolerated  by  the  people  because 
they  have  the  reputation  among  them  of  paying  better  wages  than 
Mexicans  for  the  same  service  and  of  paying  higher  prices  for  nearly 
everything  needed  by  them  in  the  country.  Many  Americans  have 
been  able  to  build  up  very  loyal  organizations  among  the  natives  in 
mines,  etc.,  by  their  policy  of  fair  and  just  treatment  of  the  working 
class. 

As  American  firms  now  have  what  amounts  to  a monopoly  of  the 
trade  of  the  West  Coast,  the  future  status  of  Americans  there  de- 
pends upon  a change  in  the  attitude  toward  foreigners  hi  general  and 
Americans  in  particular  by  the  Mexican  Government  and  the  enact- 
ment of  favorable  legislation  affecting  ownership  of  land  by  foreigners 
in  Mexico.  Nearly  every  tract  of  land  on  the  West  Coast  is  for  sale 
at  a price  to  Americans;  the  native  owners,  as  a general  rule,  lack 
the  energy,  knowledge,  ambition,  and  vision,  as  well  as  the  capital, 
with  which  to  develop  their  properties,  and  with  few  exceptions  they 
would  greatly  prefer  to  turn  their  holdings  into  cash  and  retire  to  live 
in  either  California  or  Mexico  City. 

Most  of  the  land  of  the  Yaqui  and  Fuerte  River  Valleys  and  75 
per  cent  of  the  irrigable  land  of  the  Culiacan  Valley  is  already  con- 
trolled by  Americans.  The  native  owners  can  find  purchasers  for 
their  lands  only  among  Americans  or  other  foreigners.  The  future 
of  the  West  Coast  lies  in  the  development  of  its  potential  agricul- 
tural resources,  and  rapid  development  can  be  brought  about  only 
by  foreign  investment  and  resource.  If  left  to  themselves  the 
people  of  the  West  Coast  will  probably  make  no  substantial  progress 
in  developing  the  natural  resources  of  the  territory  for  many  years 
to  come. 


POPULATION  AND  LIVING  CONDITIONS. 


39 


The  landowning  class,  which  includes  also  the  professional  men, 
controlled  the  Government  during  the  Diaz  regime,  but  this  is  no 
longer  true,  the  Government,  both  National  and  State,  having  passed 
into  the  hands  of  the  more  aggressive  element  of  the  middle  and 
lower  classes,  among  whom  there  are  many  extreme  socialists;  but 
the  West  Coast  (fortunately  under  a strong  and  conservative  local 
governor)  has  not  yet  suffered  from  the  dominance  of  this  element. 

INDIAN  TRIBES. 

The  various  aboriginal  Indian  tribes  of  the  West  Coast  territory 
are  scattered  over  a wide  area,  and  their  numbers  are  much  smaller 
than  is  popularly  believed.  The  tribes  are  different  in  appearance 
and  characteristics,  but  all  are  dark  brown,  not  the  ‘‘red”  Indians 
of  North  America — the  famous  Yaqui  Indian  of  Sonora  being  a 
cousin  of  the  Apaches  of  Arizona  and  New  Mexico,  who  were  not  like 
the  Indians  farther  north  and  east  in  the  United  States. 

The  Tahumares  and  Tepeguanes  Tribes  inhabit  the  high  moun- 
tains in  central  and  southwestern  Chihuahua  on  the  Pacific-watershed 
side  of  the  range.  Their  headquarters  towns  are  Barborigame  (west 
of  Guadalupe  y Calvo)  and  La  Colorada.  These  Indians  plant 
some  corn  and  wheat  in  the  stream  bottoms  in  season,  have  a breed 
of  small  cattle,  and  work  about  the  mines  cutting  timbers,  etc.,  at 
times,  but  not  as  a usual  thing.  Their  actual  numbers  are  not 
known,  and  their  economic  value  is  extremely  small. 

Remnants  of  other  tribes  exist  in  Sonora,  but  the  most  famous 
and  numerically  important  tribe  is  that  of  the  Yaqui  Indians,  noted 
for  their  guerilla  warfare  against  the  Mexican  Government  for  many 
years.  These  Indians  have  now  been  allotted  lands  on  the  north 
side  of  the  Yaqui  River  west  of  the  railway,  where  they  have  formed 
five  or  six  pueblos  for  agricultural  pursuits.  Some  4,000  of  them 
have  been  gathered  into  these  pueblo  villages,  about  700  are  still 
on  the  warpath  to-day,  and  several  thousand  more  are  in  the  Mexican 
Federal  Army,  stationed  in  and  about  Mexico  City,  where  they 
constitute  the  nucleus  of  the  military  organization  as  it  exists  at 
present.  Although  they  have  been  given  good  river  bottom  land 
with  water  for  irrigation,  tools  and  implements,  and  a food  ration 
by  the  Mexican  Government,  they  have  not  developed  their  new 
lands  to  any  extent,  and  fresh  depredations  in  the  interior  are  com- 
mon again.  It  is  the  consensus  in  Sonora  that  only  by  the  removal 
of  these  warlike  Indians  will  life  and  property  be  at  all  safe  in  the 
State,  except  under  the  guns  of  garrisoned  towns  and  more  important 
railway  points.  Several  Americans  have  been  driven  off  their 
improvea  lands  by  the  Yaquis  lately  in  the  Yaqui  Valley.  (See 
“Agriculture.  ”) 

The  Mayo  Indians  inhabit  the  Mayo  Valley  in  southern  Sonora 
and  the  valley  of  the  Fuerte  River  in  northern  Sinaloa.  There  are 
few  full-blooded  Mayos  left.  They  are  an  agricultural  people  and 
peacefully  inclined.  Their  lands  have  long  been  held  under  the 
ancient  colonial  community  land  system.  They  are  the  chief  workers 
in  the  “garbanzo”  fields  and  also  plant  small  fields  of  this  chick-pea 
themselves,  independently.  Their  actual  numbers  are  not  known, 
as  they  have  merged  into  the  Mexican  population  by  intermarriage. 

No  vestige,  in  pure  blood,  of  the  once  strong  Culiche  Tribe  remains 
in  the  neighborhood  of  Culiacan,  in  Sinaloa,  these  Indians  (a  power- 


40 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


ful  tribe  at  the  time  of  the  conquest  of  Mexico)  having  undergone 
the  process  of  racial  fusion. 

In  Nayarit  full-blooded  Indians  are  found  in  several  places,  and 
their  numbers  cause  them  to  dominate  entire  regions  of  that  State. 
A numerically  small  but  united  tribe  inhabits  the  Berberia  Range  of 
mountains  in  the  extreme  eastern  part  of  the  State.  These  people 
hold  their  intercourse  with  the  towns  lower  down,  maintain  their 
old  aboriginal  customs,  and  have  never  been  Christianized.  The 
Indians  of  Esquinapa  in  the  northwestern  part,  near  the  coast, 
engage  in  fishing  almost  exclusively  and  are  the  largest  producers 
of  dried  shrimp  for  export.  Other  Indians  inhabit  the  coast  region 
north  and  south  of  the  port  of  San  Bias  in  Nayarit.  These  people 
gather  the  “coquito”  oil  nut  for  sale  to  the  soap  factories  locally 
and  for  export  and  trade  in  the  city  of  Tepic,  where  hundreds  of 
them  are  always  seen  on  the  Sunday  market  day.  Under  the  new 
agrarian  laws  of  Mexico  they  have  claimed  the  coquito-nut  natural 
plantations  as  their  property  and  have  recently  burned  off  large 
areas  of  this  valuable  export  product  in  retaliation  for  not  being 
given  full  possession  of  these  lands,  which  have  long  been  under 
title  from  old  Spanish  Crown  land  grants.  In  the  State  of  Nayarit, 
while  exact  figures  are  lacking,  pure-blooded  Indians  probably 
constitute  at  least  one-fifth  of  the  total  population  of  the  State. 

These  people  understand  little  or  nothing  of  government,  have  no 
education,  are  not  progressive,  and  are  economically  of  small  value 
to  the  community  at  large.  In  the  towns  and  on  the  ranches  they 
are  being  slowly  absorbed  into  the  mass  of  the  Mexican  population 
by  intermarriage. 


EDUCATION. 


There  are  many  conflicting  opinions  regarding  the  relation  of  the 
lower  classes  of  the  Mexican  people  to  modern  education — referring, 
of  course,  to  the  bulk  of  the  population,  which  is  of  predominating 
Indian  blood.  These  people  have  retained  the  characteristics  of 
their  ancestors,  the  Indians  of  the  country,  and  any  advance  in 
popular  education  must  be  a slow  process.  The  Diaz  Government 
was  universally  accused  of  paying  too  little  attention  to  this  important 
part  of  the  national  welfare  and  development,  but  it  is  a question 
whether  the  inherent  indifference,  apathy,  and  dislike  for  change 
among  the  people  themselves,  together  with  their  well-known  racial 
characteristic  of  passive  resistance,  were  not  more  responsible  for  the 
lack  of  educational  advancement. 

The  various  revolutionary  governments  since  that  of  Diaz  have 
laid  great  and  far-reaching  plans  for  the  education  of  the  masses; 
efforts  have  been  made  to  put  a school  in  every  ranch  and  village  of 
the  interior,  however  remote;  and  increasing  appropriations  have 
been  made  by  the  National  and  State  Governments  to  finance  these 
efforts.  It  is  regrettable  that  the  present  economic  depression  of 
the  country  will  force  this  program  to  be  amended,  for  the  time  being, 
on  account  of  the  lack  of  funds. 

POPULAR  EDUCATION  IN  STATE  OF  SONORA. 

Educational  statistics  are  lacking  for  Sinaloa  and  Nayarit,  but  those 
of  the  State  of  Sonora  give  a very  fair  idea  of  what  has  been  accom- 
plished since  1907,  and  about  the  same  proportions  apply  to  the  other 
States  mentioned.  In  Sonora  it  was  even  proposed  to  send  an 
ambulant  school  into  the  country  districts,  “a  school  on  wheels,” 
but  this  was  found  impractical  on  account  of  the  nature  of  the 
country  and  the  lack  of  roads. 

The  greatest  educational  factor  for  the  West  Coast  has  been  the 
railway,  which  has  brought  formerly  isolated  communities  into 
touch  with  the  rest  of  the  territory,  up  and  down  the  coast;  and 
there  is  also  the  general  effect  of  the  example  to  the  people  afforded 
by  the  foreigners  (Americans)  who  have  introduced  modern  agri- 
cultural methods. 

Following  are  figures  relating  to  popular  education  in  Sonora: 


Items. 

1907 

1912 

1917 

Primary  schools: 

Boys’  schools 

92 

102 

133 

Girls’  schools 

61 

62 

100 

Coeducational  schools 

25 

103 

108 

Total 

178 

267 

341 

Professional  schools: 

Normal  school 

0 

0 

1 

Agricultural  school 

0 

0 

1 

Normal  academies 

1 

1 

3 

Special  schools: 

Academy  of  arts 

0 

0 

1 

Industrial  arts  and  trades 

0 

0 

1 

Number  of  pupils 

10,804 

13, 211 

24,187 

41 


42 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


Items. 

1907 

1912 

1917 

Employees: 

Inspectors 

1 

178 

147 

14 

3 

267 

145 

9 

341 

427 

68 

Directors  < teachers) 

Assistant  teachers 

Professors,  special  class 

Total 

340 

415 

845 

School  budgets  of  Sonora: 

By  State  government 

Pesos. 
102,638 
128, 686 
16,630 

Pesos. 
270,000 
323, 985 

Pesos. 

1, 408, 336 
75,000 

By  municipalities  (counties) 

Private  sources 

Total 

247,954 

593, 985  : 1, 483, 336 

In  1920,  the  school  appropriation  of  the  State  of  Sonora  was 
1,600,000  pesos — 15  times  larger  than  the  State  educational  appro- 
priation prior  to  1910,  showing  an  average  expenditure  of  6 pesos 
per  capita,  based  on  the  total  population  of  the  State,  and  amounting 
to  approximately  one-fourth  of  the  total  annual  appropriation  of  the 
State.  The  school  budgets  of  Sinaloa  and  Nayarit  have  carried  out 
about  the  same  average  proportion  of  expenditure  for  popular 
education.  It  should  he  understood,  however,  that  the  various 
revolutionary  activities  during  the  past  years  have  seriously  inter- 
fered with  this  program  and  necessitated  that  the  money  set  aside 
for  the  schools  be  used  for  military  purposes  from  time  to  time,  with 
resulting  nonpayment  of  teachers’  salaries  and  general  disorganiza- 
tion. For  example,  during  the  summer  of  1922  education  in  Sinaloa 
and  Nayarit  was  at  a low  ebb  because  all  available  funds  were  being 
taken  for  the  military  operations  against  the  rebel,  Juan  Carrasco, 
then  operating  in  the  southern  part  of  Sinaloa. 

The  State  University,  Colegio  Rosales,  at  Culiacan,  Sinaloa,  was 
closed  definitely  in  August,  1922,  on  account  of  the  lack  of  funds. 
This  old  and  excellent  institution  had  been  the  pride  of  Sinaloa  and 
had  turned  out  some  good  engineers,  doctors,  etc.,  in  its  time.  Such 
little  money  as  remained  in  the  State  treasury  after  meeting  military 
demands  at  the  time  went  toward  the  completion  of  the  Rosales 
Canal  in  the  Culiacan  River  Valley.  From  time  to  time  the  State 
Government,  assisted  by  the  Federal  Government,  has  sent  missions 
to  the  United  States  to  study  higher  educational  methods  with  the 
idea  of  improving  the  Colegio  Rosales,  but  these  efforts,  on  account 
of  local  conditions  and  lack  of  funds,  have  always  come  to  nothing 
in  the  past.  Such  a condition  of  affairs  is  also  due  to  the  general 
lack  of  cohesion  and  support  of  such  an  institution  on  the  part  of  the 
educated  and  well-to-do  people  of  the  community,  who  seem  to 
think  that  this  is  a matter  for  the  Government  to  solve  in  its  own 
way  and  who  prefer,  as  a rule,  to  send  their  young  men  to  Mexico 
City,  Guadalajara,  or  the  United  States  for  higher  education. 

From  the  above  table  it  is  seen  that  the  State  of  Sonora  included, 
in  its  budget  for  1917,  1,493,335  pesos  as  its  total  expenditure  for 
education  in  the  State  that  year. 

For  the  fiscal  year  ended  June  30,  1922,  the  total  disbursements  of 
the  State  amounted  to  2,770,710  pesos,  or  230,892  pesos  per  month, 
and  the  total  income  from  all  possible  sources  was  only  130,000  pesos 
per  month,  giving  a deficit  of  more  than  100,000  pesos  per  month, 
or  nearly  50  per  cent.  All  possible  sources  of  income  bv  taxation 
are  already  overburdened  with  taxes,  ordinary  and  specially  created 
for  emergency  purposes  of  the  State  administration,  and  it  is  not 
possible  to  create  new  sources  of  revenue  at  this  time.  The  result 


EDUCATION. 


43 


is  that  popular  education  in  Sonora  must  languish  for  the  time 
being  on  account  of  the  general  lack  of  sufficient  funds,  and  this 
same  condition  also  applies  to  both  Sinaloa  and  Nayarit,  where 
State  finances  are  in  much  the  same  condition.  The  same  remarks 
are  applicable  to  the  national  educational  program.  Large  orders 
for  equipment  for  schools,  contracted  for  in  accordance  with  the 
new  and  far-reaching  program  of  1922  under  the  new  minister  of 
education,  can  not  be  paid  for  on  account  of  the  lack  of  funds;  and 
in  view  of  the  general  economic  condition  of  the  country  after  more 
than  10  years  of  destruction  of  the  means  of  production  and  wealth, 
it  may  be  concluded  that  real  improvement  in  Mexico’s  educational 
system  will  be  a matter  of  slow  development  for  some  time  to  come. 

SUPPORT  BY  FEDERAL  GOVERNMENT. 

Under  the  new  popular  educational  program  of  1922  a corps  of 
educational  missionaries  was  formed,  its  purpose  being  to  travel 
throughout  the  country  and  instill  into  the  minds  of  the  lower  classes, 
by  means  of  propaganda,  the  idea  of  education  for  their  children. 
One  such  lecturer  toured  the  West  Coast  in  the  summer  of  1922. 

VOCATIONAL  SCHOOLS. 

Several  of  the  revolutionary  leaders  have  founded  industrial 
schools  for  the  orphans  of  the  revolutions.  By  popular  subscrip- 
tion, the  Governor  of  Sonora  raised  a total  of  $211,752  by  the  end 
of  July,  1919,  with  which  the  “Cruz  Galvez”  school  system  was 
started  at  the  State  capital,  Hermosillo.  Eight  separate  buildings 
were  erected  on  a tract  of  5 hectares  (1  hectare  = 2.47  acres)  on  the 
outskirts  of  Hermosillo,  for  the  following  departments:  Classrooms, 
service  department,  dormitories,  baths,  infirmary,  machine  shop, 
shoe  shop,  graphic-arts  shop.  The  total  present  capacity  is  500 
pupils.  Besides  elementary  and  superior  education,  the  children 
receive  instruction  in  stenography,  languages,  music,  printing, 
joinery,  cabinetmaking,  shoemaking,  tanning,  and  machine-shon 
work. 

The  shoe  factory  has  a capacity  of  400  pairs  daily  and  is  self- 
sustaining.  The  machinery  equipment  is  modern  in  every  respect 
and  of  well-known  standard  American  make.  The  printing  estab- 
lishment was  discontinued  in  the  summer  of  1922,  the  plant  being 
leased  to  the  newspaper,  Diario  de  Sonora,  of  Hermosillo.  It  was 
planned  to  extend  this  system  throughout  the  State  as  rapidly  as 
possible,  but  the  present  general  economic  condition  of  the  State 
precludes  this  being  done  for  some  time  to  come,  and  it  is  feared 
that  the  present  institution  will  deteriorate  for  lack  of  sustained 
popular  interest  in  its  development. 

The  Mexican  people  of  the  lower  class  are  usually  clever  hand- 
workers and  make  excellent  factory  operatives  on  ivork  where 
patience  and  manual  dexterity  are  required.  They  become  pro- 
ficient in  cotton  mills,  shoe  shops,  furniture  factories,  and  the  like, 
and  many  of  them  show  natural  mechanical  talent  and  inclination. 
Nowhere  in  all  Latin  America  do  the  people  of  the  country  show 
such  skill  as  the  Mexicans  in  the  output  of  a variety  of  articles  made 
in  the  household.  It  is  generally  thought  that  the  immediate  need 
is  for  industrial  education  in  Mexico  in  order  to  develop  an'd  make 
economically  effective  this  inclination  of  the  people. 


44 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


FOREIGN  SCHOOLS— RELIGIOUS  SCHOOLS. 

In  the  territory  covered  by  this  handbook,  three  schools — at  Her- 
mosillo,  El  Fuerte,  and  Mazatlan — are  now  being  conducted  by  mis- 
sionaries of  the  American  Board  (Congregational)  and  its  affiliated 
women’s  boards.  The  school  in  Hermosillo,  the  Instituto  Corona, 
has  recently  erected  a $12,000  building.  It  has  an  enrollment  of 
about  98  pupils,  boys  and  girls,  with  two  American  and  five  Mexican 
teachers.  The  school  at  El  Fuerte,  Escuela  El  Progreso,  has  two 
American  and  five  Mexican  teachers  and  enrolls  about  130  pupils  of 
both  sexes.  Escuela  El  Pacifico,  at  Mazatlan,  gives  instruction  in 
Spanish  and  English  to  children  and  adults  in  day  and  night  classes. 
It  has  one  American  and  two  Mexican  teachers  and  enrolled  72  pupils 
in  the  school  year  1922-23. 

The  southern  Baptists  of  the  United  States  maintain  a boarding 
school  in  Guaymas,  with  four  American  and  a number  of  Mexican 
teachers. 

One  German  school  is  operating  at  Mazatlan  and  has  132  boarding 
pupils  from  the  surrounding  country.  A branch  of  this  institution 
is  planned  in  the  near  future  for  Culiacan. 

At  Empalme  a school  is  maintained  for  children  of  employees  of 
the  Southern  Pacific  Railroad  of  Mexico.  At  El  Tigre,  Sonora,  there 
is  a school  taught  by  an  American  woman  and  supported  by  the 
mining  interests.  At  Los  Mochis  two  schools  with  American  teachers 
are  maintained,  respectively,  by  the  United  Sugar  Co.  and  the  ranch- 
ers in  the  Fuerte  Valley.  A similar  school  is  maintained  on  the 
Richardson  Construction  Co.  project  in  the  Yaqui  Valley. 

Religious  schools,  formerly  numerous  and  teaching  possibly  25 
per  cent  of  the  children,  are  now  discountenanced  by  the  policy  of 
the  National  Government. 

EDUCATION  OF  MEXICANS  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

The  religious  schools  of  Los  Angeles,  San  Francisco,  and  St.  Louis, 
Mo.,  have  always  attracted  a considerable  number  of  Mexicans. 
During  the  past  10  years  of  internal  strife  in  Mexico,  great  numbers 
of  West  Coast  and  Chihuahua  families  have  resided  in  the  United 
States,  the  largest  numbers  being  located  in  southern  California, 
especially  in  Los  Angeles,  with  the  result  that  the  schools  there  are 
educating  an  increasing  number  of  Mexican  children  each  year. 
The  private  schools  of  Los  Angeles  are  also  receiving  many  more 
young  Mexicans  than  ever  before.  Because  of  the  much  larger  per 
capita  expenditure  for  education  in  the  United  States,  it  may  be 
advanced,  as  an  opinion,  that  more  money  is  being  expended  on  the 
education  of  Mexicans  in  the  United  States  (that  is,  in  Arizona  and 
California)  than  in  the  three  States  that  form  the  Mexican  West 
Coast  territory. 

COMMERCIAL  SCHOOLS. 

There  is  one  private  commercial  school  in  Hermosillo  (La  Escuela 
Comercial  H.  Aja)  and  another  in  Mazatlan  (Colegio  Comercial), 
each  having  approximately  30  pupils  and  teaching  all  commercial 
lines,  such  as  accounting,  bookkeeping,  stenography,  etc.  The 
H.  Aja  school  in  Hermosillo  has  a moving-picture  projection  machine 
for  educational  use  and  has  opened  a polytechnic  department  in 
addition  to  its  old  branches. 


TRANSPORTATION. 

GENERAL  SITUATION. 

The  transportation  facilities,  both  rail  and  water,  of  the  West 
Coast  of  Mexico  are  entirely  adequate,  consistent  with  the  popu- 
lation and  the  present  stage  of  development  of  the  territory  as  a 
whole,  except  for  the  connection  lacking  between  the  city  of  Tepic, 
capital  of  the  State  of  Nayarit,  and  Guadalajara,  by  means  of  which 
the  West  Coast  would  have  direct  rail  communication  with  the 
central  part  of  Mexico,  This  rail  extension  is  vital  to  the  economic 
interests  of  the  entire  “West  Coast”  because  it  would  afford  an 
easier  outlet  for  the  surplus  products  of  export,  such  as  the  wheat 
and  rice  of  Sonora,  the  corn,  beans,  and  sugar  of  Sinaloa,  and  the 
corn,  beans,  tobacco,  and  sugar  of  Nayarit. 

The  West  Coast  of  Mexico  was  the  scene  of  the  last  great  railroad 
construction  undertaking  by  the  line  of  American  transcontinental 
railway  builders,  the  extension  of  the  Southern  Pacific  Railroad 
from  Guaymas  to  Tepic,  down  the  West  Coast,  being  due  to  the 
vision  of  men  like  Epes  Randolph,  who,  with  others,  interested  the 
late  E.  H.  Harriman  m the  construction  of  this  line  and  the  develop- 
ment of  this  new  empire,  which  combines  so  many  potential  oppor- 
tunities for  American  enterprise  and  capital.  Revolution  in  Mexico 
stopped  construction  through  to  Guadalajara,  but  the  West  Coast 
was  given  its  first  adequate  transportation,  and  stagnant  communi- 
ties received  their  first  stimulus  of  modern  commerce  and  develop- 
ment by  contact  with  the  rest  of  the  territory  and  with  the  outer 
world. 

The  entire  territory,  including  the  States  of  Sonora,  Sinaloa,  and 
Nayarit,  has  six  lines  of  railway.  Three  of  these  are  short  lines 
connecting  interior  points  with  the  coast — (1)  that  of  the  Kansas 
City,  Mexico  & Orient  Railway  now  operating  between  the  port  of 
Topolobampo  and  the  town  of  Fuerte,  at  the  head  of  the  Fuerte 
River  Valley,  and  surveyed  to  cross  the  Sierra  Madre  Range  to 
Chihuahua  and  thence  to  the  American  border  at  Eagle  Pass;  (2)  the 
old  British  railway  called  the  Ferrocarril  Occidental,  which  connects 
Culiacan  with  the  seaport  of  Altata;  and  (3)  the  new  Mexican  Gov- 
ernment line  from  Navojoa,  on  the  Southern  Pacific  Coast  Line,  to 
the  new  proposed  gulf  port  of  Yavaros,  its  object  being  to  afford  a 
shorter  means  of  outlet  to  the  sea  for  the  “garbanzo”  crop  of  the 
Mayo  River  Valley. 

The  longest  line  is  that  of  the  Southern  Pacific  Co.,  which  connects 
with  the  Southern  Pacific  mainline  at  Tucson,  Ariz.,  runs  from  Nogales, 
at  the  border,  to  Tepic,  and  is  surveyed  to  Guadalajara  across  the 
difficult  terrain  between  the  city  of  Tepic,  in  Nayarit,  and  the  Guada- 
lajara-Manzanillo  branch  of  the  Mexican  National  Railways.  A 
Southern  Pacific  line  connects  Nogales  with  Cananea,  via  Del  Rio, 
from  which  place  another  border  line  goes  to  Naco  and  thence  to  the 
main  line  again  at  Benson,  via  Fairbanks,  over  a link  in  the  El 
Paso  & Southwestern  system,  which  has  also  a connecting  line  from 

45 


46 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


Naco  to  Douglas.  The  Nacozari  Railway  (Phelps-Dodge)  connects 
Douglas,  Ariz.,  with  the  rich  mining  district  of  Nacozari  in  north- 
eastern Sonora. 

A short  branch  line  connects  the  La  Colorada  mines  with  the  main 
line  south  of  Hermosillo,  and  the  Southern  Pacific  Co.  has  built 
branches  up  the  Yaqui  Valley  (Corral  to  Tonichi,  projected  to  con- 
nect through  to  Moctezuma  and  Nacozari)  and  also  from  Navojoa  to 
Alamos.  In  short,  wherever  development  in  mining  and  agricul- 
ture has  demanded  transportation,  even  based  on  latent  possibilities, 
lines  have  been  built  to  take  care  of  the  present  or  future  needs,  and 
the  completion  of  the  proposed  systems  and  new  construction  work 
is  dependent  only  on  the  return  of  stable  conditions  in  Mexico  as  a 
whole,  with  favorable  attitude  and  legislation  covering  the  invest- 
ment of  foreign  capital  in  that  country. 

HISTORY  OF  RAILWAY  DEVELOPMENT  ON  WEST  COAST. 

In  the  early  days  of  West  Coast  development,  the  territory  being 
isolated  from  the  rest  of  Mexico,  the  problem  was  to  provide  ran 
connection  with  the  nearest  seaports  for  the  inland  commercial 
centers  of  Tepic,  in  Nayarit,  and  Culiacan,  capital  of  the  State  of 
Sinaloa.  The  principal  city  to  the  north  of  Culiacan  was  Guaymas, 
a seaport,  and  between  Culiacan  and  Tepic  was  Mazatlan,  also  a 
seaport.  Through  the  George  Douglass  interests,  of  Mazatlan, 
British  capital  constructed  a line  from  Culiacan  to  its  nearest  port 
on  the  Gulf  of  Lower  California,  Altata,  then  a fairly  good  harbor 
into  which  fair-sized  coastwise  steamers  could  enter  in  safety  and 
which  in  colonial  times  had  been  used  by  the  trading  vessels  from 
the  Philippines,  Acapulco,  etc.  This  railway,  the  Ferrocarril  Occi- 
dental, now  connects  with  the  Southern  Pacific  at  Culiacan  and 
serves  the  Culiacan  Valley,  the  third  largest  sugar-producing  valley 
of  the  West  Coast  and  now  provided  with  an  irrigation  canal  recently 
completed  by  the  Mexican  Government.  The  line  has  been  in 
operation  for  about  40  years. 

A similar  project,  to  connect  Tepic  (the  capital  and  principal 
business  center  of  the  Territory  of  Tepic,  now  the  State  of  Nayarit) 
with  the  seaport  of  San  Bias,  was  started  more  than  30  years  ago 
by  the  old  Mexican  Central  Railway  Co.,  which  built  the  line  from 
Ciudad  Juarez  to  Mexico  City  and  from  Irapuato  to  Guadalajara  and 
later  to  Manzanillo.  Construction  on  the  Tepic-San  Bias  project  was 
never  completed.  The  grading  and  rails  reached  the  hacienda  of 
Navarete,  from  San  Bias,  and  then  the  work  was  abandoned.  The 
present  Mexican  Government  is  planning  the  construction  of  the  line 
between  San  Marcos  and  Tepic  (now  that  the  original  Southern 
Pacific  concession  construction  period  has  lapsed) , with  an  extension 
from  Tepic  to  San  Bias.  Imports  into  Tepic  formerly  came  either 
overland  from  the  end  of  the  Guadalajara-San  Marcos  branch  of 
the  Mexican  National  Railways  (formerly  Mexican  Central)  by  pack 
animal  or  by  water  to  the  port  of  San  Bias  and  then  overland  in  carts 
during  the  dry  season  to  Tepic,  or  by  pack  mule  in  the  rainy  season. 
The  Pacific  Mail  steamers  from  San  Francisco,  north  and  south 
bound,  called  at  San  Bias  for  passengers  and  freight.  With  the  con- 
struction of  the  Southern  Pacific  south  from  Mazatlan  to  Tepic,  pas- 
senger traffic  now  takes  the  railway,  and  the  bulk  of  the  commodity 
shipments  come  to  Mazatlan  for  transshipment  by  rail,  although 


TRANSPORTATION. 


47 


some  cargo  still  comes  down  direct  by  steamer  from  San  Francisco 
during  the  dry  season  of  the  year  when  delivery  can  be  secured  in 
Tepic  by  cart  or  pack  animal.  However,  the  port  of  San  Bias  is  a 
poor  one,  very  small,  only  partly  protected,  and  vessels  have  to  lie 
at  a considerable  distance  offshore  and  handle  cargo  by  lighters  over 
a small  bar  to  the  mouth  of  the  San  Bias  Creek,  where  the  lighters 
land  near  the  town. 

No  better  description  of  the  inception,  construction,  and  history 
of  the  Southern  Pacific  West  Coast  Lines  can  be  secured  than  that 
written  for  the  Southern  Pacific  Bulletin,  of  October,  1921,  by  V.  W. 
Bennett,  long  identified  with  the  work  and  latterly  division  superin- 
tendent, Mazatlan  to  Tepic.  Mr.  Bennett’s  article  follows: 

With  the  construction  of  the  Nacozari  Railroad  by  the  Phelps-Dodge  interests  in 
the  late  nineties,  between  Douglas,  Ariz.,  and  Nacozari,  Sonora,  Mexico  (for  the  pur- 
pose of  developing  their  large  copper  holdings  at  the  latter  point),  with  the  successful 
organization  of  the  Cananea  Consolidated  Copper  Co.,  at  Cananea,  Sonora,  and  with 
the  building  of  the  railway  from  Naco,  Ariz.,  to  Cananea  a year  or  two  later,  atten- 
tion was  drawn  to  northwestern  Mexico.  The  old  tales  of  the  wonderful  resources  of 
the  West  Coast  were  again  revived. 

Under  instruction  from  E.  H.  Harriman,  early  in  1904,  J.  A.  Naugle,  at  that  time 
assistant  general  manager  of  the  Sonora  Railway  (Nogales  to  Guaymas),  accompanied 
by  Frank  Kranz,  a prominent  mining  man  of  Nogales,  Ariz.,  made  a trip  by  team 
from  Guaymas,  Sonora,  to  Guadalajara,  Jalisco.  The  report  made  by  them  on  their 
return  was  so  glowing  and  so  thoroughly  corroborated  previous  reports  of  the  latent 
resources  of  this  region,  that  an  organization  was  immediately  formed,  headed  by 
Col.  Epes  Randolph,  Southern  Pacific  Co.  engineer,  and  the  various  concessions 
were  secured  under  which  those  portions  of  the  Southern  Pacific  Railroad  of  Mexico 
built  subsequent  to  1904  were  constructed. 

It  might  be  well  to  state  here  that  W.  C.  Green,  whose  organization  of  the  Cananea 
Consolidated  Copper  Co.  placed  him  unmistakably  among  the  big  men  of  the  country, 
was  one  of  the  staunchest  supporters  of  Messrs.  Harriman  and  Randolph  in  their  dream 
of  a West  Coast  railway  through  to  Guadalajara,  the  second  largest  city  of  the  Republic, 
and  of  making  connection,  either  by  construction  or  trackage  arrangements,  from 
that  point  into  Mexico  City. 

Let  us  at  this  point  briefly  analyze  what  the  lure  was  which  determined  the  spend- 
ing of  millions  on  millions  of  dollars  on  this  dream,  which  is  as  yet  not  fully  realized, 
but  which  surely  will  be.  There  is  a coastal  plain,  averaging  30  miles  wide  and 
roughly  700  miles  long,  watered  by  15  large  rivers  and  various  small  streams,  furnish- 
ing an  abundance  of  water  for  irrigation.  The  climate  compares  favorably  with  that 
of  California,  and  all  crops  (including  fruits)  that  California  will  produce,  and  some 
that  can  not  be  produced  in  California,  can  be  successfully  cultivated.  There  is  an 
estimated  area  of  3,150,000  acres  of  river-bottom  soil  and  an  additional  tillable  and 
irrigable  area  of  5,250,000  acres.  This  indicates  only  land  most  available  for  irriga- 
tion— land  that  can  be  readily  brought  under  cultivation.  A large  percentage  of 
this  land  will  raise  one  crop  a year  without  irrigation,  and  some  of  it  two  crops.  The 
average  richness  of  soil  is  not  exceeded  anywhere.  Practically  all  of  the  principal 
rivers  have  suitable  dam  sites  for  controlling  flood  waters.  The  mountain  range  is 
very  highly  mineralized,  with  a number  of  producing  mines  from  which  millions 
have  been  taken  and  are  still  being  taken.  It  is  recalled  that  John  Hays  Hammond 
once  pronounced  the  territory  tapped  by  the  Tonichi  Branch  as  being  one  of  the  most 
heavily  mineralized  regions  of  the  globe. 

In  Sinaloa  three  large  sugar  plants  are  in  operation,  each  with  an  immense  acreage 
still  undeveloped  and  with  an  abundance  of  water  available. 

This  country  was  served  only  by  a daily  stage  line,  frequently  tied  up  for  from  60 
to  90  days  during  the  rainy  season,  when  the  only  means  of  travel  by  land  was  horse- 
back or  mule  back,  mail  being  carried  in  this  manner.  A stage  trip  from  Guadalajara 
to  Guaymas,  under  the  very  best  conditions,  was  made  in  11  days,  the  only  other 
means  of  travel  being  by  steamer,  which  touched  only  at  a few  points  on  the  coast, 
it  being  necessary  to  land  passengers  and  cargo  by  means  of  lighters,  as  there  were  no 
improved  harbors  between  Guaymas  and  Manzanillo.  In  the  face  of  these  handicaps 
the  country  was  peaceful  and  prosperous,  as  was  the  entire  Republic  of  Mexico  at  that 
time.  No  one  could  foresee  what  was  to  follow. 

The  West  Coast  of  Mexico  route  follows,  in  a general  way,  the  old  Camino  Real, 
which  extended  from  Guadalajara  to  Tucson  at  one  time,  and  is  marked  by  the  ruins 


48 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


of  missions  hundreds  of  years  old.  The  part  of  the  line  which  turns  away  from  the 
coastal  plain  to  reach  the  high  central  plateau  at  Tepic  lies  in  the  classic  country  well 
known  to  locating  engineers  through  the  description  given  in  A.  M.  Wellington’s 
Economic  Theory  of  Railway  Location,  in  use  in  many  engineering  schools  in  the 
country  (pp.  675  to  679).  Incidentally,  a better  line  was  located  than  the  route  indi- 
cated by  Mr.  Wellington,  with  a maximum  grade  of  2.4  per  cent  for  a distance  of  26 
miles. 

The  first  portion  of  the  later  construction  now  comprising  the  holdings  of  the  South- 
ern Pacific  Railroad  of  Mexico  was  the  line  connecting  the  El  Paso  & Southwestern 
Railway  at  Naco,  Ariz.,  with  the  mines  of  the  Cananea  Consolidated  Copper  Co.  at 
Cananea,  Sonora,  Mexico,  which  was  constructed  under  the  direction  of  the  Santa  Fe 
System  in  the  year  1901,  having  been  taken  over  shortly  thereafter  by  the  Southern 
Pacific  System  interests. 

The  construction  of  the  Southern  Pacific  of  Mexico  lines  south  of  Guaymas  probably 
marks  the  end  of  the  active  period  of  rapid  and  dramatic  pioneer  railway  building  in 
America.  To  recount  its  history  would  be,  in  a measure,  to  tell  anew  many  of  the 
instances  of  pioneer  days  of  the  first  Southern  Pacific  lines,  nor  was  there  lacking  the 
inevitable  American  frontiersman,  nor  even  the  hostile  Indian.  Four  of  the  finest 
Missouri  mules  ever  eaten — and  they  were  undoubtedly  eaten — were  taken  from  the 
first  surveying  party  on  the  preliminary  lines  on  the  Yaqui  River  by  Indians  who 
also  killed  two  soldiers,  members  of  the  guard  of  20  provided  for  tins  party.  This 
was  within  a short  distance  of  the  camp. 

Ground  was  broken  in  August,  1905,  at  a point  now  known  as  Empalme,  just  north 
of  Guaymas  on  the  Sonora  Railway,  which  was  originally  also  constructed  by  the  Santa 
Fe  System  and  taken  over  by  the  Southern  Pacific,  on  the  Cananea,  Rio  Yaqui  y 
Pacifico  concession  under  which  the  line  from  Empalme  to  Navojoa,  the  Tonichi  and 
Alamos  Branches,  and  the  Nogales-Del  Rio  Line  were  built.  By  the  first  months  of 
1906  a full-fledged  construction  organization  was  in  the  field  and  rapid  progress  made. 

Construction  was  started  out  of  Mazatlan  and  also  Guadalajara  in  1907  under  the 
Southern  Pacific  of  Mexico  concession  from  the  Diaz  Government  of  Mexico.3 

The  line  between  Nogales  and  Del  Rio  (see  Cananea),  Sonora,  was  built  in  1907  and 
1908,  the  Tonichi  Branch  was  built  in  1907-1910,  the  Alamos  Branch  in  1907,  and  the 
line  was  completed  through  to  Navojoa  from  Guaymas  in  May,  1907 — a distance  of 
117  miles. 

Construction  was  pushed  in  both  directions  out  of  Mazatlan,  locomotives  and  cars 
being  shipped  in  by  steamer;  a fleet  of  lighters  was  constructed,  and  two  tugs  for  their 
operations  were  brought  down  from  the  United  States.  Ties,  redwood  and  Oregon 
pine,  were  shipped  in  by  the  steamer  load  from  California  and  Oregon,  as  well  as  steel 
from  Europe.  At  Mazatlan  all  material  was  lightered  a distance  of  a mile  and  a half 
from  alongside  steamer  lying  in  the  outer  roadstead  to  the  wharf  at  the  railway  con- 
struction headquarters  near  Mazatlan,  there  being  no  harbor  facilities,  in  the  proper 
sense  of  the  word,  at  Mazatlan.  Connection  was  made  with  the  forces  working  north 
from  Mazatlan  and  those  coming  south  from  Culiacan,  about  46  miles  north  of  the  port 
early  in  1909.  The  line  had  been  completed  to  the  south  by  that  time  as  far  as  the 
Presidio  River,  south  of  Mazatlan,  thus  giving  a through  line  for  operation  from 
Empalme  to  Presidio,  a distance  of  484  miles.  The  line  was  opened  through  to  Yago, 
at  the  Santiago  River,  146  miles  south  of  Mazatlan,  May  1,  1910,  and  to  Tepic,  196 
miles  south  of  Mazatlan,  February  5,  1912. 

A steamer  was  operated  regularly  between  Mazatlan,  Manzanillo,  and  Guaymas 
by  the  Southern  Pacific  Co.  in  connection  with  its  construction  work  from  1908  until 
the  destruction  of  the  boat  at  her  moorings  alongside  the  wharf  at  Manzanillo  in  1914, 
coincidentally  with  the  occupation  of  Vera  Cruz  by  American  forces. 

Taking  into  consideration  the  portion  of  the  old  Sonora  Railway  from  Magdalena 
south,  the  line  is  continuous  to  the  south  for  a distance  of  900  miles  with  a maximum 
grade  of  0.5  per  cent.  This  probably  equals,  if  it  does  not  exceed,  any  other  piece  of 
original  construction  with  such  a low  maximum  grade  average  on  this  continent,  and 
it  is  also  worth  while  mentioning  that  there  have  been  very  few  bad  washouts  on  the 
line  south  of  Navojoa — at  least  nothing  to  indicate  the  desirability  of  any  relocation-of- 
line  changes. 

Construction  on  the  West  Coast  Line  was  carried  out  by  modern  methods  and  appli- 
ances and  excellent  progress  made.  As  much  as  39  miles  of  grade  was  completed  in 
one  month  and  track  laid  on  it,  full  tied,  in  the  same  length  of  time. 


3 Concession  from  Federal  Government  of  Mexico  carrying  subsidy  of  from  12,000  to  20,000  pesos  per  kilo- 
meter of  line  constructed,  with  99-year  operating  lease.  The  time  for  construction  between  Tepic  and  Oran- 
dain  (near  Guadalajara)  under  this  concession  has  now  lapsed  on  account  of  interference  with  the  work  by 
the  revolutions  in  Mexico  during  the  past  10  or  11  years.  (See  also,  beginning  on  p.  ofi,  the  account  of  the 
claims  of  the  Southern  Pacific  Co.  against  the  Mexican  Government  for  damages,  losses,  sendees,  etc., 
during  the  revolutions.) 


TRANSPORTATION. 


49 


On  the  Guadalajara  portion  the  earthwork  was  done  entirely  by  basket  men  on  the 
piecework  basis,  dirt  being  carried  in  a basket  on  the  men ’s  backs  with  a head  strap 
running  up  over  the  shoulders  and  over  the  forehead.  About  120  pounds  was  a load 
and  4 cubic  meters  a day’s  work. 

The  Southern  Pacific  of  Mexico  is  operating  to-day  (September,  1922)  with  lines 
from  Nogales,  Sonora,  to  Tepic,  capital  of  the  new  State  of  Nayarit,  a distance  of  931 
miles;  from  Nogales,  Sonora,  to  the  junction  with  the  Oananea-Naco  line  at  Del  Rio, 
Sonora,  a distance  of  78  miles;  and  from  Orendain  to  La  Quemada,  north  of  Guada- 
lajara, a distance  of  42  miles.  That  portion  of  the  system  from  the  city  of  Tepic  to 
La  Quemada,  a distance  of  about  100  miles  by  rail,  remains  to  be  constructed  in  order 
to  connect  through  to  Guadalajara,  which  will  give  direct  rail  communication  to 
Mexico  City. 

In  addition  to  this  there  is  a branch  line  from  Corral  to  Tonichi,  up  the  Yaqui 
River  Valley,  a distance  of  97  miles  (the  objective  being  to  connect  with  the  Nacozari- 
Douglas  Railway,  via  Moctezuma);  one  from  Navojoa  to  Alamos,  a distance  of  39 
miles;  and  another  branch  from  Quila,  on  the  San  Lorenzo  River,  south  of  Culiaean, 
to  El  Dorado,  a distance  of  14  miles.  Neither  of  the  first  two  mentioned  branch  lines 
are,  at  present,  in  operation,  for  the  reason  that  the  repairs  made  necessary  by  the 
depredations  during  the  revolutions  and  by  deterioration  have  not  been  made  as  yet. 
That  portion  of  the  line  from  Ruiz  to  Tepic,  out  of  operation  for  a number  of  years 
from  the  same  causes,  was  put  back  into  temporary  condition  in  late  1921  and  is  now 
in  operation. 

The  oldest  portion  of  the  West  Coast  system,  known  as  the  Sonora  Railway,  extend- 
ing from  Nogales  to  Guaymas,  might  be  classed  as  the  nucleus  of  the  present  system. 
This  line,  as  well  as  the  New  Mexico  & Arizona  line,  which  extended  from  Nogales, 
Ariz.,  to  Benson  in  the  same  State  (a  Territory  at  that  time),  was  built  between  the 
years  1880  and  1883  by  the  Santa  Fe  System  and  operated  by  them  until  1897,  when 
a reciprocal  lease  was  executed  between  the  Southern  Pacific  Co.  and  the  Santa 
Fe  System  covering  the  Sonora  Railroad,  the  New  Mexico  & Arizona,  and  the  Mojave- 
Needles  lines.  Under  this  lease  the  Southern  Pacific  Co.  took  over  the  operation  of 
the  Sonora  and  New  Mexico- Arizona  Railways  and  the  Santa  Fe  took  over  the 
Mojave-Needles  line,  the  New  Mexico  & Arizona  being  operated  as  a part  of  the 
Tucson  Division  of  the  Southern  Pacific,  and  the  Sonora  Railway  being  operated  as 
a separate  unit  until  1912,  or  after  the  completion  of  the  Southern  Pacific  Railroad 
of  Mexico  as  it  now  stands.  Complete  transfer  of  titles  was  made  for  the  respective 
properties  under  lease  by  the  Santa  Fe  and  Southern  Pacific,  and  the  Sonora  Rail- 
way was  merged  into  the  Southern  Pacific  Railroad  of  Mexico. 

Although  the  Mexican  revolution  broke  out  before  the  line  was  completed  through 
to  Tepic,  and  there  have  been  repeated  interruptions  of  traffic  and  loss  of  crops,  this 
section  of  the  country  has  gone  steadily  forward. 

The  property  has  suffered  greatly  during  the  years  of  the  revolutions  in  Mexico, 
as  stated  elsewhere,  traffic  having  been  interrupted  frequently  and  for  long  periods. 
Hundreds  of  trestles  have  been  burned,  some  of  them  having  been  rebuilt  and  de- 
stroyed many  times.  Cars  and  locomotives  have  been  destroyed.  There  were  at 
one  time,  on  the  Sinaloa  Division,  6 miles  of  burned  bridges.  In  the  year  1915  there 
was  an  average  of  a trestle  a day  burned  from  January  1 to  July  31,  ranging  in  length 
from  one  span  to  260  feet.  As  a matter  of  necessity,  many  of  these  openings  have 
been  “shooflied,”  there  having  been  times  when  there  were  over  150  “shooflies” 
on  the  operated  portion  of  the  track.  These  have  been  gradually  eliminated,  but 
there  still  remained  in  October,  1921,  upward  of  75.  Regardless  of  these  circumstances 
and  conditions,  track  and  equipment  are  in  fair  condition. 

Throughout  all  of  the  revolutionary  periods  there  has  been  very  little  change  in 
personnel,  even  among  train  and  enginemen.  Among  the  officials  there  has  been 
but  one  case  of  a man  resigning  during  this  time,  and  in  this  case  it  was  not  from  any 
sense  of  fear  or  wishing  to  avoid  the  necessary  hardships. 

Empalme,  the  field  operating  headquarters  and  repair-shop  site  of  the  Southern 
Pacific  Railroad  of  Mexico,  located  about  miles  from  the  port  of  Guaymas  and 
near  the  ocean,  is  a modem  city  of  some  4,000  people,  consisting  almost  entirely  of 
railway  employees  and  their  families.  The  water  plant,  sewerage,  lighting  system, 
all  of  the  houses,  the  hotel,  and  the  club  are  owned  by  the  railway  company. 

The  principal  cities  along  the  route  are  Nogales,  Cananea,  Hermosillo,  Guaymas, 
and  Navojoa,  all  in  Sonora;  San  Bias,  Culiaean,  Mazatlan,  and  Rosario,  all  in  Sinaloa; 
and  Acaponeta  and  Tepic,  in  Nayarit. 

5 


44S07°— 23- 


50 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


KANSAS  CITY,  MEXICO  & ORIENT  RAILWAY. 

ORGANIZATION.  LOCATION.  AND  CONSTRUCTION. 

This  railway  was  also  an  American  railroad-building  enterprise. 
The  Kansas  City,  Mexico  & Orient  Railway  Co.,  with  headquarters 
in  Kansas  City,  Mo.,  was  incorporated  under  the  laws  of  Kansas  on 
April  30,  1900,  and  its  lines  in  Mexico  are  operated  under  the  “Kan- 
sas charter,  ” which  was  legalized  by  the  Diaz  Government  of  Mexico. 
The  company  was  reorganized  and  reincorporated  in  Kansas  as  the 
Kansas  City,  Mexico  & Orient  Railroad  Co.  on  July  6,  1914.  Its 
line  in  the  United  States  was  taken  over  by  the  American  Govern- 
ment Railroad  Administration  during  the  war,  in  1918,  and  that 
same  year  the  Mexican  Government  took  over  the  operation  of  the 
line  in  Mexico  from  the  American  border  at  Eagle  Pass  to  the  city 
of  Chihuahua  under  a contract  for  a term  of  years.4 

This  railway,  when  completed,  wdl  extend  from  Kansas  City, 
Mo.,  to  Topolobampo,  Sinaloa,  a port  on  the  Gulf  of  California — 
a distance  of  approximately  1,659  miles.  The  distance  from  Kansas 
City  to  San  Francisco  by  the  shortest  route  is  2,016  miles,  and  this 
new  line  was  promoted  on  the  premise  of  triangling  down  through  a 
wide  area  of  only  partly  developed  country  in  the  United  States, 
of  tapping  a rich  undeveloped  territory  on  both  sides  of  the  Sierra 
Madre  Range  in  Mexico,  and  of  providing  a shorter  rail  haul  to  tide- 
water on  the  Pacific  than  is  afforded  by  any  present  transconti- 
nental route  in  the  United  States. 

No  great  difficulties  of  construction  presented  themselves  over 
the  route  selected  until  the  heavy  and  abrupt  range  of  the  Sierra 
Madres  was  encountered  in  Mexico,  where  seven  years  were  spent 
in  preliminary  location  work.  The  original  plan  involved  a section 
of  40  miles  of  cog-railway  on  a grade  of  14  per  cent;  but  after  two 
years  of  relocation  work  a more  practicable  route  with  a grade  of 
5 per  cent  was  found,  and  finally  three  possible  routes,  lying  close 
together,  which  involved  grades  of  2^  per  cent,  compensated  for 
curves.  It  is  probable  that  even  this  grade  can  be  materially  modi- 
fied by  extensive  tunneling.  The  mountain  division  in  Chihuahua 
and  Sinaloa  takes  in  timberlands  and  extensive  mining  areas  where 
there  are  a number  of  rich  mines  and  where  mining  would  be  greatly 
stimulated  by  the  advent  of  railway  transportation,  as  there  are 
known. to  exist  many  deposits  of  low-grade  gold  ores,  as  well  as 
silver-lead  ores,  that  can  not  be  worked  at  the  margin  of  profit 
possible  with  pack-mule  transportation. 

In  December,  1917,  737  miles  of  track  were  in  operation  in  the 
United  States  and  234  miles  in  Mexico,  of  which  62  miles  reach 
from  the  port  of  Topolobampo  to  El  Fuerte,  crossing  the  Southern 
Pacific  West  Coast  Line  at  the  town  of  San  Bias,  Sinaloa. 

At  present  the  section  from  Kansas  City  to  Wichita,  Kans., 
has  been  graded  in  portions,  but  trains  run  over  another  system  to 
this  point,  from  which  Kansas  City,  Mexico  & Orient  trains  operate 
over  their  own  line  to  Alpine,  Tex.,  where  it  connects  witli  the 
Southern  Pacific  System  east  of  El  Paso.  From  Alpine  the  line 

4 The  following  data  on  the  Kansas  City,  Mexico  & Orient  Railway  have  been  compiled  from  the  Hand- 
book on  Mexico  issued  by  the  British  Admiralty  in  1919,  with  corrections  and  alterations  to  date  based 
on  observations  and  information  secured  by  research  and  in  the  field  by  P.  L.  Bell  and  H.  Bentley  Mac- 
Kcnzie. 


TRANSPORTATION-. 


51 


has  been  graded  as  far  as  the  present  end  of  construction  in  Mexico, 
at  Marquez,  crossing  the  border  and  the  Rio  Grande  at  El  Oro,  east 
of  Presidio  del  Norte,  and  following  the  Balsas  River  via  Rancho 
Mula  and  Puerto  Monier.  From  Marquez  to  Chihuahua  trains 
are  in  operation  under  the  management  of  the  Mexican  National 
Railways,  and  also  from  the  city  of  Chihuahua  to  Sanchez,  present 
terminal  of  train  operation,  trains  running  over  the  Mexico  North- 
western from  Chihuahua  to  La  Junta.  Grading  has  been  done 
from  Sanchez  to  Los  Trigos  and  thence  to  Los  Hornillos.  On  the 
Pacific  side  of  the  range  the  line  has  been  graded  in  spots  and  sur- 
veyed in  others  east  of  Fuerte,  this  being  the  really  heavy  mountain 
division. 

The  line  as  at  present  constructed  is  on  a ruling  grade  of  2 per 
cent,  which  occurs  in  the  section  to  Sanchez,  the  present  end  of  the 
line  west  of  Chihuahua.  East  of  Chihuahua,  to  the  Rio  Conchos, 
the  grade  is  H per  cent.  Over  the  West  Coast  section  the  grade  is  1 
per  cent  to  El  Fuerte. 

The  gauge  is  standard  American  (4  feet  81-  inches),  and  the  line 
is  laid  with  70-pound  steel  over  630  miles  and  75-pound  steel  over 
86  miles.  Sidings  are  laid  with  60-pound  rails.  Ties  are  mostly  of 
white  oak,  although  replacements  are  being  made  on  the  West 
Coast  section  with  native  hardwoods  found  in  that  region.  In 
Mexico  all  important  bridges  are  of  steel  with  concrete  or  masonry 
abutments. 

WEST  COAST  DIVISION. 

The  rolling  stock  of  the  West  Coast  division  consists  of  8 loco- 
motives of  the  consolidated  type,  10  passenger  cars,  2 of  first  class, 
and  247  freight  cars  of  American  standard  make  on  both  sides  of  the 
range  in  Mexico,  of  60,000  and  80,000  pounds  capacity. 

From  Chihuahua  east  the  West  Coast  Line  runs  91  miles  to  Mar- 
quez, toward  the  American  border  at  Presidio.  From  Chihuahua 
west  the  line,  including  the  Mexican  Northwestern  division,  is  194 
miles  long,  the  Mexican  Northwestern  section  used  being  114  miles 
long  and,  from  La  Junta  to  Sanchez,  80  miles  long.  Chihuahua  City 
has  an  elevation  above  sea  level  of  4,605  feet,  and  Sanchez  (the  end 
of  steel)  8,045  feet  where  the  Continental  Divide  is  reached  for  the 
third  time.  Sanchez  is  about  75  miles  from  Chinipas,  the  center  of 
the  rich  Arteaga  mining  district,  for  which  it  forms  one  of  the  outlets, 
the  other  being  Alamos.  Beyond  Sanchez  the  line  wall  proceed 
through  Los  Trigos  to  Mesa  (elevation  7,350  feet),  near  which  is  the 
famous  Barranca  de  Cobre  (a  gigantic  rift,  or  canyon,  leading  to  the 
western  watershed  of  the  range) , and  will  continue  on  a dowm  grade, 
dropping  to  656  feet  at  La  Junta,  126  miles  from  Mesa,  and  thence  to 
Los  Hornillos,  where  it  wdll  connect  with  present  construction  from  the 
seacoast  at  Topolobampo.  From  Los  Hornillos  the  grade  has  been 
constructed  to  El  Fuerte,  a distance  of  11  miles,  but  trains  only  reach 
Fuerte  at  the  present  time  from  the  port  of  Topolobampo.  Fuerte 
has  an  elevation  of  328  feet  above  sea  level,  and  from  there  to  San 
Bias,  the  point  of  crossing  with  the  Southern  Pacific  West  Coast 
Line  (elevation,  121  feet,  24  miles  distant),  the  line  has  a 1 percent 
grade  to  the  coast.  The  distance  from  San  Bias  to  Topolobampo  is 
38  miles,  and  this  part  of  the  line  runs  through  the  heart  of  the  rich 
Fuerte  River  Valley,  collecting  a considerable  tonnage  of  sugar  and 
winter  vegetables  for  transfer  to  the  Southern  Pacific  at  San  Bias. 


52 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


With  the  renewal  of  mining  activities  in  the  mountains  north  and 
south  and  inland  from  Fuerte  and  in  the  Alamos  and  Batopilas 
regions  of  the.  range,  the  Fuerte  section  will  again  carry  a better 
tonnage  than  is  now  the  case. 

FUTURE  CONSIDERATIONS. 

A great  deal  of  money  has  been  expended  on  this  railway,  which 
can  not  be  a paying  venture  until  it  is  connected  through  the  moun- 
tains and  can  rely  upon  the  “ through-tonnage  haul.”  The  terminus 
on  the  Pacific,  Topolobampo,  can  not  be  considered  a very  good 
harbor  on  account  of  the  great  bar  which  obstructs  its  entrance  out 
at  sea  and  which  will  require  enormous  dredging  operations  to  make 
the  excellent  protected  inland  bay  available  for  heavy  ocean  ton- 
nage. (See  p.  17.)  Enormous  capital  is  required  to  construct  the 
line  over  the  range  to  connect  with  the  West  Coast  section,  and  this 
capital  depends  upon  conditions  hi  Mexico  in  general.  In  the  United 
States,  and  in  Mexico  until  the  city  of  Chihuahua  is  reached,  the 
line  runs  through  a partly  desert  country  supporting  a very  meager 
population.  Its  tonnage  in  the  mountain  section  of  Chihuahua  de- 
pends upon  the  development  of  lumbering  and  mining  activities, 
and  it  is  a serious  question  whether  this  line,  if  completed  through 
to  Topolobampo,  could  hope  to  compete  with  other  transcontinental 
lines  for  tonnage  for  export  from  the  United  States  to  Pacific  ports  and 
the  Orient,  in  view  of  the  present  condition  of  commercial  develop- 
ment in  both  the  United  States  and  Mexico.  At  present  the  West 
Coast  division  is  necessarily  being  operated  as  a separate  unit  be- 
tween Topolobampo  and  Fuerte.  Repair  shops  and  headquarters  are 
located  at  San  Bias.  With  the  tonnage  afforded  by  the  development 
of  agriculture  in  the  Fuerte  Valley  this  part  of  the  line  is  paying  at 
the  present  time  a small  surplus  above  actual  operating  and  upkeep 
expenses.  Equipment  and  track  are  in  very  poor  condition  as  a 
result  of  the  years  of  revolution  in  that  part  of  Mexico,  and  the 
property  has  suffered  in  depreciation  and  loss.  The  purchasing 
agent  is  the  Kansas  City,  Mexico  & Orient  Railroad  Co.,  Kansas 
City,  Mo.,  where  general  offices  are  also  located.  American  standard 
equipment,  signals,  etc.,  are  used  throughout. 

SOUTHERN  PACIFIC  RAILROAD  OF  MEXICO. 

ROLLING  STOCK  AND  EQUIPMENT. 

During  the  revolutions  the  damage  to  rolling  stock  on  the  Southern 
Pacific  Railroad  of  Mexico  has  been  very  great;  1,200  freight  cars 
have  been  totally  or  partly  destroyed  at  one  time  or  another  by  the 
rebels  and  Government  troops.  At  present  the  line  is  using  a total 
of  64  locomotives  of  the  standard  American  type,  1,313  freight  cars  of 
all  types,  and  86  passenger  coaches,  of  which  16  are  of  first-class 
type.  Pullman  cars  are  carried  from  Los  Angeles  as  far  as  Mazatlan 
three  times  a week,  which  is  the  present  operating  schedule. 

The  Sonora  State  government  encouraged  a general  strike  of  the 
men  employed  by  the  company  in  1917,  then  took  over  the  road  and 
endeavored  to  operate  it  for  then*  own  account.  They  failed  in  this, 
and  financial  difficulties  forced  them  to  ask  the  company  to  take  the 
line  back.  This  was  done  by  the  company  after  the  government 


TRANSPORTATION. 


53 


had  recognized  all  claims.  Up  to  1916,  bridges  totaling  75,151  feet 
in  length  had  been  destroyed  from  time  to  time,  some  of  these  more 
than  once. 

SONORA  RAILWAY. 

In  1909,  after  being  taken  over  from  the  Santa  Fe  System,  the 
Sonora  Railway  portion  of  the  West  Coast  Line  was  reconstructed. 
This  involved  the  raising  of  the  track,  the  putting  hi  of  new  ties 
throughout,  the  replacement  of  old  bridges  and  culverts,  and  the 
substitution  of  heavier  rails.  The  line  is  now  of  standard  American 
gauge  (4  feet  8y  inches).  The  heaviest  grade  is  2 per  cent  (Mag- 
dalena division)  and  the  minimum  curve  radius  574.465  feet.  This 
part  of  the  line  has  1,902  bridges  and  culverts,  having  a total  length 
of  34,017  feet. 


TOWNS  ON  MAIN  LINE,  ELEVATIONS,  CONNECTIONS,  ETC. 

In  the  following  table  are  brief  descriptions  of  the  principal  places 
on  the  main  line  of  the  Southern  Pacific  Railroad  of  Mexico : 


Towns. 

Eleva- 

tion. 

Distance 

from 

Nogales. 

Description. 

Feet. 

Miles. 

Nogales 

Lomas 

3,869 

0 

3 

Terminus  of  line  from  Tucson  and  Benson,  Ariz.,  where  connection 
is  made  with  main  line  of  Southern  Pacific.  Point  of  departure 
for  Altai'  mining  district  and  for  West  Coast  Route  as  far  south  as 
Tepic. 

Branch  line,  formerly  part  of  the  Rio  Yaqui,  Cananea  & Pacific 
Railway,  4 foot  84  inch  gauge,  rims  generally  east  to  (4  miles) 
Puertozuelo,  4,910  feet;  along  valley  of  Rio  Santa  Cruz  and  across 
the  river  near  Santa  Cruz  (36  miles),  4,439  feet;  to  (78  miles)  Del 
Rio,  4,681  feet,  junction  with  line  from  Naco  to  Cananea.  Maxi- 
mum grade,  2.6  per  cent;  minimum  curve  radius,  625  feet. 

Encima 

4,188 

7 

A general  down  grade  from  Encima  to  Guavmas,  at  sea  level. 

Agua  Zarca 

3,816 

121 

Here  the  San  Ignacio  River  is  reached,  its  right  bank  bemg  fol- 
lowed to  Magdalena. 

Magdalena 

2,460 

54 

Near  point  where  line  crosses  Rio  San  Ignacio.  Wheat  and  cotton 
section;  also  mining  to  the  south.  Prospects  of  dry  farming  and 
irrigation  works. 

Santa  Ana 

2,252 

66 

Shipping  point  for  Altar  mining  district,  reached  by  auto  truck, 
etc.  Line  proceeds  due  south  across  level  plain. 

Carbo 

1,523 

130 

Lunch  station . B order  line  between  N ogales  and  Guaymas  Ameri- 
can consular  districts  in  Sonora. 

Pesqneira 

1,075 

151 

Point  of  departure  for  Horcasitas  mining  district  to  the  south. 

Hermosillo 

693 

175 

Line  crosses  Sonora  River  by  iron  bridge  309  feet  long,  in  three 
spans.  Between  Hermosillo  and  Torres  line  crosses  two  branches 
of  Sonora  River.  (Hermosillo  is  capital  of  Sonora. 

Torres 

53S 

201 

Branch  line,  Mexican  Union  Railway  Co.,  3-foot  gauge,  to  Minas 
Prietas  (12.5  miles),  also  called  La'Colorada  Mines,  from  which 
line  was  completed  in  1918  for  distance  of  38  miles  in  direction  of 
old  mining  district  of  U res,  65  miles  distant,  which  was  the  objec- 
tive for  mining  development.  Ruling  gradient  about  1.5  per 
cent.  Rails:  13  miles,  25-pound;  6J  miles,  30-pound;  ISf  miles, 
50-pound.  Rolling  stock  (now  almost  destroyed  and  worthless); 
4 locomotives,  3 passenger  coaches,  12  box  cars,  and  15  flat  cars 
for  ore,  etc.  From  Minas  Prietas  there  is  a branch  line  built  to 
El  Represo,  a mine  not  now  in  operation.  From  Minas  Prietas 
a wagon  road  starts  for  San  Jose  de  Pimas,  Tecoripa  (point  for 
Santa  Barbara),  San  Javier  (for  the  coal  fields  of  Los  Bronces), 
La  Barranca,  and  Toledo,  a station  on  the  Tonichi  branch — all 
mining  centers,  but  at  present  closed  down  because  of  existing 
conditions.  From  Minas  Prietas  another  wagon  road  leads  to 
Lapiz,  20  miles  to  the  south,  to  the  Santa  Maria  graphite  mines, 
now  being  worked  on  a small  scale. 

Ortiz 

347 

235^ 

San  Marcial  coal  fields.  From  Ortiz  a wagon  road,  through  mining 

I^mpalme 

5 

260 

properties,  runs  to  Cumuripa.  (See  below.) 

Workshops  of  Southern  Pacific  Railroad  of  Mexico.  Town  of  4,000, 
owned  by  the  company.  Modern  equipment.  General  railway 
repair  and  erecting  shops.  Coal  storage  of  railway;  capacity, 
10,000  tons  (coal  used,  New  Mexico  “Gallup”  coal).  A spur 
track  runs  across  an  arm  of  a shallow  lagoon  on  an  embankment  1 
mile  long  and  then  follows  the  shore  to  Mile  265,  to  Guaymas,  a 
seaport.  From  Empalme  fine  continues  south  to  Corral. 

54 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


Towns. 

Eleva- 

tion. 

Distance 

from 

Nogales. 

Feet. 

Miles. 

Corral 

122 

323 

Navojoa 

125 

376* 

Masiaca 

167 

403 

Don 

166 

429 

San  Bias 

115 

460 

Naranjo 

152 

491 

Toruno 

154 

493 

Bamoa 

138 

504 

Capomas 

143 

513 

Guamuchil 

139 

526 

Palos  Blancos 

192 

549 

Retes 

114 

565 

Culiacan 

119 

597 

Quila 

172 

628 

Mazatlan 

0 

734 

Rosario 

55 

774 

Esquinapa 

46 

7S9 

Aeaponeta 

81 

828 

Yago 

S9 

879 

106 

SS2 

187 

S98 

Aguirre 

2,249 

917 

Description. 


Branch  line  runs  northeast  along  right  bank  of  Rio  Yaqui  to 
Tonichi,  via  Buena  Vista,  1CJ  miles,  194  feet  elevation;  Cumuripa, 
41  J miles,  285  feet-  Toledo,  93  miles,  590  feet;  and  Tonichi, 
96  miles,  600  feet.  From  Tonichi  the  survey  runs  along  the  San 
Bernardino  and  Bavispe  Rivers  to  join  the  line  to  Nacozari  from 
Douglas.  The  line  beyond  Tonichi  was  under  construction  as 
far  as  the  mining  camp  of  Cienegita,  20  miles  southeast  of  Sahua- 
ripa,  in  1909.  The  section  from  Corral  to  Navojoa,  main  line,  has 
a maximum  grade  of  0.5  per  cent  and  a minimum  curve  radius 
of  1,650  feet.  South  of  Corral  the  line  runs  southeast  in  general 
direction,  crossing  the  Rio  Yaqui  on  a large  bridge  which  has 
escaped  destruction. 

Here  the  Rio  Mayo  is  crossed  by  large  steel  bridge.  Branch  line  to 
Alamos,  1,282  feet  elevation.  Maximum  grade,  2.8  per  cent; 
minimum  curve  radius  of  branch  line,  625  feet.  Alamos  is  a 
mining  center  and  is  the  nearest  outlet  point  for  the  Chinipas 
(Arteaga)  mining  district  in  Chihuahua,  about  60  miles  distant. 
A narrow-gauge  steam  railway  connects  the  Palmarejo  mine  with 
the  Chinipas  River,  20  miles  distant.  A new  branch  line  is  being 
built  now  by  the  Mexican  Government  to  connect  Navojoa  with 
the  port  of  Yavaros,  approximately  60  miles  distant  down  the 
Mayo  Valley,  which  is  the  largest  producing  section  for  the  chick- 
pea, or“garbanzo,”ofthe“west-coast”region.  The  section  from 
Navojoa  to  Culiacan  has  a maximum  grade  of  0.5  per  cent  and  a 
minimum  curve  radius  of  925  feet.  The  line  crosses  a more  or 
less  rolling  country  with  numerous  rivers  and  creeks. 

Between  Don  and  Francisco  the  line  crosses  the  Rio  Alamos,  not 
an  important  stream. 

Crossing  of  Fuerte  River.  River  varies  from  2 feet  in  depth  by  250 
feet  in  width  at  extreme  low  water  to  1 mile  wide,  25  feet  in  depth, 
and  a current  of  7 to  10  miles  per  hour  during  flood  season.  .1  unc- 
tion with  Kansas  City,  Mexico  & Orient  Railway  to  Topolo- 
bampo. 

Between  Naranjo  and  Toruno  line  crosses  the  Oeoroni  arroyo. 

Between  Toruno  and  Bamoa  line  crosses  the  Sinaloa  River. 

Principal  point  for  the  Oeoroni  and  Sinaloa  River  Valleys,  where 
there  is  considerable  new  planting  of  tomatoes,  winter  vegetables, 
garbanzos,  etc. 

Between  Capomas  and  Guamuchil  line  crosses  the  Mocorito  River. 


Point  on  railway  nearest  to  Pericos,  plantation  of  sugar  cane  and 
(principally)  ‘‘mescal”  distillery. 

Line  crosses  Culiacan  River — just  below  junction  of  Tamazula  and 
Humaya  Rivers — over  steel  bridge  of  14  spans  of  70-foot  deck- 
plate  girders  and  2 spans  of  200  feet  through  Pratt  t russes.  Branch 
line:  Ferrocarril  Occidental,  to  Altata,  38  miles,  down  the  Culia- 
can Valley. 

San  Lorenzo  River  is  crossed  by  bridge  of  72  spans  of  70-foot  deck- 
plate  girders.  Between  Quila'  and  Mazatlan,  line  crosses  the  large 
rivers  Elota  and  Piaxtla  and  the  smaller  Quelite.  Branch  line 
to  El  Dorado  (sugar  plantation  and  mill  of  Redo  y Cia.)  and 
small  port,  distance  14  miles. 

Seaport.  From  Mazatlan  to  the  Santiago  River  the  maximum 
grade  is  0.4  per  cent  and  the  minimum  curve  radius  625  feet. 
Between  Mazatlan  and  Rosario  the  Rosario  River  is  crossed  on  a 
wooden  bridge,  recently  burned  out  for  the  sixth  or  seventh  time. 

Mining  town  for  the  famous  “Rosario”  mine  of  Mr.  Bradbury,  of 
Los  Angeles. 

Center  of  the  shrimp-fishing  industry. 

Between  Aeaponeta  and  Yagothe  line  crosses  the  San  Pedro  River, 
in  the  valley  of  which  is  a new  winter  tomato  and  melon  growing 
center. 

Between  Yago  and  Nanchi  the  Santiago  River  is  crossed  on  large 
steel  bridge,  six  spans  of  70-foot  steel  girders  and  three  200-foot 
spans  of  Pratt  trusses.  F rom  the  Santiago  to  Tepic  the  maximum 
grade  is  about  2 per  cent.  The  present  condition  of  this  line, 
long  out  of  operation  on  account  of  the  revolutions  and  recently 
put  into  condition,  is  very  poor.  The  running  time  for  nnxeil 
passenger  and  freight  trains  bet  ween  the  port  and  Tepic  is  from 
16  to  20  hours.  Yago  is  also  the  pomt  for  Santiago  Ixquintla.  the 
largest  town  in  the  Santiago  River  Valley,  some  14  miles  distant 
from  the  railway  and  in  the  heart  of  a very  rich  agricultural  sec- 
tion of  the  great  alluvial  valley  of  the  river. 

Between  this  point  and  Aguirre  there  is  a rise  of  2.062  feet. 

Sugar  mill  and  plantation  of  the  Aguirre  estate,  of  Tepic. 


TRANSPORTATION. 


55 


Towns. 

Eleva- 

tion. 

Distance 

from 

Nogales. 

Description. 

Tepic. 

Feet . 
3, 186 

Miles. 

931 

Present  terminus  of  the  line.  The  section  from  Tepic  to  Guadala- 
j ara  is  not  completed.  The  time  allowed  for  this  construction  by 
the  Government  under  the  original  concession  has  now  lapsed 
and  a new  survey  is  being  carried  out  by  the  Mexican  Government 
engineersfrom  the  end  of  the  Guadalajara-San  Marcos  Branch  to 
Tepic  andfrom  there  to  the  port  of  San  Bias,  according  to  present 
plans  of  the  Government.  The  distance  between  Tepic  and  the 
present  end  of  the  line  out  of  Orendain,  where  the  Southern  Pacific 
leaves  the  Mexican  National  Railways  near  Guadalajara,  is 
given,  according  to  the  Southern  Pacific  survey,  as  91  miles, 
which  includes  some  17  miles  of  bridges  and  tunnels,  with  an 
estimated  cost  of  511,000,000. 

La  Quemada 

Magdalena 

4,268 

4,461 

1,022 

3, 997 

Center  of  mescal  liquor  industry. 

There  is  an  elevation  of  906  feet  between  this  point  and  Tequila  in  8 
miles  of  track. 

Amatitlan 

4,903 

Quiteria 

4,024 

4,730 

1,064 

Change  to  Guadalajara.  The  distance  from  Orendain  to  La  Que- 
mada is  given  as  6S  miles,  but  the  right  figureis  42  miles. 

ANNUAL  REPORT  FOR  1922. 

The  annual  report  of  the  Southern  Pacific  Railroad  Co.  of  Mexico  as 
of  December  31,  1922,  shows  the  following  claims  against  the  Mexican 


Government  up  to  that  date: 

Total  damage  from  1910  to  December  31,  1921 $5,  767,  630 

Equivalent  in  Mexican  pesos 11,  535,  260 

Claims  against  Mexican  Government pesos. . 27,  875,  427 

Subvention  and  unpaid  interest do 4,  964,  845 

Total  claims do 32, 840,  272 

Claims  already  filed do 26,  268, 121 


The  average  mileage  operated  in  1921  was  1,054.7,  as  against 
1,001.47  for  1920.  Only  such  maintenance  was  carried  on  as  was 
necessary  for  operation  of  trains  over  lines  open  to  traffic. 

The  system  never  paid  a profit  in  excess  of  operating  costs  until 
late  in  i921  when,  for  the  first  time,  tonnage  handled  paid  for  line 
conditioning  (on  a temporary  scale)  and  operating  costs,  and  this 
condition  continued  during  1922. 

NACO-CANANEA  LINE. 

The  line  from  Naco  to  Cananea,  formerly  a part  of  the  Rio  Yaqui, 
Cananea  & Pacific  Railroad,  which  was  absorbed  and  consolidated  by 
the  Southern  Pacific  Railroad  of  Mexico,  is  an  extension  of  the  railway 
from  Douglas,  Ariz.,  forming  a part  of  the  El  Paso  & Southwestern 
System,  and  is  also  connected  with  Benson.  The  maximum  grade 
is  2.45  per  cent  and  the  minimum  curve  radius  715  feet.  The  line  is 


56 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


of  standard  American  gauge.  Following  are  notes  concerning  the 
towns  on  the  line: 


Town. 

Eleva^ 

tion. 

Distance 

from 

Naco. 

Description. 

Naco 

Feet. 

4,607 

4, 681 
5,270 

Miles. 

0 

Frontier  station.  Line  runs  in  a southwestern  direction  to 
Cananea. 

Junction  with  line  from  Nogales. 

Mines  of  the  Cananea  Consolidated  Copper  Co.,  which  are  con- 
nected by  standard-gauge  track  with  smelters,  reduction 
plants,  etc.  Mines  have  recently  resumed  operations — August, 
1922— after  being  shut  down  for  one  and  ahalf  years  as  a result  of 
revolution  in  Mexico  and  copper  market  conditions.  Cananea  is 
one  of  the  largest  copper  camps  in  the  world  and  produces  enor- 
mous tonnage  of  this  metal  when  working  with  full  force. 

Del  Rio 

29 

38 

PRESENT  STATUS  OF  SOUTHERN  PACIFIC  CLAIMS. 

The  Southern  Pacific  Co.  has  made  repeated  attempts  to  reach  an 
agreement  with  the  Mexican  Government  (Obregon  regime)  for  the 
adjustment  and  at  least  partial  payment  of  the  claims  of  the  company 
against  the  Government  for  damages  to  the  property,  destruction  of 
rolling  stock  and  material,  and  services  rendered  in  the  transporta- 
tion of  troops  and  supplies  during  the  various  revolutions  in  Mexico, 
without  result  to  date — the  Government  alleging  lack  of  sufficient 
funds  to  meet  these  claims  at  this  time,  though  a large  proportion  of 
the  claims  have  been  allowed  by  the  various  commissions  appointed 
to  pass  on  them  in  detail.  The  new  president  of  the  Southern  Pacific 
of  Mexico  has  made  an  offer  to  the  Government — stated  as  the  new 
policy  of  his  company — to  the  effect  that  whatever  sums,  however 
small,  paid  on  account  by  the  Government  would  be  immediately 
expended  by  the  company  in  the  new  construction  work  necessary 
to  connect  the  line  with  Guadalajara  and  the  Mexican  National 
Railways  at  that  point,  instead  of  this  money  being  applied  on  ac- 
count of  past  claims  for  damages,  etc.  It  should  be  borne  in  mind 
that  it  is  very  vital  to  the  best  economic  interests  of  the  entire  West 
Coast  region,  and  also  to  the  central  part  of  the  Republic,  that  direct 
rail  communication  be  established  as  soon  as  possible  in  order  that 
the  West  Coast  may  have  a direct,  easy,  rapid  outlet  for  its  surplus 
food  products  to  the  markets  of  the  interior,  where  these  have  been 
badly  needed  during  the  past  few  years  in  the  thickly  inhabited  part 
of  Mexico. 

The  Mexican  Government,  in  February,  1922,  through  the  Min- 
istry of  Hacienda  (Treasury),  announced  that  Mexican  Government 
engineers  were  to  be  placed  at  once  at  the  task  of  relocating  a prac- 
tical route  from  San  Marcos  (Jalisco)  to  Tepic,  and  from  there  to 
the  port  of  San  Bias.  In  August  the  chief  engineer  of  the  Mexican 
National  Railways,  who  had  completed  the  survey  and  location  of 
the  new  Rio  Mayo  Railway  in  southern  Sonora,  was  ordered  to 
proceed  to  San  Marcos,  Jalisco,  to  take  charge  of  this  work,  and  it 
was  later  claimed  that  a better  route  had  been  found  than  the  one 
selected  by  the  Southern  Pacific  engineers  between  Tepic  and  La 
Quemada,  which  includes  the  canyon  of  the  Rio  Santiago  and  some 


TRANSPORTATION. 


57 


of  the  most  difficult  terrain  in  the  entire  country,  being  very  broken 
in  character  in  this  section  of  more  than  90  miles. 

It  should  be  recalled  further  that  the  time  allowance  contained  in 
the  original  Diaz  Government  concession  for  the  Southern  Pacific  to 
Guadalajara  from  Tepic  (the  line  having  been  built  in  sections  under 
a subsidy)  has,  in  the  meantime,  lapsed  on  account  of  the  inability 
of  the  company  to  continue  this  work  while  the  country  was  torn  by 
warring  political  factions  and  desolated  by  bandits.  On  account 
of  the  general  lack  of  funds  in  the  Mexican  Government’s  Treasury, 
it  is  very  doubtful  whether  the  Government  will  be  able  to  proceed 
with  the  actual  construction  of  this  line.  The  attitude  of  the  Southern 
Pacific,  in  view  of  the  enormous  expense  involved  in  the  construction 
of  this  part  of  the  system  as  originally  planned — some  $11,000,000 
United  States  currency-— was  that  they  were  willing  to  have  the 
Government  construct  this  connecting  link,  which  would  auto- 
matically afford  the  Southern  Pacific  West  Coast  Line  direct  rail 
communication  and  provide  it  with  the  much-desired  and  necessary 
long  tonnage  haul  without  the  expense  of  constructing  this  difficult 
part  of  the  line.40 

PRESENT  COST  OF  SOUTHERN  PACIFIC  RAILROAD  OF  MEXICO. 

According  to  an  article  appearing  in  the  Bulletin,  official  organ 
of  the  Southern  Pacific  Co.,  published  in  October,  1921,  the  total 
cost  of  the  West  Coast  Line,  since  1905,  has  been  about  $125,000,000, 
over  and  above  subsidies  paid  by  the  Mexican  Government — $44,- 
704,526  having  been  charged  off  to  profit  and  loss,  due  principally  to 
losses  sustained  by  the  property  in  various  ways  during  the  periods  of 
revolutionary  activity  in  Mexico.  The  property  in  Mexico  is  valued, 
in  round  numbers,  at  $22,000,000. 

NACOZARI  RAILROAD  CO. 

This  line  runs  75  miles  from  the  American  border  at  Douglas,  Ariz., 
to  Nacozari,  the  center  of  a rich  copper-mining  district  where  the 
Phelps-Dodge  interests  have  large  properties,  as  well  as  several  other 
companies.  The  property  is  controlled  by  the  Phelps-Dodge  in- 
terests, with  headquarters  in  New  York  City.  The  line  crosses  the 
Mexican  border  from  Douglas  to  the  Mexican  town  of  Agua  Prieta. 

The  maximum  grade  is  1.5  per  cent,  and  the  minimum  curve 
radius  is  310  feet.  The  line  is  of  standard  American  gauge.  The 
equipment  comprises  7 locomotives,  6 coaches,  117  freight  cars. 

■to  In  March,  1923,  it  was  announced,  through  official  Mexican  Government  sources,  that  a definite 
arrangement  had  been  reached  between  the  Mexican  Government  and  the  Southern  Pacific  Railroad  Co. 
of  Mexico  for  the  reconstruction  of  the  Tonichi  Branch,  running  90  miles  up  the  Yaqui  River  Valley  from 
Corral,  on  the  main  line  south  of  Guavmas;  and  also  for  the  reconstruction  of  the  Alamos  Branch  from 
Navojoa,on  the  main  line,  38  miles  to  the  town  of  Alamos.  It  was  stated  that  the  agreement  also  covers 
the  construction  of  the  extension  of  the  main  line  from  Tepic,  in  the  State  of  Nayarit,  to  La  Quemada,  near 
Guadalajara.  It  was  also  reported  that,  in  all  probability,  the  Tonichi  Branch  would  be  extended  to 
connect  with  the  Nacozari  Railway  (Phelps-Dodge  Co.),  giving  easy  access  to  the  United  States  for  this 
region  through  Douglas,  Ariz. 

The  Alamos  and  Tonichi  Branches  were  abandoned  in  1912,  and  it  was  thought  that  nearly  all  bridges, 
culverts,  etc. , would  have  to  be  replaced  and  that  a number  of  small  tunnels  would  need  to  be  reconditioned. 

In  April,  1923,  it  was  reported  that  active  work  was  in  progress  on  new  construction  from  Tepic  and  also 
out  from  La  Quemada,  it  being  hoped  to  cross  the  lowlands  before  the  beginning  of  the  rainy  season  in  July. 


58  MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


Following  are  brief  comments  on  the  principal  towns  touched  hy  this 
line: 


Towns. 

Distance 

from 

Agua 

Prieta. 

Description. 

Agua  Prieta 

Fronteras 

Miles. 

0 

33 

44 

75 

Between  the  border  and  Mile  20,  line  crosses  three  branches  of  the  Agua 
Prieta  River. 

From  here  to  Vigia  line  follows  left  bank  of  Rio  de  Fronteras  and  crosses 
three  branches  of  that  river. 

Rail  point  for  El  Tigre  Mine  and  Pilares  de  Teras,  the  latter  containing  the 
largest  deposit  of  low-grade  sulphides  of  copper  in  the  world. 

In  center  of  rich  mining  district.  Rail  point  for  Cumpas  region,  Moc-tezuma 
region,  etc.  Objective  of  Tonichi  Branch  (up  Yaqui  Riven  of  the 
Southern  Pacific  of  Mexico  from  Corral,  south  of  Guaymas.  Branch  Une, 
3-foot  gauge,  private  company,  t<}  mines  of  Los  Pilares,  7 miles. 

TONNAGE  MOVEMENT  AND  DEVELOPMENT  OF  REGION. 

i 

In  spite  of  the  revolutions  (which  began  before  the  line  reached 
Tepic),  partial  crop  failures,  and  frequent  interruptions  in  traffic,  the 
region  has  continued  to  progress.  In  1920  the  total  exports  from 
Mexico  registered  in  the  Arizona  customs  district  were  valued  at 
$31,379,497,  with  imports  into  Mexico  from  the  United  States  valued 
at  $17,004,853. 

During  the  1920  season  900  carloads  of  West  Coast  tomatoes  passed 
through  Nogales  into  the  United  States  from  Sinaloa  and  Navarit. 
The  1921  crop  was  estimated  at  3,000  carloads,  but  only  1.113 
resulted  because  of  loss  from  insect  pests,  plant  disease,  and  bad 
handling  and  packing  methods.  If  the  total  estimated  1921  yield  had 
materialized  it  would  have  meant  a shipment  to  the  United  States 
of  2,400,000  ‘Tugs”  (crates)  of  winter  tomatoes,  or  about  two  and 
one-half  tomatoes  for  every  person  in  the  United  States.  During 
1920  a total  of  1,279  carloads  of  ‘‘garbanzos”  and  28  cars  of  minerals 
were  exported  to  the  United  States  through  Nogales,  and  imports  of 
general  merchandise  into  Mexico  through  the  same  port  of  entry 
amounted  to  1,279  carloads. 

The  estimated  winter-tomato  and  winter-vegetable  acreage  for 
the  1922-23  season  is  calculated  to  be  at  least  four  times  as  great  as 
that  of  the  1921-22  season,  although,  on  account  of  the  danger  from 
frosts,  floods,  insect  pests,  and  prevalent  plant  diseases  peculiar  to  the 
region,  the  actual  yield  for  shipment  is  very  problematical  at  this 
time.  The  railway  is  preparing  to  handle  about  3,000  cars  of  toma- 
toes, etc.,  between  the  Santiago  Valley  in  Nayarit  and  the  Fuerte 
Valley  in  northern  Sinaloa. 

NEW  RAILWAY  CONSTRUCTION  ON  WEST  COAST. 

MAYO  VALLEY  RAILWAY  (“ FERROCARRIL  DEL  RIO  MAYO”). 

This  new  railway,  which  is  being  built  by  the  Government  of 
Mexico  in  conjunction  with  the  landowners  of  the  Mayo  Valley 
(which  is  the  largest  area  of  production  of  the  chick-pea  called 
“garbanzo”),  starts  at  the  town  of  Navojoa.  on  the-Southern  Pacific 
of  Mexico,  near  the  apex  of  the  Mayo  River  Valley,  376  miles  south 
of  Nogales  and  116  miles  south  of  the  port  of  Guaymas  (EmpahneV 
and  is  surveyed  to  the  gulf  port  of  Yavaros,  located  on  the  Bay  of 


TRANSPORTATION. 


59 


Santa  Barbara  at  the  mouth  of  the  Mayo  River,  where  a protected 
but  shallow  harbor  is  formed  by  the  alluvial  island  of  Santa  Barbara. 
The  annual  crop  of  “garbanzos”  has  always  been  shipped  by  rail  to 
Guaymas  and  then  loaded  on  steamer  for  Spain  and  the  West  Indies, 
although  recent  shipments  have  been  going  by  rail  to  New  Orleans 
for  export  to  the  West  Indies  from  there  by  an  agent  of  the  Comision 
Monetaria  of  the  Mexican  Government. 

The  line  follows  down  the  Mayo  Valley  south  of  the  river,  passing 
through  the  important  agricultural  towns  of  Echacoa,  San  Pedro, 
and  Huatabampo,  the  rail  distance,  as  surveyed,  being  74  kilometers, 
or  45.98  miles,  approximately.  The  line  is  of  standard  gauge  and 
connects  with  the  Southern  Pacific  main  coast  line  at  the  town  of 
Navojoa. 

METHOD  OP  FINANCING  AND  CONSTRUCTION. 

The  Mexican  Government  contracted  with  the  landowners  of  the 
valley  on  a partnership  basis — the  landowners  to  do  the  grading  and 
furnish  the  ties  from  the  heavy  growths  of  native  mesquite  that  are 
found  along  the  right  of  way — the  Government  to  pay  the  current 
prices  for  the  work  of  grading  and  for  the  ties  furnished  on  a basis  of 
33  J per  cent  in  cash  and  66§  per  cent  in  stock  in  the  railway  company 
formed.  The  estimated  cost  of  the  grading  was  placed  at  16  centavos 
($0.08)  per  cubic  meter,  but  the  work  actually  cost  more,  in  spite  of 
the  level  ground  covered  by  the  line,  because  water  had  to  be  hauled 
considerable  distances  for  the  men  and  stock  on  the  work  in  the  field. 

PROGRESS  OP  WORK. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  rainy  season  (June,  1922)  it  was  reported 
that  10  kilometers  of  line  had  been  graded  and  steel  laid,  and  one 
locomotive  and  a few  flat  cars  were  brought  in  to  facilitate  the  work 
of  construction.  By  the  end  of  September,  1922,  it  was  reported  that 
only  10  kilometers  remained  to  be  graded,  the  line  being  in  operation 
to  Etchojoa,  Kilometer  57,  and  that  the  survey  of  the  proposed 
harbor,  docks,  etc.,  was  well  under  way.  New  rolling  stock,  including 
2 locomotives  and  14  box  cars,  was  brought  down  from  the  United 
States,  and  it  was  hoped  that  the  line  would  be  ready  to  move  the 
bulk  of  the  season’s  “garbanzo”  crop,  the  Government  supplying 
the  rails,  rolling  stock,  and  operating  equipment.  The  actual  work 
of  survey  and  construction  was  in  charge  of  the  Director  General  of 
the  National  Railways  of  Mexico  and  of  a personal  representative 
of  General  Obregon,  whose  family  has  large  land  holdings  in  the 
Mayo  Valley  in  the  neighborhood  of  Huatabampo,  which  is  also  the 
name  of  the  Obregon  family’s  hacienda.  The  Government’s  grant  was 
originally  150,000  pesos  (nominally  $75,000  United  States  currency). 

PORT  OF  YAVAROS. 

Surveys  of  this  shallow  port  and  harbor  showed  that  there  was  27 
feet  of  water  inside  the  bar  off  the  mouth  of  the  Mayo  River  at  the 
entrance  off  Santa  Barbara  Island,  but  only  13  feet  of  water  at  mean 
low  tide  around  the  island  of  Viejas,  which  it  is  proposed  to  use  as  the 
terminal  and  wharf  site  for  the  new  railway.  The  bar  itself  has  only 
12  feet  of  water  at  low  water  and  will  have  to  be  dredged.  The  Mayo, 
like  all  other  rivers  of  the  West  Coast,  carries  an  enormous  amount 


60 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


of  alluvial  material  in  its  waters  at  flood  season,  and  alluvial  for- 
mations are  always  changing  near  its  outlet  at  the  sea. 

Late  in  November,  1922,  the  President  of  Mexico,  in  view  of  the 
lack  of  funds  for  the  completion  of  this  railway  and  the  seaport  ter- 
minal facilities,  requested  the  mining  companies  (mostly  American) 
of  the  Alamos  district  to  send  representatives  to  Mexico  Citv  to 
confer  with  the  Government  regarding  plans  for  raising  additional 
funds  for  the  completion  of  the  work,  it  having  been  found  in  the 
meantime  that  the  dredging  of  the  channel  and  other  port  works  at 
Yavaros  would  prove  to  be  more  costly  than  at  first  contemplated. 
The  “garbanzo”  growers  of  the  Mayo  Valley  have  had  several  bad 
years,  on  account  of  the  inadequate  market  demand  from  Spain,  low 
prices,  and  an  estimated  damage  to  the  crop  in  1922  of  25  per  cent  of 
the  estimated  total  yield,  and  they  can  not  be  expected  to  furnish 
any  great  amount  of  additional  funds  for  this  project  at  this  time. 

EFFECT  OF  LINE  ON  OCEAN  FREIGHTS  AND  RAIL  COMPETITION. 

The  completion  of  the  Rio  Mayo  Railway  would  give  the  “gar- 
banzo”  growers  a much  shorter  haul  to  tidewater  for  their  product — 
46  miles  (as  compared  with  116  miles  to  Guaymas)  or  even  less — as 
the  line  passes  right  through  the  cultivated  region  which  extends 
down  to  the  coast  from  the  railway  at  Navojoa,  through  the  main 
part  of  the  valley.  In  September,  1922,  agents  of  the  Mexican  Navi- 
gation Co.  (owned  by  the  Mexican  Government),  which  operates 
three  steamers  between  Mexican  West  Coast  ports  and  the  Pacific 
ports  of  the  United  States,  were  in  the  Yaqui,  Mayo,  and  Sinaloa 
River  Valleys  offering  reduced  freight  rates  -with  through  bills  of 
lading  to  shippers  of  wheat,  “garbanzos,”  and  other  products  from 
the  West  Coast  to  the  interior  of  Mexico  via  Manzanillo  and  the 
National  Railways  of  Mexico,-  or  for  export  via  the  Tehuantepec 
Railway.  (See  p.  65.) 


DURANGO-MAZATLAN  RAILWAY. 

This  much-talked-of  rail  connection  for  the  West  Coast  port  of 
Mazatlan  with  the  interior  across  the  Sierra  Madre  Range  has  been 
variously  surveyed  in  years  past,  and  in  1919  the  Mexican  Government 
resumed  construction  on  the  line  west  of  Durango  City  in  the  State 
of  Durango,  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  range.  On  account  of  the  lack 
of  funds,  the  work  has  been  recently  discontinued  by  the  Government. 
An  attempt  at  a location  was  made  in  1919  east  from  Mazatlan  to 
connect  with  the  line  projected  from  the  present  end  of  steel  on  the 
eastern  side  of  the  abrupt  mountains  which  divide  Durango  from 
Sinaloa  in  this  section  of  the  range.  Any  crossing  by  a railway  of  this 
portion  of  the  Sierra  Madres  would  mean  many  difficulties  of  steep 
elevations  and  heavy  grades.  Fairly  good  pine  timber  exists  in  mer- 
chantable quantities  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  mountains,  and  the 
region  is  potentially  rich  from  a mining  standpoint,  there  being 
several  large  camps  that  have  been  producing  for  many  years. 

The  original  line  was  called  the  Mexican  International  Railway, 
which  was  built  by  the  C.  P.  Huntington  interests  from  San  Antonio 
Tex.,  via  the  border  at  Eagle  Pass,  Tex.  (Piedras  Negras,  Coahuila, 
Mexico),  to  Durango  City,  via  Torreon,  where  it  connected  with  the 
old  Mexican  Central  line  between  Ciudad  Juarez  (El  Paso)  and 


TRANSPORTATION. 


61 


Mexico  City.  The  original  idea  of  Mr.  Huntington  was  to  connect 
the  southwest  of  the  United  States  with  a Pacific  port  in  Mexico, 
Mazatlan  being  the  objective.  This  line  was  taken  over  by  the 
Mexican  Government  under  the  National  Railways  of  Mexico  plan  in 
1907,  the  control  of  the  Mexican  Central  being  secured  in  1909.  A 
branch  line  runs  north  from  Durango  City  to  Tepeguanes,  tapping 
a rich  pine,  timber,  wheat,  cattle,  and  mining  section.  Plans  have  been 
made  for  extensions  northwest  to  Guanecevi  and  west  to  the  mining 
town  of  Topia.  Another  branch  connects  Durango  City  with 
Zacatecas  to  the  south,  via  Sombrerete,  the  main  line  of  the  Central 
again  being  reached  at  Zacatecas. 

The  Mazatlan  Branch  runs  west  from  Durango  and  there  are  now  a 
total  of  100  kilometers  (1  kilometer  = 0.621  mile)  completed  to  a 
point  called  Llano  Grande,  from  which  place  an  additional  40  kilo- 
meters are  graded  to  a point  called  El  Salto.  To  reach  Mazatlan 
there  remain  approximately  265  kilometers  to  be  constructed,  about 
200  kilometers  of  which  are  very  heavy  mountain  construction  work 
through  an  unproductive  country.  The  cost  would  be  very  great, 
equaling  the  cost  of  the  heaviest  railway  construction  on  the  Amer- 
ican Continent. 

Prior  to  1910  an  American  company  owning  large  mining  and 
timber  land  interests  in  Durango  spent  considerable  money  in  a 
survey  and  preliminary  location  of  a proposed  line  of  railway  from 
Durango  to  Mazatlan,  via  Topia  and  Ca.nelas,  Chacala,  etc. 

The  ultimate  construction  of  this  line  to  Mazatlan  seems  to  be  a 
question  of  Mexican  Government  finances,  although  the  line  from 
Mazatlan  to  the  edge  of  the  high  mountains  on  the  Pacific  side,  where 
there  are  several  large  producing  mining  camps,  would  not  be  a too 
costly  undertaking.  Immediate  tonnage,  however,  would  not  support 
operation  unless  the  line  was  connected  through  with  Durango  and 
thence  with  the  interior  of  the  country  to  the  east. 

SUMMARY  OF  PROPOSED  RAILWAY  CONSTRUCTION  IN  WEST  COAST  REGION. 

Summarizing  the  proposed  railway  construction  on  the  “West 
Coast”  and  starting  in  the  north,  in  Sonora,  one  must  mention  first 
the  connection  with  the  Nacozari-Douglas  line  by  the  Southern 
Pacific’s  branch  up  the  Yaqui  River  Valley  from  the  main  Coast 
Line  at  Corral,  now  in  operation  as  far  as  Tonichi.  This  extension 
would  develop  what  has  been  characterized  as  one  of  the  most  richly 
mineralized  regions  in  the  world.  Next  comes  the  connection  of  the 
Kansas  City,  Mexico  & Orient  Railway  across  the  heavy  mountain 
range  between  Chihuahua  and  Topolobampo.  Then  there  is  the  new 
Navojoa-Yavaros  Mayo  River  Railway  nearing  completion  and 
connecting  the  Southern  Pacific  West  Coast  Line  with  the  Gulf  of 
California.  After  this  comes  the  Durango-Mazatlan  extension  of 
the  National  Railways  of  Mexico,  which  also,  like  the  Kansas  City, 
Mexico  & Orient  Railroad,  will  have  to  cross  the  high  range  of  the 
Sierra  Madres.  Most  important  of  all  is  the  extension  of  the  Southern 
Pacific  from  Tepic  to  Guadalajara,  which  will  afford  a direct  rail  out- 
let for  the  surplus  agricultural  products  of  the  West  Coast  to  the 
markets  of  the  central  and  most  inhabited  part  of  Mexico.  Exclusive 
of  the  harbor  work  necessary  at  the  new  port  of  Yavaros  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Mayo  River,  it  may  be  roughly  estimated  that  the  total  cost  of 


62 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


the  three  major  railway  connections  with  the  interior  of  the  country 
across  the  range  will  amount  to  approximately  $54,000,000  United 
States  currency. 

RAILROAD  FREIGHT  CHARGES. 

Railway  freight  charges  are  fixed  by  the  Ministry  of  Communica- 
tions. (SeeTarifas  de  Fletes,  Ministerio  de  Comunicaciones  y Obras 
Publicas.) 

The  important  point  for  the  consideration  of  the  exporter  interested 
in  the  development  of  trade  with  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico  is  that 
water  rates  are  cheaper  and  that  all-rail  shipments  from  either  San 
Francisco  or  Los  Angeles  to,  sajy  Mazatlan,  can  not  compete  with 
shipments  made  by  steamer  from  either  point,  and  Mazatlan  is  now 
the  chief  distributing  point  for  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico. 

STEAMER  LINES  AND  PORTS. 

Steamer  service  covering  all  the  principal  ports  of  the  West  Coast 
of  Mexico  may  be  said  to  be  more  than  adequate  at  the  present  time, 
in  view  of  the  amount  of  available  tonnage  in  and  out,  there  being  10 
lines  of  vessels,  large  and  small,  operating  on  the  West  Coast  and  to 
and  from  American  Pacific  coast  ports.  F ollowing  the  discontinuance  of 
the  old  Comparua  Naviera  del  Pacffico  (Luis  A.  Martinez  y Ga.)  during 
the  first  years  of  revolutionary  activity  in  Mexico,  and  also  during 
the  Great  War  on  account  of  the  scarcity  of  ocean  tonnage,  the  West 
Coast  suffered  from  the  lack  of  water  transportation  to  a very  great 
extent,  especially  as  the  railway  was  frequently  out  of  commission  as 
a result  of  revolutionary  activities.  Exporters  in  California  went  so 
far  as  to  form  small  navigation  companies  to  furnish  tonnage  for  the 
transportation  of  goods  to  the  West  Coast  points.  The  Pacific  Mail 
Steamship  Co.  has  again  renewed  its  service  out  of  San  Francisco  to 
Mexican  and  Central  American  West  Coast  ports  and  to  the  canal, 
with  three  steamers — Mazatlan,  Manzanillo,  Acapulco,  and  Salina 
Cruz  being  the  ports  of  call  in  Mexico.  Two  new  companies,  one  con- 
trolled by  the  Mexican  Government,  with  three  steamers,  and  the 
other  of  British  origin  and  control  but  also  under  the  Mexican  flag, 
are  competing  for  the  trade  between  American  Pacific  coast  ports  and 
the  ports  of  the  Mexican  west  coast  as  far  down  as  Salina  Cruz,  and 
several  small  companies  with  one  or  two  smaller  vessels  compete  in 
the  way-port  trade  out  of  Guaymas  and  Mazatlan,  covering  the  Gulf 
of  California,  the  service  now  also  including  water  transport  in 
shallow-draft  vessels  to  the  mouth  of  the  Colorado  River,  where 
motor  transport  connects  with  Yuma  and  the  cotton-growing  lands 
of  the  Mexicali  Valley  at  Calexico  (Mexicali).  Up  to  September, 
1921,  there  was  only  one  steamer  line  operating  a freight  and  pas- 
senger service  on  the  West  Coast,  with  two  motor  vessels  in  service 
between  West  Coast  ports  and  San  Pedro  (Los  Angeles).  There  are 
now  five  lines  competing,  and  rates  are  one-half  of  what  they  were  at 
that  time.  The  present  situation  is  that  these  vessels  usually  secure  a 
good  tonnage  of  general  merchandise  from  the  United  States,  but  have 
difficulty  in  securing  a sufficient  return  cargo  tonnage  of  Mexican 
exports  on  account  of  the  fact  that  the  West  Coast  does  not  produce 
much  that  is  exportable  at  the  present  time  except  the  ‘‘garbanzo  " 
crops  of  northern  Sinaloa  and  southern  Sonora. 


TRANSPORTATION. 


63 


EUROPEAN  STEAMSHIP  SERVICE. 

In  August,  1922,  the  French. Compagnie  Generate  Transatlantique 
announced  that,  beginning  in  October,  1922,  a monthly  freight  service 
would  be  inaugurated  in  connection  with  the  company’s  Pacific  coast 
service  for  loading  “garbanzos”  out  of  Guaymas  for  European  ship- 
ment, a total  of  3,000  tons  of  space  being  reserved  on  each  monthly 
steamer  for  loading  at  Gu  ay  mas  of  this  product  of  export,  the  bulk  of 
which  goes  to  Spain,  with  large  shipments  also  to  the  West  Indies, 
principally  to  Cuba  and  Porto  Rico.  Shippers  were  required  to 
reserve  their  space  through  the  San  Francisco  (Calif.)  agency  of  the 
company,  making  a deposit  in  advance  to  hold  space  reserved  and  to 
insure  the  vessel  calling  at  Guaymas  for  loading,  a minimum  total  of 
3,000  tons  being  required.  The  same  company  also  offered  to  insure 
cargo  at  a reasonable  ocean-risk  rate.  Direct  delivery,  without  trans- 
shipment, was  scheduled  for  Bilboa,  Spain,  in  30  days’  time.  The 
vessels  in  this  service  are  the  steamships  Arkansas,  Nevada,  Iowa, 
Indiana,  all  classed  A-l  and  with  a speed  of  more  than  11  knots  per 
hour.  Heretofore,  shipments  of  “garbanzos”  have  been  made  prin- 
cipally in  Spanish  steamers  specially  chartered  for  the  purpose  of 
shipment  to  Spain  of  this  staple  Spanish  food  product.  (See  p.  132). 

The  same  French  company  also  sends  monthly  boats  to  Mazatlan, 
Manzanillo,  and  Salina  Cruz,  with  transshipment  service  at  the  Canal, 
the  fleet  consisting  of  five  vessels  (see  list)  in  connection  with  its 
Pacific  coast  service  to  the  United  States. 

In  this  same  connection  it  is  also  interesting  to  note  that  steamer 
service  will  soon  be  inaugurated  between  American  Pacific  coast 
ports,  including  Los  Angeles  harbor  (San  Pedro),  and  the  countries 
of  the  east  coast  of  South  America,  via  the  canal.  This  new  service 
of  ocean  freight  will  greatly  increase  the  scope  of  direct  markets  for 
American  Pacific  coast  products  in  Latin  America. 

LIST  OF  COMPANIES  SERVING  WEST  COAST. 

The  following  table  gives  the  names  of  the  steamship  and  navi- 
gation companies  serving  the  West  Coast,  the  names  and  tonnage 
of  vessels  owned  or  operated,  and  information  regarding  the  itin- 
eraries, frequency  of  sailings,  etc. : 


Name  of 
company. 

Nationality 
of  registry. 

Names  of 
vessels. 

Tonnage. 

Itinerary  of  service. 

Gross. 

Net. 

Pacific  Mail  Steam- 

American 

3,169 

1,862 

ship. 

San  Juan 

2, 152 

1 ^ 308 

Mazatlan,  ManzanillorAca- 

N ewport 

2,643 

1,653 

pulco,  Salina  Cruz,  Central 

American  ports,  Panama 

Canal. 

Cia.  Naviera  de  los 

Mexican  (Brit- 

Chihuahua 

1,404 

849 

San  Francisco,  Los  Angeles, 

Estados  de  Mexico, 

ish  control). 

Sinaloa 

1,404 

S49 

and  all  Mexican  West  Coast 

S.  A. 

Oaxaca 

1,404 

849 

ports  of  call;  boats  alter- 

Colima 

1,404 

849 

nating,  in  circle;  one 

Chiapas 

1,404 

849 

steamer  weekly  at  all  prim 

Guerrero 

1,404 

849 

cipal  ports. 

Cia.  Naviera  Mexi- 

Mexican  (Gov- 

Mexico 

2,568 

1,662 

San  Francisco,  Los  Angeles, 

cana. 

eminent). 

W ashington 

1,669 

893 

Gulf  of  California,  andWest 

Bolivar 

1,669 

893 

Coast  ports;  10-day  service 

Bonita 

571 

at  principal  ports. 

64 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


Name  of 
company. 


Nationality 
of  registry. 


Names  of 
vessels. 


Tonnage. 


Gross.  Net. 


Itinerary  of  service. 


Fairhaven  Steam- 
ship Co. 

Cie.  G£n<5rale  Trans- 
atlantique. 


American . 


French. 


Agenda  Navaro 

California-Mexican 
Navigation  Co. 

Guerena  Hnos 


Mexican... 
American . 


Jos6  de  Soto. 


Mexican  (schoon- 
ers). 


Mexican. 


Cia.  Na viera  del  Pa- 
cifico  (Luis  A.  Mar- 
tinez y Cia). 


El  Boleo  Mining  Co., 
Santa  Rosalia, 
Lower  California. 


.do. 


Mexican  (French 
ownership). 


Fairhaven . 


Saint  Joseph 

Mississippi 

Honduras 

Montana 

Texas 


San  Carlos. 
Alejandro.. 


Lurline 

Vallarta 

Maria  Cristina. . . 

Josefina 

Estrella 


Belisario 

Dominguez. 


Union 

General  Pesque- 


Jim  Butler. . 
ICorregan  II. 


1,078 


5,796 
6,686 
5,922 
i 6,000 
i 6,000 

74 

i 175 


1 100 
1100 
175 
i 100 
i 75 


i 175 


i 500 
2,568 


345 
‘ 345 


767 


3,688 
4,236 
3,763 
14,000 
i 4,000 

55 

125 


75 
175 
i 50 
175 
150 


i 125 


San  Francisco,  Los  Angeles, 
West  Coast  ports;  no  regu- 
lar schedule. 

San  Francisco,  Mazatlan, 
Manzanillo,  Salina  Cruz, 
andCanal ; monthly  service. 


Gulf  ports. 

Los  Angeles  and  Gulf  of  Cali- 
fornia ports. 

Two-masted  schooners,  en- 
gaged in  trading  and  cargo 
service  in  Gulf  and  along 
coast,  serving  principallv 
shallow  ports  of  Gulf  and 
Lower  California. 

Gulf  ports,  with  these  and 
other  small  sailing  craft. 

Old  West  Coast  Co.,  now 
discontinued  except  for 
steamship  Union  operating 
to  Lower  California  ports 
from  Guaymas,  which  is 
home  port,  with  offices  of 
company;  steamship  Gen- 
eral Pesqueira  is  laid  up 
and  out  of  repair  at  present, 
lying  at  Guaymas. 

No  regular  service;  boats 
operate  between  Guaymas 
and  Santa  Rosalia,  Dower 
California,  for  mining  com- 
pany and  its  copper  smelt- 
ers at  Santa  Rosalia. 


1 Approximate. 


COMPANfA  NAVIERA  DE  LOS  ESTADOS  DE  MEXICO. 

The  Companla  Naviera  de  los  Estados  de  Mexico  operates  under 
a special  concession  from  the  Mexican  Government  obtained  in  1920, 
service  having  been  inaugurated  on  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico  in 
October,  1921.  The  company  is  a subsidiary  of  the  Clyde  Line,  of 
Liverpool,  and  the  fleet  of  six  steamers  now  in  service  comprises 
the  remodeled  “mystery”  ships  of  the  British  Admiralty  which  did 
such  good  service  against  German  submarines  during  the  last  year 
of  the  Great  War.  Their  engines  gave  them  fast  cruiser  speed  when 
needed.  The  vessels  are  very  long  for  their  beam  and  now  draw 
12  feet  of  water  forward  and  16  feet  aft  at  normal  load  line.  One 
boiler  has  been  taken  out,  two  remaining,  and  the  reciprocating 
engines  have  been  cut  down  to  a maximum  speed  of  15  knots,  the 
economical  cargo  speed  now  being  about  12.5  knots  per  hour.  The 
ships  are  not  very  economical  cargo  carriers,  as  their  lines  are  too  fine 
for  hold  capacity  in  conformity  with  their  length  and  draft,  the  latter 
being  too  great  "for  several  of  the  West  Coast  ports.  The  maximum 
cargo  capacity  is  only  from  850  to  900  tons  dead  weight.  Fuel  oil  is 
burned,  the  supply  being  secured  at  San  Francisco  and  Salina  Cruz. 

The  company  being  a Mexican  company  and  the  ships  under  the 
Mexican  flag,  they  can  engage  in  the  Mexican  coastwise  traffic, 


TRANSPORTATION. 


65 


handling  cargo  between  coastwise  ports,  as  well  as  to  and  from  the 
Pacific  ports  of  the  United  States.  The  original  head  office  was  lo- 
cated in  Los  Angeles,  Calif.,  but  has  been  recently  changed  to  San 
Francisco  because  of  the  question  of  return  cargoes,  etc.  Service  has 
also  been  extended  recently  to  the  Pacific  ports  of  Central  America, 
also  provided  for  in  the  concession.  Since  the  ships  are  under  Mex- 
ican registry,  the  crews  carried  are  Mexicans,  except  that  reservation 
is  made  for  British  supervision  in  the  engine  rooms.  Preferential 
rights  are  granted  for  customs  treatment  in  order  to  facilitate  the 
rapid  dispatch  of  the  vessels  of  the  company  in  and  out  of  port — 
among  other  features  being  that  of  the  right  to  discharge  and  load 
cargo  from  fore  and  aft  hatches  on  either  side  simultaneously,  etc. 
This  privilege,  applying  to  either  domestic  or  import  or  export  cargo, 
is  not  granted  to  foreign  vessels  calling  at  Mexican  ports.  The  ves- 
sels of  the  company  carry  the  Mexican  mails  free  of  charge,  post 
office  and  navigation  inspectors  and  then'  employees  free,  and  mili- 
tary personnel  at  reduced  rates.  The  steamers  also  carry  free  of 
charge,  for  the  Government,  an  allotment  of  Mexican  merchant- 
marine  cadets  for  ocean-service  training. 

The  concession  is  not,  however,  an  exclusive  one,  and  the  boats 
of  the  Compania  Naviera  Mexicana,  controlled  by  the  Mexican 
Government,  which  also  operates  steamers  on  the  Atlantic  coast 
of  the  country,  are  now  competing  for  West  Coast  traffic  with  this 
line;  they  run  also  to  American  Pacific  coast  ports,  from  which 
points,  according  to  a recent  arrangement  with  the  Mexican  National 
Railways  and  the  ministries  of  communications  and  finance  (Haci- 
enda), the  Mexican  Government’s  line  can  issue  direct  ocean  bills 
of  lading  to  any  interior  rail  point  in  Mexico,  via  the  Pacific  port 
of  Manzanillo,  which  is  the  only  one  south  of  Guaymas  having  rail 
connection  with  the  interior  except  the  Tehuantepec  Isthmus  line, 
which  is  a transshipment  line  between  the  two  oceans  and  over  which 
the  interior  part  of  the  country  south  of  Mexico  City  is  also  reached. 

This  new  feature,  together  with  material  freight-rate  reductions 
on  cargo  covered  by  interior-ocean  bills  of  lading  handled  by  the 
Mexican  Government’s  line,  gives  it  a very  considerable  advantage 
over  both  the  Mexican  States  Line  and  the  Pacific  Mail  Steamship 
Co.,  of  San  Francisco,  which,  being  a foreign  company  (American), 
can  not  handle  coastwise  tonnage  between  Mexican  ports  or  issue 
through  bills  of  lading  for  interior  shipment  into  Mexico  by  rail  over 
the  lines  of  the  Mexican  National  Railways. 

Another  important  feature  of  the  concession  obtained  by  the 
Compania  Naviera  cle  los  Estados  de  Mexico,  S.  A.  (Mexican  States 
Navigation  Co.),  is  a subsidy  from  the  Mexican  Government  paid  on 
the  basis  of  0.40  peso  per  gross  register  ton  per  1,000  miles  run  on 
coastwise  traffic  and  1 peso  per  gross  register  ton  per  1,000  miles  run 
on  high-seas  traffic,  payment  being  based  on  ships’  log  reports  to  the 
Ministry  of  Communications.  (1  peso  = $0.50  nominally.) 

The  Compania  Naviera  de  los  Estados  de  Mexico  can  not  issue 
through  bills  of  lading  to  interior  points  in  Mexico,  and  its  represen- 
tative is  at  present  negotiating  with  the  Mexican  Railways  for  this 
privilege  in  order  to  be  able  to  compete  with  the  Compania  Naviera 
Mexicana  controlled  by  the  Mexican  Government. 

44807°—  23 6 


66 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


The  issuance  of  through  hills  of  lading  to  interior  rail  points  in 
Mexico  via  Manzanillo  will  greatly  assist  American  Pacific  coast 
exporters  in  increasing  their  commercial  operations  in  Mexico,  at 
least  in  the  States  of  Jalisco,  Michoacan,  Zacatecas,  Chiapas,  Oaxaca, 
etc. ; the  lower  freight  rates  by  water  and  rail  will  also  enable  them  to 
compete  with  exports  from  the  Atlantic  seaboard  of  the  United 
States  and  from  European  ports. 

CALIFORNIA-MEXICAN  STEAMSHIP  CO. 

The  Calif ornia-Mexican  Steamship  Co.  was  organized  in  southern 
California  for  the  purpose  of  furnishing  means  of  transportation  on 
the  West  Coast  and  to  and  from  American  Pacific  ports  during  the 
period  of  lack  of  ocean  tonnage  on  the  West  Coast.  Many  of  the 
export  firms  of  Los  Angeles  took  a financial  interest  in  the  company", 
being  desirous  of  securing  space  and  transportation  for  their  export 
goods  to  the  West  Coast.  Two  motor  ships  were  operated — the 
Mazatlan  (wooden  hull),  of  589  tons  gross  register,  and  the  Casco, 
of  172  tons  gross  register — both  vessels  being  now  discontinued  and 
the  company  in  liquidation,  according  to  latest  reports. 

compaNIa  naviera  del  pacIfico. 

For  many  years  under  the  Diaz  regime,  the  Compafua  Naviera 
del  Pacifico  (Luis  A.  Martinez  y Cia.,  Guaymas),  with  Spanish  and 
Mexican  capital,  operated  a fleet  of  small  steamers  in  the  West  Coast 
trade  from  Guaymas  to  Salina  Cruz — with  one  steamer  to  San  Diego, 
Calif. — under  exclusive  concession  from  the  Mexican  Government. 
The  company  now  operates  only  one  small  steamer,  the  Union,  of  less 
than  500  tons,  between  Guaymas  and  the  smaller  ports  of  the  Gulf 
of  California.  Several  of  the  company’s  old  steamers  have  been  taken 
over  by  the  Compahia  Naviera  Mexicana,  controlled  by  the  Mexican 
Government.  The  largest  steamer,  the  General  Pesqueira,  of  2,568 
tons  gross  register,  is  now  laid  up  at  Guaymas  in  the  inner  bay. 

compaSIa  naviera  mexicana. 

The  Compahia  Naviera  Mexicana  also  has  in  operation  steamers 
on  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  and  Atlantic  ports  of  the  country.  There  are 
at  present  four  steamers  in  operation  on  the  Pacific  coast  of  Mexico, 
one  of  which  runs  to  San  Francisco  and  San  Pedro  (Los  Angeles 
Harbor),  touching  at  all  principal  Mexican  West  Coast  ports  once  a 
month.  The  other  three  steamers  alternate  between  the  following 
West  Coast  ports:  Guaymas,  Topolobampo,  Mazatlan,  San  Bias 
(Nayarit),  Puerto  Vallarte,  Manzanillo,  Zihuatanejo,  Acapulco, 
Puerto  Angel,  and  Salina  Cruz  on  the  trip  south;  Minizo  and  the 
gulf  ports  of  San  Jose  del  Cabo,  Mulege,  La  Paz,  Santa  Rosalia,  and 
Guaymas  on  the  trip  north.  The  average  service  schedule  for  ports 
visited  provides  that  a ship  shall  call  about  every  10  days. 

As  has  been  stated,  this  company,  through  recent  arrangement 
with  the  Mexican  National  Railways  and  the  Ministry  of  Communi- 
cations, has  announced  the  issuance  of  through  bills  of  lading  to  all 
Mexican  National  Railway  points  from  the  Pacific  ports  of  the  L nited 
States  via  Manzanillo,  thus  giving  it  a greater  advantage  oyer  com- 
peting steamship  lines  and  at  the  same  time  affording  increased 
facilities  to  the  exporters  of  the  Pacific  coast  of  the  L nited  States 


TRANSPORTATION. 


67 


for  the  extension  of  their  commercial  operations  in  Mexico;  more- 
over, reduced  rail  freights  are  announced  in  connection  with  cargo 
billed  to  points  in  the  interior  of  the  country  and  shipped  on  vessels 
of  this  company. 

CRUX  OF  OCEAN-TONNAGE  SITUATION  ON  WEST  COAST. 

The  crux  of  the  tonnage  situation  for  the  West  Coast  appears  to  be 
the  matter  of  sufficient  return  tonnage  in  order  that  the  lines  engaged 
in  this  traffic  may  operate  at  a profit.  Coffee  and  chicle  are  obtained 
at  Salina  Cruz  for  San  Francisco,  but  the  northern  part  of  the  West 
Coast  does  not,  at  present,  produce  a sufficient  amount  of  ex- 
portable products  to  provide  cargo  for  the  boats  sailing  to  American 
Pacific  ports.  Not  enough  oil  nuts,  hardwood  timber,  or  mine  prod- 
ucts are  produced  under  present  conditions  to  insure  sufficient  return, 
or  export,  cargo  for  the  number  of  steamers  now  plying  in  the  West 
Coast  trade. 

JAPANESE  STEAMER  SERVICE. 

One  of  the  large  Japanese  steamship  companies  is  operating 
monthly  steamers  touching  at  Manzanillo,  Salina  Cruz,  and  the 
Panama  Canal. 

VALUE  AND  DESTINATION  OF  EXPORTS. 

In  order  to  convey  some  idea  of  the  value  and  destination  of 
exports  from  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico  north  of  Manzanillo,  the 
following  table  is  given,  showing  the  declared  exports  to  the  United 
States  from  Mazatlan  during  the  first  half  of  1922: 


According  to  carriers. 

According  to  ports  of  destination. 

Carriers. 

Value  of 
exports. 

Value  of 
returned 
American 
goods. 

Total. 

Ports. 

Value  of 
exports. 

Value  of 
returned 
American 
goods. 

Total. 

American  vessels. . 
Mexican  vessels . . . 
N orwegian  vessels. 
Southern  Pacific 

3709, 516 
710, 995 
1.54, 601 
140, 610 

7,961 

31, 971 
6, 512 

8711, 487 
717, 507 
154,601 
140,  702 

7,961 

Nogales,  Ariz 

San  Francisco, 
Calif. 

3148, 571 
1, 569, 344 

$92 

8,033 

$148, 663 
1, 577, 377 

92 

San  Pedro,  Calif. . . 

1,513 

1,513 
4, 705 

Railway. 
Wells-Fargo  Ex- 
press. 

New  York’,  N.  Y.. 

4,255 

450 

Total 

1, 723, 683 

8,575 

1, 732, 258 

Total 

1,723,683 

8,575 

1,732,258 

HARBORS  AND  DOCKS. 

PORT  DUES,  TONNAGE  DUES,  ETC. 

A presidential  decree,  under  date  of  October  14,  1922,  modifies  all 
dues  to  which  ships  entering  Mexican  ports  were  subject.  Charges 
for  pilotage,  clearance,  bills  of  health,  mooring,  and  for  all  extraor- 
dinary services  have  been  suppressed.  Hereafter  ships  in  the  foreign 
trade  will  pay  a charge  based  on  the  gross  tonnage  for  entering  a 
Mexican  port  and  the  same  charge  for  clearing  a Mexican  port. 

The  new  decree,  which  became  effective  November  18,  1922,  estab- 
lishes four  different  scales  for  ships  entering  or  leaving  a Mexican 
port.  The  first  scale  is  for  ships  of  foreign  registry  engaged  in  foreign 


68 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


trade  when  they  unload  merchandise  of  foreign  origin  at  a Mexican 
port,  or  when  they  load  merchandise  in  a Mexican  port  destined  for 
a foreign  port.  In  such  case  the  new  traffic  dues,  payable  both  on 
entering  and  on  leaving  the  port,  are  as  follows: 

For  each  10  tons  or  fraction  thereof,  up  to  500  gross  tons  registry,  1 peso. 

For  each  10  tons  or  fraction  thereof,  in  excess  of  500  tons  and  up  to  1,000  tons,  0.80 
peso. 

For  each  10  tons,  in  excess  of  1,000  tons,  up  to  5,000  tons,  0.60  peso. 

For  each  10  tons  or  fraction  thereof,  in  excess  of  5,000  tons,  up  to  10,000  tons,  0.40 
peso. 

For  each  10  tons  or  fraction  thereof,  in  excess  of  10,000  gross  tons,  0.20  peso. 

Foreign  vessels  engaged  in  coastwise  trade — that  is,  when  they 
handle  merchandise  between  Mexican  ports — shall  pay,  both  on  enter- 
ing and  on  leaving,  the  following  traffic  dues: 

For  each  10  tons  or  fraction  thereof,  up  to  500  gross  tons  registry,  0.80  peso. 

For  each  10  tons  or  fraction  thereof,  in  excess  of  500  tons,  up  to  1,000  tons,  0.60  peso. 

For  each  10  tons  or  fraction  thereof,  in  excess  of  1,000  tons,  up  to  5,(300  tons,  0.40 
peso. 

For  each  10  tons  or  fraction  thereof,  in  excess  of  5,000  tons,  up  to  10,000  tons,  0.20 
peso. 

For  each  10  tons  or  fraction  thereof,  in  excess  of  10.000  tons,  0.20  peso. 

Ships  of  Mexican  registry  engaged  in  the  coastwise  traffic  shall  pay 
one-half  of  the  dues  payable  by  foreign  ships. 

Ships  entering  or  leaving  a Mexican  port  without  discharging  or 
loading  cargo  are  understood  to  visit  the  port  in  ballast,  and  they 
pay  one-half  of  the  dues  payable  for  vessels  in  the  foreign  trade  when 
they  come  from  or  sail  to  a foreign  port,  and  one-hali  of  the  dues 
payable  for  boats  engaged  in  coastwise  traffic  if  they  come  from  or 
sail  to  a Mexican  port. 

Ships  making  a forced  call  at  Mexican  ports,  without  engaging  in 
commercial  operations,  Mexican  vessels  engaged  in  fishing  operations, 
Mexican  ships  of  not  more  than  100  tons  gross  register,  and  Mexican 
or  foreign  warships,  or  boats  engaged  in  official  business  for  the 
Mexican  Government  or  any  foreign  government,  are  exempt  from 
the  payment  of  all  traffic  dues. 

Boats  engaged  in  harbor  service  shall  pay  traffic  dues  yearly,  in 
advance,  at  the  following  rates : 

If  not  more  than  10  tons  register,  exempt. 

Of  more  than  10  tons,  for  each  ton  up  to  100  tons,  1 peso. 

For  each  ton  in  excess  of  100  tons,  2 pesos. 

Every  vessel  of  Mexican  registry  must  be  supplied  with  a naviga- 
tion license.  Licensed  boats  must  pay  an  annual  license  fee,  in 
advance,  of  80  pesos  for  boats  of  less  than  40  tons;  100  pesos  for  boats 
of  more  than  40  tons  registry  and  less  than  100  tons;  and  2 pesos 
for  each  100  tons  or  fraction  thereof  in  excess  of  100  gross  tons 
registry.  Boats  of  less  than  40  tons  registry,  not  requiring  a naviga- 
tion license,  must  pay  an  annual  fee  of  20  pesos  upon  being  registered. 
Both  license  and  navigation  registration  shall  be  revalidated  each 
year  upon  payment  of  the  said  fees. 

When  the  tonnage  of  a ship  is  measured,  a fee  must  be  paid  for  this 
operation  at  the  rate  of  0.20  peso  per  gross  ton.  The  measurement 
must  be  made  by  the  office  of  the  port  authorities,  and  payment  is 
made  at  the  customhouse.  The  same  dues  are  payable  by  vessels 
in  river  and  lake  traffic. 


TRANSPORTATION. 


69 


Ships  engaged  in  both  foreign  and  coastwise  trade  pay  only  under 
the  foreign-trade  schedule.  The  decree  just  outlined  abrogates  all 
previous  regulations  that  may  contain  features  in  opposition  to  the 
new  decree. 

Pleasure  yachts  pay  at  the  same  rate  as  vessels  in  ballast. 

By  virtue  of  this  new  decree  governing  taxes  on  port  and  tonnage 
dues  in  Mexico  vessels  now  pay  a uniform  “traffic”  tax  calculated 
on  the  register  of  the  vessel,  instead  of  the  many  different  taxes  for- 
merly levied.  There  has  been  considerable  objection  to  the  new 
regulation,  it  being  claimed  that  it  increases  the  rates  formerly  in 
force  and  also  covers  both  arrival  and  departure  of  vessels,  thereby 
doubling  the  expense  of  a vessel  at  any  one  port  of  call.  Where  the 
ship  touches  three  ports  in  Mexico,  the  expense  is  now  525  per  cent 
over  the  old  rates.  Also,  when  the  ship  arrives  and  departs  in  bal- 
last, the  expense  is  80  per  cent  in  excess  of  the  old  charges.  When 
the  ship  comes  in  and  goes  out  with  cargo,  the  increase  over  the  total 
charges  by  the  old  rates  is  125  per  cent,  and  it  can  readily  be  seen 
that  coastwise  vessels,  on  account  of  the  heavy  expense  involved, 
will  be  forced  to  refuse  to  carry  small  cargo  lots  out  of  ports. 

The  following  are  the  old  laws  annulled  by  this  new  decree: 

1.  Those  relative  to  pilotage,  anchorage,  and  change  of  anchorage,  referred  to  in 
the  Organic  Law  for  Pilots,  of  July,  1916. 

2.  Those  relative  to  ‘‘taxes  of  dispatch  ” referred  to  in  decree  of  July  10,  1916,  which 
established  the  office  of  captains  of  ports. 

3.  Those  relative  to  duties  on  tonnage  and  additional  tonnage  referred  to  in  decree 
of  June  1,  1896. 

4.  Those  relative  to  sanitary  documents  and  health  inspection,  established  by 
decree  of  July,  1894. 

5.  Decree  of  January  5,  1857,  and  decree  of  July  5 of  the  same  year. 

6.  Decree  of  May  17,  1922 — and  all  other  regulations  opposed  to  the  fulfillment  of 
the  new  decree. 

For  a general  description  of  the  harbors,  see  “Coastline”  under 
“Topography.” 

The  following  reports  give  a detailed  description  of  the  principal 
seaports  of  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico  from  Guaymas  to  San  Bias 
(Nayarit),  including  La  Paz,  Lower  California,  the  data  contained 
having  been  prepared  for  the  use  of  masters  of  vessels,  steamship 
companies,  and  shippers  and  their  agents.  The  other  ports  are 
small  and  are  usually  served  by  schooners  and  small  power  craft. 
(See  Handbook  of  Mexico,  I.  D.  1205,  prepared  by  the  geographical 
section,  Naval  Intelligence  Section,  British  Admiralty — “Pacific 
coast,”  pp.  195  to  203,  inclusive;  also,  pp.  209  to  212  for  light- 
houses, etc.) 

PORT  OF  GUAYMAS,  SONORA. 

PILOTAGE  AND  TOWAGE. 

The  use  of  pilot  is  optional  with  the  master  of  vessel,  but  payment  is  compulsory. 
There  is  an  outer  and  inner  harbor,  the  latter  being  shallow,  and  the  use  of  pilot  is 
advisable  if  the  master  of  vessel  is  not  familiar  with  the  port.  Vessels  of  foreign 
registry  can  not  enter  the  harbor  after  sunset.  Vessels  under  the  Mexican  flag  can 
enter  and  depart  at  night,  but  only  by  special  arrangement  with  the  ministry  of 
hacienda.  Signal  for  pilot  is  made  off  Cape  Haro  and  pilot  comes  out  from  inner 
harbor. 

No  heavy  tugs  are  available.  There  is  only  one  steam  tug  (60  indicated  horsepower) 
used  for  handling  lighters  to  and  from  vessels  lying  in  harbor,  and  this  tug  is  at  present 
out  of  operation  for  lack  of  repairs.  There  is  also  one  gas  tug  (40  brake  horsepower) 
for  handling  lighters.  (See  p.  71.)  Towage  is  used  only  in  cases  of  emergency, 
and  regular  rates  are  not  in  force.  The  harbor  is  not  equipped  with  mooring  buoys. 


70 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


All  vessels  use  own  anchors  in  bay.  (For  special  pilotage  regulations,  see  Reglamento 
para  Pilotes  Practicos,  a Mexican  Government  publication.) 

HARBOR,  ANCHORAGE,  AND  ACCOMMODATIONS. 

The  approach  to  the  harbor  is  fairly  accessible,  but  the  only  aids  to  navigation  are 
the  light  at  Point  Haro  and  the  channel  “turn  ” buoy  at  approach  to  entrance  of  inner 
bay.  The  outer  harbor  has  an  area  of  about  4 square  miles  and  the  inner  bay  at  the 
town  about  2 square  miles.  The  inner  harbor  is  entirely  protected  from  the  sea  by 
surrounding  mountains  and  hills  and  presents  a fairly  regular  circular  basin.  The 
outer  harbor  is  protected,  except  for  the  immediate  entrance  and  from  the  land  side 
to  the  east,  where  the  land  is  low  and  flat.  The  prevailing  high  winds  come  from  the 
southeast  as  a rule.  Deep-draft  vessels  lying  at  anchor  in  the  outer  harbor  are  exposed 
to  winds  from  the  southeast  and  southwest. 

Both  harbors  are  natural  harbors  (bays) — the  outer  harbor  having  an  anchorage 
depth  of  from  30  to  50  feet  at  mean  low  tide  and  the  inner  harbor  a depth  of  from  15 
to  30  feet  on  the  anchorage  ground,  where  lighters  are  taken  alongside.  The  holding 
ground  is  good,  the  bottom  being  very  muddy.  Vessels  anchor  from  one-fourth  to 
one-half  mile  off  shore  in  the  inner  bay,  depending  upon  draft  and  nature  of  cargo. 

Tides. — The  maximum  rise  of  the  tide  is  4 feet,  and  the  average  mean  fall  of  the 
tide  2 feet. 

Buoys. — The  harbor  is  not  equipped  with  fixed  buoys,  swinging  buoys,  or  other 
mooring  conveniences.  All  vessels  use  own  anchors  in  bay. 

Permissible,  draft  for  steamers. — The  outer  harbor  can  be  navigated  by  the  largest 
steamers,  but  not  up  to  the  railway  wharf,  where  there  is  a depth  alongside  of  only 
21  feet  at  the  end  of  the  wharf  and  18  feet  on  the  side.  It  is  usual  for  vessels  bringing 
in  coal  or  lumber  to  lighter  part  of  their  cargo  before  coming  alongside  this  wharf, 
which  is  the  only  one  in  the  port. 

Only  vessels  of  medium  and  light  draft  (9  to  16  feet)  navigate  the  inner  harbor, 
although  large  8. 000- ton  vessels  can  enter  and  lie  over  near  the  hills  opposite  the  town. 
The  prevailing  winds  are  from  the  northwest  and  from  the  southeast.  Sudden  wind 
and  rain  squalls  are  usual  during  the  rainy  season,  from  the  beginning  of  July  until 
the  end  of  September,  and  at  times  the  fall  equinoctial  storms  are  very  severe  and 
cause  damage  to  shipping. 

The  rainy  season  lasts  from  the  end  of  June  to  about  the  middle  of  September  of 
each  year.  At  times,  some  rain  can  be  expected  in  October.  The  total  annual  average 
precipitation  does  not  exceed  5.6  inches.  The  climate  may  be  described  as  semi- 
tropical. 

Zone  for  explosives. — No  definite  area  is  set  aside  for  handling  explosives,  but  the 
port  captain  directs  where  vessels  so  loaded  must  lie  to  discharge  into  lighters.  Reg- 
ulations in  this  regard  are  not  strict. 

System  of  harbor  control. — By  port  captain  under  the  direction  of  the  Secretaria  de 
Comunicaciones  y Obras  Publicas,  Seccion  de  Puertos  y Faros  ( Ports  and  Lighthouse' 
Section).  The  handling  of  cargo  in  and  out  is  controlled  by  the  collector  of  customs, 
who  enforces  his  authority  and  control  by  use  of  the  marine  service  assigned  to  the  port. 
A combination  revenue  cutter  and  coast-guard  vessel  is  stationed  at  Guavmas  (a 
J 10-foot  wooden  former  United  States  Navy  submarine  “chaser,”  powered  with 
triple-screw  eastern  standard  gasoline  motors  of  250  brake  horsepower  each,  the  maxi- 
mum speed  being  19  knots  per  hour,  if  the  boat  is  in  good  repair). 

Quarantine  regulations. — Same  as  for  all  maritime  nations.  Bills  of  health  are  not 
obligatory.  All  incoming  vessels  are  inspected  by  port  doctor,  and  the  ship's  doctor 
fills  out  the  usual  required  questionnaire. 

Measurement  or  weight  tonnage. — Draft  is  measured  in  meters  or  fractions  thereof. 
Cargo  weights  are  always  in  metric  tons.  Tonnage  dues  are  calculated  on  the  registry 
of  the  vessel. 

Sick  mariners’  fund. — None  is  collected  here. 

Cartage. — Two-wheeled  one-mule  carts  and  also  wagons  are  used  to  transport  mer- 
chandise from  customs  warehouses  to  railway  for  shipment  into  the  interior.  The 
charge  is  2 pesos  ($1  United  States  currency)  per  metric  ton. 

Vessels  landing  to  take  or  discharge  pilot. — Pilot  can  be  taken  or  discharged  off  Point 
Haro  without  any  port  or  tonnage  charges. 

Steamers  calling  to  bunker  only. — Only  emergency  coaling  is  done  here,  as  the  supply 
is  limited  and  the  facilities  very  poor.  (See  “Bunkers.”) 

Agents’  charges  for  dispatching  ships. — The  usual  rate  in  Guavmas  is  100  pesos  >50 
United  States  currency),  this  charge  including  every  detail  of  taking  care  of  the  vessel 
while  in  port  and  proper  dispatch  upon  sailing,  including  making  out  all  necessary 
papers,  contact  with  customs,  port  captain,  etc.  Clearance  is  included,  but  an  extra 
charge  of  50  per  cent  is  made  for  clearance  at  night. 


Special  Agents  Series  No.  220. 


FIG.  4.— CALLE  SERDAN,  GUAYMAS. 


FIG.  5.— CUSTOMHOUSE,  GUAYMAS. 


Special  Agents  Series  No.  220. 


FIG.  6.— VIEW  OF  MAIN  PART  OF  GUAYMAS.  FROM  HILL  ABOVE  RAILWAY 

WHARF. 


FIG.  7.— CALLE  BELISARIO  DOMINGUEZ,  PRINCIPAL  BUSINESS 
STREET  IN  MAZATLAN. 


TRANSPORTATION.  71 

Agents'  or  brokers'  commission  on  freight'. — The  usual  commission  in  Guaymas  is  2i 
per  cent,  calculated  on  the  amount  of  the  freight  charges. 

Bills  of  health. — Issued  by  consul  of  country  of  nationality  of  vessel  or  by  consul  of 
country  of  port  of  destination.  Charge  for  this  service  by  American  consular  officer,  $5. 

“Sea  protest.’’ — Consul  of  country  of  nationality  of  vessel  required  to  issue  certifi- 
cate of  damage  in  transit  of  cargo  to  master  on  arrival  at  port,  if  required. 

Sealed  papers  and  customhouse  visit. — Masters  of  vessels  entering  any  Mexican  port 
are  required  to  present  the  following  sealed  papers  to  customs:  Manifest  of  cargo,  con- 
sular invoices  of  cargo,  list  of  provisions  and  stores  carried,  crew  list,  passenger  list. 

Customs  stamps  on  manifest. — None  required. 

Time  allowance  for  discharge  of  cargo. — No  special  provisions,  depends  on  nature  of 
cargo. 

Harbor  master’s  overtime  ( port  captain).- — 50  per  cent  additional. 

Launch  hire. — For  gasoline  open  launches  the  customary  rate  is  4 pesos  per  hour 
($2  United  States  currency),  for  1 to  8 persons. 

Boat  hire. — First  shore  zone:  One  passenger  one  way,  0.50  peso;  round  trip,  1 peso; 
baggage  per  piece,  large  or  small,  0.50  peso. 

Second  shore  zone:  One  passenger  one  way,  1 peso;  round  trip,  2 pesos;  baggage 
per  piece,  0.60  peso. 

Third  shore  zone:  One  passenger  one  way,  2 pesos;  round  trip,  4 pesos;  baggage 
per  piece,  0.75  peso. 

The  above  rates  are  for  week  days,  sunrise  to  sunset;  after  dark,  50  per  cent  addi- 
tional. On  Sundays  and  holidays  prices  are  ‘ ' conventional  ” — subject  to  bargain  and 
agreement. 

WHARVES,  PIERS,  WAREHOUSES,  ETC. 

The  port  of  Guaymas  has  only  one  pier,  or  wharf,  built  by  the  Southern  Pacific 
Railroad  of  Mexico  for  its  own  service  in  handling  coal,  lumber,  and  other  railway 
material.  This  pier  is  in  the  form  of  a “wing”  or  “apron”  wooden-pile  structure, 
having  vessel  accommodation  on  one  end  and  at  one  side.  The  depth  of  water  at 
mean  low  water  at  the  end  is  21  feet,  and  at  the  side,  throughout  its  length  of  235  feet, 
18  feet  of  water.  There  is  no  covered  space,  the  only  warehouses  of  the  port  (with 
the  exception  of  several  storerooms  in  the  town  belonging  to  merchants,  and  the 
“garbanzo”  warehouse)  being  the  two  belonging  to  the  customs,  through  which  all 
goods  entering  the  port  have  to  pass  before  being  released  to  the  importers  or  agents  for 
shipment  into  the  interior. 

Accommodation  for  ocean  vessels. — The  wharf  of  the  railway,  as  stated,  has  a linear 
length  on  the  side  of  235  feet,  where  one  large  vessel  can  lie  after  its  draft  has  been 
reduced  to  not  more  than  18  feet.  One  large  vessel  can  lie  at  the  end  of  this  wharf, 
but  only  one  hatch  can  be  worked  at  a time  with  a ship  in  tills  position,  unless  lighters 
are  used  on  the  offside  from  the  pier.  This  pier  is  used  principally  for  receiving 
coal  and  lumber  and  for  exports  of  “garbanzos”  (chick-peas),  which  are  loaded  directly 
from  railway  cars  into  hold  of  vessel. 

Storage  space  for  cargo. — The  total  gross  storage  space  for  general  cargo  in  the  covered 
warehouses  of  the  customs  is  approximately  12,000  tons.  All  cargo  not  taken  care  of 
at  the  railway  pier  goes  by  lighter  to  the  customs  warehouses. 

There  are  no  bonded  warehouses  at  Guaymas. 

A plan  has  been  proposed  by  the  Mexican  Government  to  make  Guaymas  a free 
port. 

STEVEDORING. 

All  stevedoring  rates  are  based  on  the  metric  ton.  There  is  one  lighterage  com- 
pany, Luis  A.  Martinez  y Cfa.  of  Guaymas,  which  owns  10  large  wooden  lighters  of 
75  tons  each,  gross  capacity.  The  average  charge  for  loading  and  discharging  vessels 
is  3 pesos  per  metric  ton  ($1.50  United  States  currency).  The  additional  charge  for 
the  labor  of  handling  cargo  in  or  out  of  the  vessel’s  hold  (“estiva”)  amounts  to  1.25 
pesos  ($0.62|  United  States  currency)  per  ton. 

All  work  of  handling  cargo  on  board  vessel  is  for  the  account  of  the  vessel.  Direct 
lighterage  charges  from  alongside  of  vessel  to  customs  are  for  the  account  of  the  freight 
bandied,  and  according  to  terms  of  sale  and  delivery. 

Labor. — All  labor  furnished  and  available  is  native  Mexican.  The  men  are  paid 
double  time  for  all  overtime  work  and  may  be  said  to  be  unionized.  There  is  at 
present  a plentiful  supply  of  labor  in  the  port  of  Guaymas.  Movement  of  shipping 
is  at  a low  ebb,  resulting  in  a surplus  of  labor  all  over  the  State  of  Sonora. 

Rent  of  lighters. — This  procedure  is  not  usual,  but  special  arrangement  can  be  made 
with  Luis  A.  Martinez  y Cfa.  for  the  use  of  lighters  when  needed. 


72 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


Cranage  and  other  handling  facilities. — With  the  exception  of  the  locomotive  cranes 
of  the  railway  wharf,  all  cargo  is  handled  to  and  from  lighters  by  ships’  tackle.  The 
railway  wharf  is  equipped  with  one  100-ton-capacity  crane  for 'which  (with  crew)  a 
charge  of  100  pesos  ($50  United  States  currency)  per  day  of  10  hours  is  made.  The 
railway  also  has  several  smaller  cranes  on  which  the  same  rate  is  applied.  The  rail- 
way tariff  for  use  of  wharf,  cranes,  etc.,  is  soon  to  be  changed;  new  charges  are  to  be 
created  and  others  modified  to  some  extent. 

Rate  of  discharge  and  loading. — At  the  railway  wharf,  bulk  or  sacked  cargo  can  be 
loaded  at  the  rate  of  5,000  to  6,000  sacks  of  “garbanzos”  per  day  of  24  hours,  each  sack 
weighing  approximately  220  pounds. 

General  merchandise  can  not  be  handled  by  lighters  from  steamer  lying  in  the 
harbor  as  fast  as  can  bulky  or  sacked  cargo  at  the  railway  wharf.  The  rate  of  handling 
may  be  estimated  at,  roughly,  20  tons  per  hatch  per  hour  for  general  merchandise  in 
and  out  of  vessel,  depending  upon  stowage,  etc. 

BUNKERS. 

There  are  no  coal  bunkers  in  operation  in  the  port  of  Guavmas.  The  only  available 
coal  supply  for  steamers  is  that  of  the  Southern  Pacific  Railroad  of  Mexico,  which 
keeps  on  hand  some  4,000  tons  surplus  for  the  use  of  its  locomotives  serving  the  West 
Coast  line  of  railway.  The  company  will  furnish  coal  to  vessels  only  in  case  of  emer- 
gency, and  it  is  loaded  by  lighters  to  the  vessel  in  the  bay.  The  main  supply  is  held 
at  Empalme,  the  site  of  the  railway  shops,  about  6 kilometers  from  Gua Ainas.  Vessels 
could  take  coal  directly  from  railway  cars  alongside  of  railway  dock  at  a loading  cost 
of  $0.75  to  $1  per  ton,  not  including  the  cost  of  trimming  in  bunkers.  The  rate  of 
loading  would  be  about  280  tons  per  working  day  of  10  hours. 

Cost  of  steam  coal. — Good  bituminous  Colorado  coal  can  be  had  for  $4.50  to  $5  United 
States  currency  per  ton  at  the  mines,  to  which  is  added  a cost  of  $9.38  per  ton  for 
freight  to  Guaymas,  plus  the  local  transfer  charges  to  the  dock  and  the  loading  ex- 
penses. At  present  good  Australian  steam  coal  costs  $11  per  ton  in  San  Francisco,  to 
wliich  an  ocean  freight  charge  of  $5  has  to  be  added.  The  average  cost  of  loading  into 
bunkers  would  be  $1  per  ton. 

Fuel-oil  supply. — The  Compaufa  de  Petroleo  del  Aguila  and  the  Pierce  Oil  Co. 
have  fairly  large  warehouses  for  refined  products  in  Guaymas  but  do  not  handle  fuel 
oil — only  gasoline,  distillate,  kerosene,  etc.,  being  kept  in  stock  for  shipment  into 
the  interior  of  the  State  and  down  the  coast  near  by. 

TRANSSHIPMENT  OF  GOODS. 

Goods  for  transshipment  into  the  interior  are  handled  at  Guaymas  and  shipped 
over  the  Southern  Pacific  Railroad  of  Mexico,  goods  going  to  Hermosillo  (capital  of 
the  State  of  Sonora),  Esperanzas  (Yaqui  Valley),  Navojoa  (Mayo  River  Valley ),  and 
several  other  points  farther  south  along  the  line  of  the  railway  and  also  to  the  mining 
towns  of  Alamos,  Fuerte,  etc.  Guaymas  is  connected  by  the  Southern  Pacific  West 
Coast  line  with  all  coast  points  as  far  as  Tepic,  in  the  State  of  N ayarit,  south  of  Mazatlan. 

Near-by  points  reached  by  steamer. — North:  Colorado  River,  Mulege,  Santa  Rosalia 
(El  Boleo  Co.’s  mines),  and  La  Paz,  Lower  California.  South:  Ports  of  Yavaros, 
Topolobampo,  Altata,  Mazatlan,  San  Bias  (Tepic),  Manzanillo,  Acapulco,  Salina 
Cruz,  and  points  south  to  Balboa,  Canal  Zone.  At  Manzanillo,  south  of  Mazatlan, 
rail  connection  is  made  for  points  in  the  central  part  of  Mexico,  including  Guadalajara 
and  Mexico  City. 

Only  launches  go  as  far  north  as  the  mouth  of  the  Colorado  River,  where  overland 
stages  (auto)  take  passengers  and  some  freight  to  the  Mexicali  Valley  in  the  Colorado 
delta.  Mazatlan,  Manzanillo,  Acapulco,  and  Salina  Cruz  are  the  only  other  deep- 
water harbors  on  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico,  and  vessels  of  more  than  16-foot  draft  can 
not  enter  the  others  with  safety. 

REPAIRS. 

With  the  exception  of  the  railway  shops  at  Empalme,  facilities  for  even  ordinary 
marine  steam  repairs  are  limited.  The  Mexican  Government  maintains  a shipyard 
at  El  Varedero,  on  the  outer  bay,  but  the  marine  railway  and  other  equipment  is  in 
poor  repair  at  the  present  time  and  the  plant  can  not  be  recommended  as  safe  even  for 
vessels  of  light  weight.  The  total  length  of  the  marine  railway  is  650  feet  over  all. 
with  a draft  on  sill  of  26  feet,  the  lifting  capacity  for  vessels  being  placed  at  2.000 
metric  tons.  Most  vessels  engaged  in  the  West  Coast  traffic  go  to  San  Francisco  for 
repairs,  painting,  etc. 


TRANSPORTATION. 


73 


The  Companfa  Explotadora  de  Maderas  maintains  a rather  large  and  efficient 
machine  shop  and  small  foundry  of  1-ton  capacity  in  Guaymas  proper.  The  equip- 
ment includes  a small  steam  forge  hammer.  The  largest  pipe-fitting  equipment  is  of 
6-inch  diameter,  both  here  and  at  the  railway  shops  at  Empalme.  There  is  no  regular 
tariff  of  repair  costs. 

PROVISIONS. 

While  provisions  are  not  plentiful,  vessels  can  be  freshly  provisioned  in  Guaymas. 
At  least  10  hours’  advance  notice  should  be  given.  Fresh  beef  is  fairly  good  and 
plentiful,  as  well  as  certain  fruits,  but  canned  goods,  hams,  etc.,  are  expensive  on 
account  of  the  high  import  duty  and  the  large  margin  of  profit. 

BALLAST. 

No  regulations  are  in  force  regarding  discharge  of  ballast  in  the  harbor.  The  dumping 
area  would  have  to  be  specified  by  the  port  captain.  Stone  for  ballast  can  be  secured 
and  loaded  from  lighters.  No  steamers  take  ballast,  and  sailing  vessels  are  of  rare 
occurrence;  so  all  such  provisions  would  have  to  be  especially  made  locally,  under  the 
best  agreement  possible.  Contracts  could  be  made  for  serving  ballast  at  so  much  per 
ton.  (See  “Stevedoring.”) 

WATER. 

Both  drinking  and  steam  water  comes  from  the  same  supply  as  that  for  the  city  of 
Guaymas  and  is  taken  by  steamers  from  tank  lighters  in  the  bay,  the  cost  of  water 
delivered  alongside  being  $1  United  States  currency  per  cubic  meter.  Delivery  on 
board  is  by  steamer’s  own  pumps  and  suction.  Two  water  lighters  are  available. 
(This  water  contains  considerable  lime  and  other  mineral  matter  and  “scales’  ’ boilers. ) 

WHOLESALE  AND  RETAIL  DEALERS. 

Persons  interested  in  lists  of  dealers  are  referred  to  the  World  Trade  Directory  of 
Mexico,  by  commodities,  compiled  by  the  Commercial  Intelligence  Division  of  the 
Bureau  of  Foreign  and  Domestic  Commerce,  Department  of  Commerce,  Washington, 
D.  C.  These  trade  lists  are  available  in  the  United  States  through  chambers  of  com- 
merce, district  offices  of  the  Bureau  of  Foreign  and  Domestic  Commerce,  and  also 
directly  from  Washington,  upon  application. 

STORAGE  COMPANIES. 

There  are  no  regular  storage  companies  in  Guaymas.  Certain  facilities  are  afforded 
by  Luis  A.  Martinez  y Cfa.  and  the  larger  merchants. 

MARINE  INDUSTRIES. 

There  are  no  fish  canneries,  ropewalk  or  cordage  factories,  milk  condensaries, 
iron  or  steel  manufacturers,  sail  lofts,  or  other  industries  in  Guaymas  with  the  excep- 
tion of  those  noted  herein. 

FREIGHT  SUPPLY. 

The  principal  ocean  tonnage  originating  at  the  port  of  Guaymas  consists  of  “gar- 
banzo  ” shipments  to  Spain,  copper  from  the  El  Boleo  Co.  plant  and  mines  at  Santa 
Rosalia,  Lower  California,  and  sugar  from  the  plantations  at  Los  Mochis,  Sinaloa. 

The  bulk  of  the  sugar  and  wheat  production  is  moved  by  rail  to  the  interior  of 
Mexico  at  the  present  time. 

STEAMSHIP  COMPANIES. 

For  an  account  of  the  steamship  service  at  Guaymas,  see  the  section  on  “Steamer 
lines  and  ports,”  beginning  on  page  62. 

GENERAL  INFORMATION. 

Port  works  and  improvements. — Various  plans  have  been  put  forward  from  time 
to  time  for  extensive  improvements  of  the  harbor  and  port  of  Guaymas,  calling  for 
the  construction  of  moles,  for  dredging,  etc.,  in  both  the  outer  and  the  inner  harbors. 
An  American  engineer  is  now  on  the  ground  to  make  the  preliminary  surveys  for 


74 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


tliia  proposed  work,  but  it  is  very  doubtful  whether  actual  work  will  be  started, 
at  least  for  some  time,  on  account  of  the  lack  of  sufficient  funds  by  the  central  gov- 
ernment and  the  fact  that  Guay  mas  has  ceased  to  be  a port  of  first  class  since  the 
continuation  of  the  railway  along  the  coast  to  Mazatlan. 

The  population  to-day  does  not  exceed  5,000,  among  whom  there  are  a few  Americans 
and  other  foreigners,  principally  German  and  French.  There  is  also  a rather  large 
Chinese  group. 

The  principal  imports  are  general  merchandise  from  the  United  States.  Guavmas 
formerly  supplied  the  interior  of  the  State  of  Sonora  as  far  north  as  Hermosillo  and 
as  far  south  as  the  northern  part  of  the  State  of  Sinaloa,  but  this  trade  has  dwindled 
in  recent  years,  the  American  border  cities  and  Mazatlan  taking  the  trade  away  to 
a very  great  extent. 

Customs  regulations  regarding  ships’  stores. — A signed  list  of  ship’s  protisions  and 
stores  on  hand  must  be  presented  to  the  customs  on  arrival.  Vessels  are  patroled 
by  customs  guards  while  in  the  harbor. 

Crews. — Crews  are  obtainable,  but  only  of  native  Mexicans,  and  authorities  require 
that  the  master  of  vessels  shipping  Mexican  citizens  in  Guaymas  sign  an  agreement 
to  return  the  men  to  the  port  within  a stipulated  time,  at  the  expense  of  the  company. 

P aching  requirements. — N o special  packing  requirements  obtain.  The  packing  usual 
for  rail  and  water  shipment  in  the  United  States  is  accepted  as  standard  on  all  classes 
of  ocean  freight. 

PORT  OF  TOPOLOBAMPO,  SINALOA. 

PILOTAGE  AND  TOWAGE. 

Pilotage. — Pilotage  is  not  compulsory,  but  advisable,  as  there  is  a bar  lying  off- 
shore, off  the  entrance  and  along  the  coast,  and  there  is  a narrow  and  dangerous 
channel  that  must  be  navigated  to  reach  the  inner  bay. 

Towage. — No  provisions  for  towage  exist.  Sailing  vessels,  except  light  schooners, 
can  not  enter  this  port  under  their  own  sail.  There  are  no  towboats. 

Mooring. — The  harbor  is  not  provided  with  mooring  buoys,  and  vessels  tie  up  at 
the  wharf  to  load  or  discharge  cargo. 

Special  pilotage  provisions  and  regulations. — Pilot  should  be  notified  by  telegraph 
as  to  date  of  arrival  of  vessel  so  that  he  can  meet  it  outside  the  bar.  The  captain 
of  the  port  is  the  administrative  official  having  jurisdiction  over  the  harbor. 

HARBOR,  ANCHORAGE,  AND  ACCOMMODATIONS. 

Approach  to  harbor. — Is  not  easily  accessible  and  is  dangerous.  Aids  to  navigation: 
Lighthouse,  and  bar  and  channel  buoys,  10  in  outside  channel  and  7 in  entrance 
channel  approaching  inner  bay. 

Area  of  harbor. — One  kilometer  by  J kilometer  in  front  of  landing. 

Protection. — Entirely  landlocked;  surrounded  by  high  hills  on  all  sides.  The  one 
drawback  to  this  otherwise  ideal  natural  harbor  is  the  shifting  sandbar  hung  along  the 
coast  off  the  entrance  to  the  bay. 

Anchorage. — Minimum  depth  anchorage  ground,  at  mean  low  water,  T8  fathoms. 
Holding  ground , good,  black  mud.  V essels  anchor  just  off  wharf  for  customs  inspection 
and  then  proceed  to  wharf. 

Tides. — Maximum  rise  and  fall,  7 to  8 feet. 

Mooring  buoys. — Harbor  is  not  equipped  with  mooring  buoys.  Vessels  use  own 
ground  tackle  in  harbor,  or  tie  alongside  wharf. 

Draft  allowance.— The  maximum  average  depth  at  the  entrance  (at  bar  and  channel) 
is  only  18  feet — and  that  at  high  water.  The  deepest  draft  for  a vessel  that  can  safely 
navigate  harbor  and  entrance  is  16  feet  aft. 

Prevailing  winds. — Southwest  trades. 

Storms.— Sudden  equinoctial  storms  occur  in  the  fall  and  spring  of  the  year,  those 
of  the  fall  equinox  being  the  heaviest  and  doing  considerable  damage  along  the  coast. 

Seasons.— JEtainy  season:  July,  August,  and  September.  Light  rains  may  be  ex- 
pected dining  the  spring  equinox,  in  February  or  March,  lasting  intermittently  for 
about  two  weeks.  The  climate  is  humid  and  semitropieal. 

System  of  harbor  control. — IT nder  the  administration  of  the  port  captain. 

Fines  levied  against  ships. — -See  “Mexican  Government  customs  regulations”  ( p. 
84),  “Sanitary  code”  (p.  89),  etc.  At  Topolobampo,  additional  lines  may  be 
levied  for  dumping  or  taking  ballast  without  permission  of  the  port  authorities  or  from 
the  wrong  place. 

Quarantine  regulations. — Bills  of  health  are  not  obligatory.  All  incoming  vessels 
are  inspected,  before  tying  at  wharf,  by  the  port  doctor,  the  ship's  doctor  filling  out 
the  required  report. 


TRANSPORTATION. 


75 


Measurement  or  weight  tonnage. — Draft  is  measured  in  meters  or  fraction  thereof. 
Cargo  weight  is  always  in  metric  tons,  gross.  Tonnage  dues  are  calculated  on  the  gross 
registry  of  the  vessel. 

Sick  mariners’  fund. — None  is  collected  here. 

Cartage. — There  are  no  roadways  in  Topolobampo,  and  all  cargo  is  handled  over  the 
wharf  of  the  railway  for  the  interior. 

Wharf  charges. — The  only  wharf  at  the  port  of  Topolobampo  is  owned  by  the  Kansas 
City,  Mexico  & Orient  Railway  Co.  There  is  a mooring  charge  of  from  1 to  6 pesos 
for  each  vessel  per  day,  depending  on  the  size  of  the  vessel  using  the  wharf. 

The  railway  company  charges  0.50  peso  per  metric  ton,  gross  weight,  on  all  cargo 
handled  over  this  wharf  over  and  above  stevedoring  costs. 

Customs  agents’  charges  for  dispatching  vessels. — Vessels  of  lines  operating  on  West 
Coast  pay  their  regular  agents  the  usual  percentage  on  freight  charges,  etc.  Irregular 
boats  pay  customary  fee  of  100  pesos  to  agent  for  taking  charge  of  all  customs  and  docu- 
ment work  while  vessel  is  in  port,  including  cargo  arrangements,  although  this  fee 
(commission)  is  graduated  by  agreement  according  to  the  size  of  the  vessel  and  the 
nature  and  volume  of  the  cargo. 

Bills  of  health. — See  p.  89. 

Sea  protest. — Damage  to  cargo  in  transit  certified  to  upon  statement  of  master  of 
vessel  before  nearest  American  consular  officer — in  this  case,  either  Guaymas  or 
Mazatlan.  The  port  of  Topolobampo  is  in  the  Mazatlan  consular  district. 

Sealed  papers  and  customs  visit. — See  p.  84.  Masters  of  vessels  entering  all  Mexican 
ports  of  call  are  required  to  present  to  the  customs  the  following  sealed  papers:  Mani- 
fest of  cargo,  consular  invoice  of  cargo  for  port,  list  of  provisions  and  stores  carried, 
crew  and  passenger  lists. 

Customs  stamps  on  manifest. — None  required. 

Time  allowance  for  discharging . — No  special  provisions;  depends  on  nature  of  cargo. 

Harbormaster' s overtime  ( port  captain). — Fifty  per  cent  additional. 

Launch  hire. — Boats  and  launches  charge,  as  usual  rate,  4 pesos  ($2  United  States 
currency)  per  hour,  for  from  one  to  eight  persons  carried,  or  line  service,  etc.  No 
boat  hire  for  passengers,  etc.,  as  steamers  land  alongside  wharf. 

WHARVES,  PIERS,  AND  WAREHOUSES. 

There  is  only  one  wharf,  belonging  to  the  Kansas  City,  Mexico  & Orient  Railway  Co. 
and  served  by  this  line  into  the  interior.  It  is  210  feet  long  and  36  feet  wide.  At 
extreme  low  water  the  depth  alongside  is  18  feet  (5  meters  out,  depth  is  26  feet).  The 
pier  has  wooden  piling  and  decking.  It  is  not  lighted  at  night.  There  is  no  equip- 
ment for  heavy  lifts. 

There  are  two  warehouses.  One  has  a floor  space  of  280  by  40  feet,  and  the  other  110 
by  78  feet.  Both  are  constructed  of  wood,  with  corrugated  iron  roofs.  Storage  charges 
are  nominal.  The  gross  capacity  of  the  two  is  3,000  tons  of  general  cargo. 

STEVEDORING. 

Stevedoring  charges  are  based  on  the  metric  ton,  except  for  heavy  lifts,  which  are 
handled  by  the  railway  by  special  agreement. 

Labor  costs. — The  established  rate  is  50  centavos  (SO. 25  United  States  currency) 
per  hour  on  shore  (dock)  and  1 peso  ($0.50  United  States  currency)  per  hour  in  hold 
of  vessel.  Double  time  on  Sundays  and  holidays  and  at  night  after  6 p.  m. 

Classof  labor  employed. — NativeMexican  “ peon”  labor.  Sufficient  for  present  needs 
of  port  traffic.  Not  unionized  at  present. 

BUNKERS. 

There  are  no  coal  bunkers  or  oil  docks  at  Topolobampo,  the  nearest  supply  being 
located  at  Guaymas,  where  fuel  oil  for  steamers  is  not  available.  The  only  point 
where  fuel  oil  is  available  on  the  West  Coast  is  at  Salina  Cruz. 

TRANSSHIPMENT  OP  GOODS. 

Cargo  is  shipped  into  the  interior  (Wes.t  Coast  and  Fuerte  Valley)  over  the  Kansas 
City,  Mexico  & Orient  Railway,  which  serves  the  Fuerte  River  Valley  as  far  east  as 
the  town  of  Fuerte  at  the  end  of  the  valley  and  also  connects  with  the  Southern  Pacific 
of  Mexico  for  all  West  Coast  points  as  far  south  as  Tepic  and  as  far  north  as  the  Ameri- 
can border  at  Nogales,  Ariz. 

General  cargo  is  handled  directly  from  steamer’s  tackle  to  customs  shed  and  from 
there  to  railway  cars  for  shipment. 


76 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


REPAIRS. 

This  port  has  no  shops  or  other  repair  facilities.  The  nearest  machine-tool  equip- 
ment  is  at  the  railway  shops  at  San  Bias,  Sinaloa  (where  railway  crosses  Southern 
Pacific  of  Mexico).  There  is  no  dry  dock. 

WATER. 

The  water  supply  of  the  port  is  brought  in  on  the  railway  in  tank  cars  and  delivered 
alongside  vessel  upon  application  to  railway  agent.  Cost:  0.01  peso  per  gallon. 

ship  chandlers’  and  engineers’  supplies. 

No  stocks  kept  on  hand  at  this  port.  See  port  of  Guaymas  and  port  of  Mazatlan. 

steamship  lines. 

The  only  regular  vessels  touching  at  Topolobampo  are  two  steamers  of  the  Companfa 
Naviera  Mexicana,  which  call  twice  a month,  north  and  south  bound  for  other  West 
Coast  ports  in  Mexico. 

GENERAL  INFORMATION. 

Port  improvements.— When  the  Kansas  City,  Mexico  & Orient  Railway  was  planned, 
the  idea  was  to  make  Topolobampo  the  Pacific  terminus  of  this  new  transcontinental. 
United  States-Mexico  line,  to  compete  with  San  Francisco  for  trans-Pacific  shipment 
and  also  for  shipment  through  the  Panama  Canal.  The  railway  has  not  been  com- 
pleted, and  at  present  no  improvements  are  contemplated. 

Native  population. — Three  hundred  people. 

Industries. — Sugar  and  winter  tomato  and  vegetable  production  in  the  Fuerte 
Valley  served  by  the  railway.  (See  “Agriculture.”) 

Principal  imports. — General  merchandise  from  the  United  States. 

Principal  exports.— Dried  shrimp  to  China,  via  Guaymas  or  Mazatlan  and  San 
Francisco,  Calif.  (The  sugar  production  goes  by  rail  to  El  Paso,  Tex.,  where  it  is 
held  in  storage  for  distribution  into  the  interior  of  Mexico,  principally.) 

Remarks. — This  is  not  a military  or  naval  port.  There  is  no  radio  station  and  no 
station  from  which  signals  are  made  to  incoming  vessels.  Mexican  standard  time  is 
used  (that  is,  Mexico  City  meridian);  no  time  ball  or  observatory.  The  captain  of 
the  port  is  the  only  official  residing  at  the  port. 

The  sanitation  of  the  town  is  fair.  A small  hospital  is  maintained  by  the  railway 
company  for  its  employees,  with  one  American  doctor  in  charge.  It  is  advisable  to 
boil  drinking  water. 

The  port  has  no  cable  communications,  wire  communication  being  over  the  Mexi<  an 
Government  lines,  from  which  messages  for  foreign  points  are  transferred  to  either 
Western  Union  at  Nogales,  Ariz.,  or  the  All-America  Cable  Co.  at  Mexico  City. 
Mail  is  received  and  sent  by  rail  every  other  day. 

Steamers  drawing  16  feet  of  water  can  come  in  over  the  bar. 

Storage. — Ten  days  free;  $0.01  per  100  kilos  for  first  10  days  thereafter:  then  $0.03 
per  100  kilos  for  each  10  days  thereafter  until  time  limit  of  six  months  is  exhausted, 
when  goods  are  sold  for  the  account  of  the  railway  company,  which  also  owns  the 
warehouses.  (See  also  customs  regulations  of  the  Mexican  Government  governing 
storage  of  goods  held,  etc.) 

(The  above  data  on  Topolobampo  were  collected  by  Assistant  Trade  Commissioner 
H.  B.  MacKenzie  when  he  visited  Los  Mochis  and  Topolobampo.) 

PORT  OF  MAZATLAN,  SINALOA. 

LOCATION  AND  AIDS  TO  NAVIGATION. 

Location;  23°  N.;  106°  30'  W. 

Creston  Island,  on  west  side  of  harbor  entrance:  Square  white  tower  36  feet  high, 
rising  from  white  house,  red  lantern.  Occulting  white  light  515  feet  above  high- 
water  mark.  Visible  30  miles  at  sea. 

Mazatlan  Harbor:  Fixed  red  electric  light  on  end  of  customs  pier  on  shore. 

PILOTAGE  AND  TOWAGE. 

No  pilot  is  available,  and  none  is  necessary,  as  the  port  is  an  open  roadstead  and 
no  pilot  is  used,  except  for  small  craft  wishing  to  enter  the  inner  shallow  bay,  when 


TRANSPORTATION. 


77 


a local  man  is  employed,  by  special  agreement.  Vessels  can  enter  and  leave  the 
anchorage  after  sunset. 

Towage. — Not  used  by  steamers  except  in  cases  of  emergency.  Only  use  of  tugs 
is  for  small  sailing  vessels  entering  the  shallow  inner  bay,  when  gas  launches  and 
one  small  steam  tug  of  about  60  horsepower  are  available  by  special  arrangement 
with  the  Empresa  de  Lanchas  del  Pacffico,  which  has  a monopoly  of  the  lighterage 
of  the  port.  Charges  are  according  to  the  tonnage  of  the  vessel  to  be  handled,  cargo, 
etc.  There  is  no  assessment  by  the  Government  on  towage. 

Mooring  charges. — No  mooring  buoys  in  harbor.  All  vessels  use  their  own  ground 
tackle. 

Special  pilotage  regulations. — See  Ley  de  Practicos  y Codigo  de  Farros,  Puertos  y 
Marina  Mercante,  Ministry  of  Communications  and  Public  Works,  Mexico. 

HARBOR,  ANCHORAGE,  AND  ACCOMMODATIONS. 

Approach  and  entrance. — Open  roadstead,  open  from  sea,  with  small  rocky  islands 
lying  just  to  north.  Considered  dangerous  on  account  of  rocks  and  sandbars. 

Anchorage. — Deep-draft  vessels  anchor  from  1J  to  2 miles  offshore  from  the  town, 
where  they  are  protected  only  from  the  north.  Dangerous  in  times  of  storms,  which 
usually  come  from  southwest  and  southeast. 

Depth  of  anchorage  ground. — 30  to  80  feet,  depending  on  distance  from  shore. 
Holding  ground  is  fairly  good  in  sand  and  mud.  Vessels  anchor  just  inside  of  Creston 
Island  (which  breaks  swells  from  sea),  for  better  handling  of  cargo  into  and  out  of 
lighters  lying  alongside. 

Tidal  data  — Mean  rise  and  fall  average,  3 feet.  Spring  tide  maximum  average, 
6 feet. 

Prevailing  winds. — The  southwest  trades. 

Seasons  of  heavy  weather. — Dining  the  rainy  season,  June  to  October,  sudden  squalls 
at  times  force  steamers  to  put  out  to  sea.  The  fall  equinoctial  storms  are  violent 
some  years  and  do  considerable  damage.  Storms  signals  are  given  24  hours  in  advance, 
from  Creston  Island. 

Climate. — Semitropical.  Very  hot  and  damp  during  the  summer  months.  Excel- 
lent winter  climate. 

Discharging  and  storing  of  explosives,  etc.—No  separate  zone  in  harbor  anchorage 
ground.  Customs  warehouse  set  aside  for  storage  and  handling  of  dynamite,  gaso- 
line, etc.,  which  is  lightered  to  inner  shallow  bay  from  alongside  vessel. 

System  of  harbor  control. — By  captain  of  the  port,  cooperating  with  military  and 
naval  authorities. 

Fines  levied  against  ships. — See  page  84. 

Sick  mariners’  fund. — None.  No  marine  hospital  here. 

Cartage. — All  cargo  is  landed  from  lighters  at  customs  wharf  and  warehouses. 
Local  cartage  within  the  town,  1.50  pesos  per  metric  ton  gross  weight  on  ton  lots. 
Freight  cartage  from  customs  to  railway  station,  a distance  of  about  2 miles,  and  to 
explosives  warehouse,  2.50  pesos  per  metric  ton,  gross  weight. 

Customs  agents’  charge  for  dispatching  vessels. — Customs  agents  and  ship  brokers 
charge  50  pesos  for  dispatching  ships,  this  service  including  all  details  such  as  mani- 
fest, billing,  passenger  list,  etc.  They  all  charge  a commission  of  5 per  cent  on  cargo 
they  secure  at  the  port  for  the  vessel.  All  services  of  agents  at  night  are  at  double 
rates. 

Bills  of  health. — Issued  by  the  port  doctor.  Three  pesos  for  all  Mexican  ports 
and  5 pesos  for  all  foreign  ports.  American  consul  charges  $5  for  bills  of  health  for 
foreign  vessels  to  an  American  port.  Both  are  required.  (See  Circular  No.  13, 
August  11,  1922,  Mexican  Health  Office.) 

> Sea  protest  (marine  note  of  protest). — American  consular  fee,  $2  for  foreign  ships, 
covering  loss  or  damage  to  cargo.  In  Mazatlan  loss  is  usually  due  to  loss  of  or  dam- 
age to  cargo  in  loading  or  discharging  from  lighters  in  the  open  roadstead. 

Sealed  papers  and  customs  visit. — Masters  of  vessels  calling  at  Mazatlan  are  required 
to  present  to  customs  officials  the  following  sealed  papers:  Ship’s  manifest,  sealed 
consular  invoices,  crew  list,  provision  and  supply  list,  passenger  list. 

Special  charges. — No  additional  charges  are  made  for  entrance  without  cargo,  with 
passengers,  etc. 

Clearance  at  night. — All  charges,  including  that  of  ship  brokers,  customs,  etc. 
double  rates,  as  above. 

Time  allowance  for  discharging. — During  the  dry  season  of  the  year:  Dawn  to  6 
p.  m.  into  lighters  alongside.  Rainy  season:  Dawn  to  3 p.  m.  into  lighters.  Local 
port  laws  require  that  all  lighters  be  discharged  at  customs  pier  before  sundown, 
especially  dining  the  rainy  season, 


78 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


Overtime  charges. — Customs  guards,  when  employed  on  vessel,  charge  for  overtime 
at  night  and  on  Sundays  and  holidays:  3.50  pesos  for  each  guard  on  duty,  this  extra 
charge  being  paid  by  the  ship  to  the  customs  through  agents  or  broker— prior  special 
arrangement  and  permit  being  required. 

Tally  clerics. — Furnished  by  the  si  lip's  agent  or  stevedoring  company  at  5 pesos 
per  day  of  10  hours.  Double  pay  for  night,  Sundays,  and  holidays. 

Launch  and  boat  hire. — $1.50  per  trip  from  shore  to  vessel  lying  at  anchor  in  road- 
stead, or  $0.25  per  person.  If  vessel  is  farther  out  than  the  recognized  limit,  double 
charge  is  made. 

WHARVES,  PIERS,  WAREHOUSES,  ETC. 

There  are  no  piers  for  ocean  vessels  which  anchor  in  the  roadstead.  The  only 
wharf  is  that  for  lighters  at  the  customs  warehouses  and  the  boat  wharf  for  landing 
small  boats  and  launches. 

Storage  capacity. — The  total  gross  capacity  of  the  customs  warehouses  at  pier  for 
lighters  is  from  3,500  to  5,000  tons  of  general  merchandise,  depending  upon  the  nature 
of  the  cargo.  No  charge  is  made  for  storage  for  the  first  15  days  after  goods  are  landed 
at  customs,  after  which  rate  is  0.01  peso  per  100  kilos  for  the  first  month  and  0.02 
peso  for  each  succeeding  month.  Other  storage,  if  necessary,  is  obtainable  in  private 
storerooms  of  principal  merchants.  There  are  no  regular  storage  companies,  and  rate 
would  be  subject  to  special  agreement. 


STEVEDORING. 


Rate  basis. — Either  short  or  ocean-freight  tons,  according  to  ocean  bill  of  lading. 

Cost  of  discharging  cargo. — This  depends  upon  special  arrangement  and  nature  of 
cargo.  If  the  entire  cargo  is  given  under  contract  arrangement,  the  rate  is  often  0.50 
peso  per  ton,  and  1 peso  per  ton  after  5 p.  m.  Otherwise  rate  is  double  the  above. 
This  charge  is  for  handling  cargo  in  the  hold  of  the  vessel. 

In  Mazatlan  there  is  only  one  lighterage  company,  and  the  stevedores  have  an 
association. 

The  ordinary  lighterage  tariff  of  the  Empresa  de  Lanchas  del  Pacffico,  S.  A.,  for 
1 metric  ton  outside  of  the  bay  is  3.50  pesos.  Following  are  specific  merchandise 
rates : 


Automobiles 

Trucks 

Acids 

Baled  cotton 

Boxes,  knocked  down. 
Coal  or  coke: 

Loose 

Sacked 

Dried  slnimp 

Wagons 

Explosives 

Cigars  and  cigarettes. . 

Beef  hides,  dry 

Brooms 

Matches 

Cattle,  on  hoof 

Fiber 

Corn  and  beans 

Flour 

Lumber,  ordinary 

Fodder  in  bales 

Pianos  and  pianolas. . 
Metal  drums,  empty . 
Leaf  tobacco,  in  bales. 

Drugs 

Textiles 

Silks 


f small . . 

(.large... 

(small. . 

t large . . 

per  metric  ton. . 

do 

do 

do 

do 

do 

f small. . 

(.large. . 

per  box,  to  magazine. . 

per  metric  ton. . 

each. . 

per  metric  ton. . 

.do 

.per  head  (minimum) . . 

per  metric  ton. . 

do 

do 

. .per  1,000  board  feet. . 

per  metric  ton. . 

each. . 

do 

per  metric  ton. . 

do 

do 

do 


Pesos. 
15.  00 
25.00 
20.  00 
40.  00 

5.00 

4.00 
4.  00 

4.  00 
3.  75 

3.  75 
15.  00 
25.00 

.40 

4.  00 
. 05 

5.00 

5.00 
10.  00 

3.  75 

3.00 
3.  00 

4.00 
4.00 

15.  00 
. 50 

3.  50 

4.  50 
4.00 

5.  00 


Special  Agents  Series  No.  220. 


FIG.  8.— THE  HEART  OF  MAZATLAN. 


FIG.  9.— CUSTOMHOUSE  AT  MAZATLAN. 


Special  Agents  Series  No.  220. 


FIG.  10.— BANANA  PLANTATION  NEAR  SAN  BLAS,  NAYARIT. 


TRANSPORTATION. 


79 


For  heavy  lifts  the  rates  are: 

500  to  1,000  kilos:  Double  the  above  rates. 

1.000  to  1,500  kilos:  Double  and  a half  rates. 

1.500  to  2,000  kilos:  Triple  above  rates. 

2.000  to  2,500  kilos:  Quadruple  above  rates. 

2.500  and  above:  Special  arrangement. 

Lighterage  rates  within  the  ‘ 1 pozo,  ” or  harbor — that  is,  inside  of  anchorage  for  deep- 
draft  vessels — are  one-half  of  the  above  rates. 

All  work  performed  outside  of  working  hours,  or  during  Sundays  and  holidays,  will 
carry  a surcharge  of  3 pesos  per  ton,  gross  weight,  outside  of  the  inner  harbor,  and  50 
per  cent  of  the  above  rates  inside. 

Water  delivered  to  vessels  lying  in  the  roadstead  after  hours  will  cost  5 pesos  per 
metric  ton,  instead  of  the  usual  4 pesos  per  metric  ton,  delivered  alongside  of  vessel 
for  ship’s  pumps. 

The  stevedoring  tariff  of  the  Companfa  Mutua  de  Cargadores  (January,  1919)  was 
as  follows: 


Import  merchandise  cargo. 


Merchandise : 

City  warehouse per  metric  ton. . 

Customs  warehouse do 

Customs  inspection  storage  warehouse do 

Special  commodity  rates : 

Cattle  and  live  stock,  on  hoof each. . 

Brick,  tile,  etc per  1,000. . 

Explosives,  25  kilos  weight  limit  each  piece each. . 

Lumber,  ordinary per  1,000  board  feet.. 

Coal  and  coke,  sacked per  metric  ton. . 

Coal,  loose do 

Coal,  sacked  (steam  coal) do 

Pianos  and  pianolas each. . 

Vehicles — 

Weighing  less  than  500  kilos do 

Weighing  less  than  1,000  kilos do 

Weighing  more  than  1,000  kilos — Special  rates. 
Machinery — 

Pieces  400  to  500  kilos  each per  1,000  kilos.. 

Pieces  501  to  1,000  kilos  each do 


Pieces  over  1,000  kilos — Special  arrangement. 


Pesos. 

3.  50 

2.  50 

1.  75 

3.  00 
5.  00 

. 10 

2.  00 

1.  50 

2.  00 
1.  00 

10.  00 

7.  00 
10.  00 


2.  00 
4.  00 


Export  cargo. 

Hides,  dry  (beef) per  1,000  kilos. . 1.  50 

Dyewoods do 2.  00 

Bullion  of  gold  and  silver each  bar. . . 25 

Other  merchandise  for  loading  out per  ton. . 1.  50 

Overtime  rates  are  double  the  above. 

The  service  includes  placing  all  goods  from  warehouse  to  steamer,  or  from  steamer 
to  shore  at  customs,  and  then  delivery,  less  cartage  to  warehouse,  including  handling 
for  customs  inspection,  etc.  Coastwise-cargo  handling  rates  are  about  20  to  25  per 
cent  lower  than  the  above. 

All  the  above  prices  are  in  Mexican  pesos  (1  peso=$0.50  United  States  currency  at 
par). 

All  weights  given  are  in  metric  tons,  of  1,000  kilos  each  (2,205  pounds). 

One  2-ton-capacity  steam  crane  is  operated  and  maintained  by  the  stevedores’ 
association  at  end  of  customs  pier  to  facilitate  handling  of  freight  by  them.  Special 
arrangement  for  heavy  lifts,  made  with  foreman  of  stevedores,  who  is  also  head  of  the 
association. 

Rate  of  loading  and  discharging  general  cargo. — From  750  to  1,000  tons  of  general  cargo 
per  day  of  10  hours,  ship’s  hold  to  lighters  alongside,  to  customs  warehouse  under  mo°st 
favorable  weather  conditions. 


BUNKERS  AND  FUEL  OIL. 

No  bunkers  or  fuel-oil  supply  in  Mazatlan.  Nearest  fuel  supply  for  steamers  is 
located  at  either  Salina  Cruz  or  American  Pacific  coast  ports. 


80 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


TRANSSHIPMENT  OF  GOODS. 

Cargo  is  shipped  into  the  interior  up  and  down  the  West  Coast  by  rail  over  the 
Southern  Pacific  Railroad  of  Mexico;  also  by  pack  mule  into  the  interior  to  the  east. 

Coast  points  reached  by  steamer:  North — Topolobampo,  Yavaros,  and  Guaymas. 
South — San  Bias  (Nayarit),  Manzanillo  (rail  connection  for  Guadalajara  and  Mexico 
City),  Acapulco,  Salina  Cruz.  Lower  California — La  Paz,  Santa  Rosalia,  Mulege,  on 
gulf,  and  Ensenada  on  Pacific  side  of  peninsula. 

REPAIRS. 

Ordinary  marine  repairs,  except  dry-docking  work,  can  be  made  in  the  shops  of  the 
Fundicion  de  Sinaloa,  at  Mazatlan,  which  maintains  a complete  machine  shop  and 
small  foundry,  etc.  Largest  pipe  brazing  size,  36  inches. 

There  are  no  dry-docking  facilities.  The  nearest  place  is  San  Diego,  San  Pedro 
(Long  Beach),  or  San  Francisco,  Calif. 

PROVISIONS. 

Supplies  of  freshly  killed  beef,  fowls,  fruit,  etc.,  can  be  readily  obtained  on  short 
notice,  say  12  hours.  Ice  is  also  obtainable.  Local  merchants  carry  supplies  of 
canned  goods,  but  prices  are  high  on  account  of  the  heavy  import  duties  on  these 
articles.  Fresh  fish  can  be  obtained  in  fair  quantities.  Average  prices  for  supplies 
of  fresh  food  are  higher  than  in  the  United  States,  from  which  even  flour  and  potatoes 
are  being  imported  at  present,  as  well  as  such  fruits  as  apples,  oranges,  etc. 

BALLAST. 

Ballast  is  used  only  by  sailing  vessels.  Rock  ballast  can  be  obtained  by  special 
arrangement  with  the  stevedores  and  lighterage  people.  Ballast  can  be  dumped  only 
with  the  permission  of  the  port  captain,  who  would  not  allow  rock  ballast  to  be 
dumped  inshore. 

WATER. 

See  tariff  of  lighterage  company.  Cost,  S2  per  metric  ton  delivered  alongside  in 
tank  lighter  for  ship's  own  suction  hose  and  pump.  Two  water  boats  are  available, 
having  a capacity  of  about  20  tons  each.  A total  of  120  tons  can  be  delivered  in  eight 
hours’  time  alongside  vessel  lying  in  the  roadstead. 

CREWS. 

Crews  are  obtainable,  the  men  being  native  Mexicans  who  '‘sign  on"  for  steamers 
as  oilers,  coal  passers,  fire-room  men,  steward’s  department  helpers,  etc. 

CARGOES  OBTAINABLE. 

Cargo  for  export  is  limited  to  hides,  hardwoods,  dried  shrimp,  and  some  mine  prod- 
ucts— very  limited  amounts  at  present.  Coastwise  cargoes  consist  of  sugar,  wheat, 
corn,  and  beans,  but  these  can  be  carried  only  on  vessels  under  the  Mexican  flag. 

(For  steamship  companies  and  itineraries,  see  section  beginning  on  p.  62.) 

PORT  IMPROVEMENTS. 

Various  plans  have  been  made  for  the  improvement  of  the  port  of  (Mazatlan,  to 
make  it  into  a protected  harbor  and  deep-sea  port,  but  nothing  has  been  done  on 
account  of  the  lack  of  funds  on  the  part  of  the  Mexican  Government.  In  February, 
1922,  a contract  was  made  with  an  American  engineer  (the  same  man  who  carried 
out  the  port  works  of  Manzanillo  during  the  Diaz  regime)  for  the  construction  of  a 
rock  causeway  from  the  shore  to  the  outlying  island  of  Creston,  thus  forming  a break- 
water for  the  bay,  but  this  work  has  not  been  started  as  yet. 

PORT  OF  SAN  BLAS,  NAYARIT. 

LOCATION  AND  AIDS  TO  NAVIGATION. 

Location:  21°  32'  N.;  105°  19'  W. 

Square  wooden  framework  tower  above  dwelling  (both  painted  white ' . west  of 
signal  station  on  Vigia  Hill. 

Flashing  white  light,  154  feet  above  high-water  line.  Visible  IS  miles  at  sea  in 
clear  weather. 


TRANSPORTATION. 


81 


(Maria  Madre  Island:  Balleto  Point;  21°  36'  N.;  106°  33' W.  White  stone  pillar 
13  feet  high.  Flashing  white  light,  279  feet  above  water  line.  Visible  23  miles. 
Reported  extinguished  in  1915.) 

PILOTAGE  AND  TOWAGE. 

Small,  partially  open  roadstead,  where  vessels  lie  at  anchor  off  shore  at  a distance 
of  from  J to  1 mile,  according  to  draft.  Approach  is  open  from  the  sea,  except  from 
the  north.  No  pilot  is  available,  and  pilotage  is  not  used.  Vessels  can  enter  the 
anchorage  after  sunset. 

Towage. — There  are  no  tugs,  and  towage  is  not  used.  Vessels  anchor  in  roadstead, 
and  all  cargo  is  handled  to  and  from  shore  on  small  lighters,  from  alongside,  by  man 
power. 

Mooring  charges. — There  are  no  piers  or  docks,  and  steamers  use  their  own  ground 
tackle  in  the  roadstead. 

Special  pilotage  regulations. — See  Ley  de  Practicos  y Codigo  de  Faros,  Puertos 
y Marina  Mercante,  Ministry  of  Communications  and  Public  Works,  Mexican  Gov- 
ernment. 

HARBOR,  ANCHORAGE,  AND  ACCOMMODATIONS. 

The  approach  is  easily  accessible  from  the  sea,  being  an  open  roadstead.  The 
anchorage  is  good,  with  silt  bottom,  but  swells  from  the  sea  make  it  rough,  and  the 
approach  to  the  town  in  lighters  and  small  boats  is  bad  on  account  of  the  swells  over 
the  bar  off  the  mouth  of  the  creek  by  the  town. 

Area  of  the  anchorage. — About  one-quarter  square  mile.  Sufficient  for  two  steamers 
to  swing  at  anchor  at  same  time  and  handle  cargo  in  and  out  by  lighters. 

Depth  of  anchorage  and  distance  offshore. — Steamers  select  anchorage  just  inside  of 
point  to  the  north  as  best  protection  from  the  northwest  swells.  Depth  selected  is 
from  G to  8 fathoms  of  chain.  According  to  draft,  steamers  anchor  from  \ to  1 mile 
offshore.  San  Bias  is  a shallow  harbor  and  is  used  only  by  small  coastwise  steamers 
drawing  not  more  than  16  feet  of  water,  loaded. 

Prevailing  winds;  storms;  weather  data. — The  climate  is  semitropical,  with  the  wet 
season  from  the  end  of  June  until  October.  About  two  weeks  of  wet  weather  can  be 
expected  about  the  time  of  the  spring  equinox.  During  the  rainy  season  sudden 
squalls  and  rainstorms  can  usually  be  expected  in  the  afternoon.  The  prevailing 
winds  are  from  the  northwest.  Bad  storms  occur  at  the  fall  equinox,  when  the  wind 
comes  from  the  south  and  southeast. 

Fines  levied  against  ships. — See  page  84. 

Cartage. — See  “Transshipment  of  goods.” 

Customs  agents'  charges. — The  only  steamship  agents  at  San  Bias  are  Delius  y Cfa..  of 
Tepic  (branch  office).  Charge  from  50  to  100  pesos  for  receiving  and  dispatching 
vessels  and  attending  to  all  customs  matters,  etc.  Usual  agent’s  commission  on  freight 
and  passengers  secured  for  vessel  is  5 per  cent  of  the  gross. 

Bills  of  health. — Issued  by  port  doctor.  (See  “Sanitary  dues.”)  Three  pesos  for  all 
Mexican  ports  and  5 pesos  for  foreign  ports.  American  consuls  at  Mazatlan  and  Man- 
zanillo, the  ports  north  and  south  of  San  Bias,  charge  $5  for  bill  of  health  for  foreign 
vessels  to  an  American  port.  Both  are  required.  (See  p.  89.) 

Sealed  papers  and  customs  visit. — All  masters  of  vessels  calling  at  Mexican  ports  are 
required  to  present  to  the  customs  officials  on  board  the  following  sealed  papers:  Ship’s 
cargo  manifest,  sealed  consular  invoices,  crew  list,  passenger  list,  and  the  list  of  pro- 
visions and  supplies  carried  by  the  vessel. 

Special  charges. — No  additional  charges  are  required  for  entrance  without  cargo, 
passengers,  etc. 

Clearance  at  night. — All  charges,  including  those  of  ship’s  broker,  customs,  etc.,  are 
double  after  sundown. 

Time  allowance  for  discharging  cargo. — During  the  dry  seasom,  dawn  to  6 p.  m.  Dur- 
ing the  rainy  season,  dawn  to  3 p.  m.  Local  laws  require  that  all  cargo  be  discharged 
by  lighters  at  customs  warehouse  before  dark. 

Overtime  charges. — Customs  guards,  when  employed  on  vessel,  charge  for  overtime 
at  the  rate  of  3.50  pesos  after  6 p.  m.  and  on  Sundays  and  holidays  for  each  guard  on 
duty,  this  charge  being  paid  by  the  ship  to  the  customs.  Prior  special  arrangement 
and  customs  permit  are  necessary  to  work  cargo  at  night. 

Tally  clerks. — Furnished  by  the  ship’s  agent  and  stevedoring  company  (Delius 
y Cfa.)  at  5 pesos  per  10-hour  day,  with  double  time  for  overtime. 

Launch  and  boat  hire. — No  power  launches  are  available.  Large  surf  boats  with 
four  men  are  furnished  by  Delius  y Cfa.  at  4 pesos  per  round  trip,  shore  to  vessel  at 
anchor  offshore.  Independent  boatmen  charge  1 peso  per  person. 


44807°— 23 7 


82 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


WHARVES,  PIERS,  WAREHOUSES,  ETC. 

There  are  no  wharves,  piers,  or  warehouses  other  than  that  of  the  customs  and  one 
of  Delius  y Cia. 

Capacity. — Customs  warehouse  can  contain  from  500  to  600  tons  of  general  cargo.  No 
charge  is  made  for  storage  of  goods  in  customs  until  after  the  expiration  of  the  first 
15  days,  when  the  charge  is  0.01  peso  per  100  kilos  of  gross  weight  for  the  first  month 
and  0.02  peso  per  100  kilos  thereafter.  The  total  length  of  time  allowed  is  six  months, 
after  which  goods  are  sold  for  the  account  of  the  customs  at  public  auction. 

Delius  y Cia.,  of  Tepic,  maintain  offices  and  a warehouse  at  San  Bias,  through  which 
they  handle  their  own  products  for  import  and  shipment  and  also  those  of  the  mer- 
chants of  Tepic.  (See  “Transshipment  of  goods.”) 

STEVEDORING. 

Stevedoring  depends  upon  nature  of  cargo  and  special  arrangement  with  owners 
of  lighters,  Delius  y Cfa.  The  total  cost  of  handling  1 ton  of  freight  from  hold  of  steamer 
to  customs  warehouse  is  about  7.50  pesos  per  metric  ton. 

Heavy  lifts. — No  cranes  or  other  facilities  exist. 

Rate  of  loading  and  discharging  general  cargo. — About  500  tons  can  be  handled  in  a 
day  of  10  hours  in  good  weather. 

Lighters. — The  only  lighters  available  are  those  of  Delius  y Cfa.,  who  maintain  six 
boats  of  10-ton  capacity  each. 


BUNKERS  AND  FUEL  OIL. 


None.  The  nearest  coal  and  oil  supply  for  steamers  is  at  California  ports  or  at 
Salina  Cruz. 


TRANSSHIPMENT  OF  GOODS. 


San  Bias  is  a port  of  call  only  for  Mexican  coastwise  steamers,  namely,  the  Con- 
parh'a  Naviera  Mexicana  and  the  Companfa  Naviera  de  los  Estados  de  Mexico,  both 
running  steamers  of  small  tonnage  to  California  ports  and  West  Coast  of  Mexico  ports. 

The  port  is  now  used  only  during  the  dry  season  of  the  year,  when  goods  can  be 
transported  to  the  principal  city  of  Tepic,  about  30  miles  inland  over  a dirt  road 
which  will  not  take  trucks,  transport  being  by  means  of  oxcarts,  mule  wagons,  and 
pack  mules.  During  the  rainy  season  goods  for  Tepic  come  to  Mazatlan  by  water 
and  are  then  shipped  over  the  railway  to  Tepic,  through  forwarding  agents  in 
Mazatlan. 

In  the  dry  season  tobacco  is  shipped  out  of  Tepic  and  Compostela  for  Guadalajara, 
via  the  rail  point  of  San  Marcos,  by  pack  mule  from  Tepic  and  Compostela.  General 
merchandise  also  reaches  Tepic  from  the  trade  center  of  Guadalajara  by  this  route, 
the  present  southern  terminus  of  the  Southern  Pacific  Railroad  of  Mexico  being  at 
Tepic. 

REPAIRS. 


No  repair  facilities  exist.  See  “Port  of  Mazatlan.” 

PROVISIONS. 

Fresh  beef  can  be  obtained  on  a day’s  notice;  also  small  quantities  of  native  fruits, 
principally  bananas. 

BALLAST. 

Ballast  is  not  used. 

WATER. 

There  are  no  facilities  for  obtaining  water.  See  “Port  of  Mazatlan.”  In  an  emer- 
gency, a ship  could  furnish  containers  and  have  a small  supply  brought  off  in  lighters. 
The  drinking  water  should  be  boiled. 


FREQUENCY  OF  STEAMSHIP  CONNECTIONS. 

The  only  steamers  now  calling  at  San  Bias  are  those  of  the  Companfa  Naviera  Mexi- 
cana (Mexican  Government  line)  and  the  Companfa  Naviera  de  los  Estados  de  Mexico, 
the  port  having  about  one  boat  every  15  days. 


TRANSPORTATION. 


83 


GENERAL  INFORMATION. 

During  the  dry  season  the  port  ships  limited  quantities  of  dried  shrimp,  cedar  logs, 
coquito  oil  nuts,  bananas,  and  cattle  hides,  and  also  some  tobacco,  cotton  goods,  and 
native-made  soap  coastwise. 

The  anchorage  is  silting  up  from  the  creek,  the  mud  deposits  being  held  in  the  shallow 
bay  by  the  rocky  point  on  the  north.  Present  plans  of  the  Mexican  Government  call 
for  the  extension  of  the  National  Railway  from  San  Marcos,  in  Jalisco,  to  Tepic  and 
San  Bias,  but  it  may  be  predicted  that  with  the  railway  through  to  the  north  and  to 
Guadalajara,  the  port  will  fall  still  further  into  decay,  as  there  is  little  prospect  of 
an  increase  in  the  tonnage  of  export  products  under  present  conditions. 

POET  OF  LA  PAZ,  LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 

LOCATION  AND  AIDS  TO  NAVIGATION. 

Point  Prieta  (La  Paz):  24°  13'  N.;  110°  18'  W. 

White  wooden  tower  33  feet  high,  with  dwelling  adjoining.  Occulting  white  light 
56  feet  above  water,  visible  10  miles. 

La  Paz:  Fixed  green  light  at  end  of  pier  in  front  of  town.  Fixed  red  light  32  feet 
above  water  on  red  tubular  iron  structure  on  beach  near  customhouse,  visible  6 miles. 

PILOTAGE  AND  TOWAGE. 

Pilotage. — The  use  of  a pilot  is  advisable  at  La  Paz.  from  Point  Prieta,  as  the  navi- 
gable channel  is  narrow  and  not  straight  and  the  bay  is  shallow  in  many  places.  Pilots 
are  not  used,  however,  by  masters  of  the  vessels  already  in  the  West  Coast  and  Lower 
California  coastwise  trade. 

Towage. — No  tugs  or  power  boats  are  available. 

Mooring.-— No  mooring  buoys  in  the  harbor:  steamers  use  their  own  ground  tackle. 

Moves  within  the  harbor. — No  fee  to  harbor  master,  who  is  port  captain,  but  his  per- 
mission to  shift  anchorage  is  required. 

HARBOR,  ANCHORAGE,  AND  ACCOMMODATIONS. 

Approach  to  harbor. — Shallow  and  twisting  channel  from  Point  Prieta.  Spar  and 
metal  buoys  mark  the  channel  from  lighthouse  at  Point  Prieta  to  the  town  and 
anchorage. 

Area  of  bay. — The  area  is  very  large  in  a shallow  bay,  the  limits  of  which  are  from 
the  mainland  at  La  Paz  across  to  the  island  of  Espiritu  Santo  from  Mechuda  Head 
above  the  town. 

Protection. — Practically  landlocked  bay. 

Depth  of  anchorage. — At  low  water,  15  feet,  in  front  of  town,  350  feet  offshore.  The 
tide  lift  is  about  3 feet. 

Prevailing  winds ; storms ; seasons. — From  October  15  to  May  the  prevailing  winds 
are  the  northwest  trades.  The  rest  of  the  year  the  winds  are  southeast,  or  calms 
prevail. 

Some  rain  falls  in  October,  as  a rule,  but  the  annual  precipitation  is  extremely  low, 
and  the  country  inland  from  the  port  is  a desert. 

The  climate  may  be  termed  subtropical  and  very  dry  and  healthful. 

Bad  storms  can  be  expected  in  the  Gulf  of  California  during  the  fall  equinoctial 
season  as  a rule. 

System  of  harbor  control. — Under  direction  of  port  captain. 

Fines  levied  against  ships. — Bee  page  84. 

Bills  of  health. — -Issued  by  the  port  doctor.  (See  p.  89.) 

Sealed  papers  and  customs  visit. — As  at  all  other  Mexican  ports  of  call,  masters  of 
vessels  must  present  to  the  customs  officials  the  following  sealed  papers:  Consular 
invoices  of  cargo  for  port;  cargo  manifest;  crew  and  passenger  lists;  provision  and 
ship’s  supply  lists. 

Clearance  at  night  and  on  Sundays  and  holidays.—  There  is  no  prohibition  to  clearing 
at  night,  but  the  channel  out  of  the  bay  to  the  gulf  is  dangerous  then.  Customs 
officials  will  give  papers  before  closing  time  in  the  late  afternoon,  and  a vessel  can 
sail  later  in  the  night.  Double  charge  for  agents,  customs  guards,  etc.,  at  night. 

Time  allowance  for  discharging . — No  time  limitations  are  imposed. 

Boat  hire. — No  power  launches  are  available.  Boats  plying  to  and  from  steamer 
with  passengers  and  ship’s  people  charge  0.50  peso  per  person.  The  use  of  boats 
for  lines,  etc.,  is  according  to  arrangement  made. 


84 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


WHARVES,  PIERS,  WAREHOUSES,  ETC. 

There  is  only  one  wharf  or  pier  (that  of  the  municipality),  which  is  115  meters 
long  and  is  used  only  for  lighters  and  boats,  none  except  the  smallest  vessels  landing 
alongside,  though  steamers  drawing  less  than  15  feet  of  water  can  tie  at  the  end  of 
this  pier. 

The  only  available  public  storage  is  that  of  the  customs,  where  some  600  tons  of 
general  cargo  can  be  accommodated. 

Storage  rates. — Customs  allow  goods  imported  to  lie  in  warehouse  15  days  without 
charge;  then  charge  0.01  peso  per  100  kilos  gross  weight  for  the  first  month  and  0.02 
peso  per  100  kilos  for  each  month  thereafter  until  time  limit  of  six  months  is  exhausted. 

STEVEDORING. 

Base  of  rates  and  charges. — Weight  or  measurement  ton,  as  per  invoice. 

Cost  of  discharging  cargo. — For  general-merchandise  cargo,  rate  is  3 pesos  per  ton, 
weight  or  measurement,  from  ship’s  tackle  to  customs  warehouse.  One  15-ton  lighter 
is  available  at  a charge  of  2 pesos  per  ton  for  handling  cargo  if  vessel  does  not  go 
alongside  pier. 

Rate  of  handling  cargo. — About  250  tons  in  and  out  of  vessel  per  day  of  10  hours. 

BUNKERS.  • 

There  are  no  bunkering  facilities. 

TRANSSHIPMENT  OP  GOODS. 

La  Paz  has  no  railway  into  the  interior,  which  is  very  sparsely  populated.  The 
principal  industries  are  a large  tannery  and  pearl  fishing,  with  some  cattle  in  the 
interior. 

REPAIRS. 

There  are  no  facilities  for  repairs. 

WATER. 

The  water  supply  is  very  limited.  The  cost  is  0.25  peso  per  barrel,  delivered  in 
casks  on  lighter  alongside. 

STEAMSHIP  SERVICE. 

Steamers  of  the  Companfa  Naviera  Mexicana  and  the  Companfa  Naviera  de  los 
Estados  de  Mexico,  both  under  the  Mexican  flag,  have  a steamer  from  San  Francisco 
about  every  three  weeks  and  a steamer  north  and  south  in  coastwise  service  about 
every  15  days. 

San  Jose  del  Cabo,  Loreto,  Santa  Rosalia,  Mulege,  Guaymas,  and  Mazatlan  are  near- 
by ports  reached  by  steamer  from  La  Paz.  All  these  ports — with  the  exception  of 
Guaymas  and  the  mining  town  and  port  of  Santa  Rosalia,  which  has  a breakwater — - 
are  small  open  roadsteads. 

GENERAL  INFORMATION. 

The  population  is  very  small  and  the  trade  purely  local.  The  principal  exports 
are  pearl  shell,  leather  (to  the  interior  of  Mexico),  dye  plant,  some  ore,  and  small 
amounts  of  dried  figs,  also  shark  fins  to  China,  via  San  Francisco. 

The  principal  imports  are  foodstuffs  and  general  merchandise  from  the  United  States 
(San  Francisco).  Corn,  beans,  lard,  etc.,  are  shipped  in  from  the  mainland  of  the 
West  Coast  of  Mexico. 

No  port  works  or  other  improvements  are  planned  or  contemplated. 

The  United  States  Government  is  represented  by  a consular  agent  who  is  under 
the  jurisdiction  of  the  American  consul  at  Mazatlan. 

REVISED  MEXICAN  CUSTOMS  REGULATIONS. 

Following  are  extracts  from  the  Revised  Mexican  Customs  Laws, 
of  1914,  giving  the  articles  that  affect  masters  of  vessels,  fines,  etc., 
and  that  make  laws  uniform  for  all  Mexican  ports  of  call: 

Article  23.  The  captain  of  any  vessel  receiving  cargo  in  foreign  coimtries,  to  be 
delivered  in  one  or  more  ports  of  the  Republic,  will  be  obliged  to  make  a general 
manifest  for  each  port  for  such  cargo,  same  to  conform  with  model  No.  1,  of  the  present 
customs  laws. 


TRANSPORTATION. 


85 


II.  Numbers  of  bills  of  lading  in  numerical  order,  the  marks,  countermarks,  and 
numbers  of  the  packages;  the  generic  designation  of  the  merchandise  in  accordance 
with  that  declared  by  the  shippers  in  the  bill  of  lading;  the  name  of  the  consignee  as 
stated  in  said  bills  of  lading,  or  the  designation  to  order  if  it  comes  so  consigned;  the 
total  number  of  packages  in  numbers  and  letters.  In  manifesting  cargoes  or  lots  that 
come  in  bulk,  this  circumstance  will  be  mentioned,  expressing  besides  the  class  of 
merchandise  and  the  total  weight  of  same.  All  the  above  data  should  be  given  with 
the  necessary  separation  in  order  to  identify  each  package,  care  being  taken  to  state 
clearly  the  marks,  numbers,  kind,  and  contents  of  packages  comprised  in  each  con- 
signment on  the  manifest. 

III.  The  date  on  which  the  document  is  completed  and  the  signature  of  the  captain, 
or,  in  his  stead,  that  of  the  agent  or  the  consignee  of  the  vessel  at  the  port  where  the 
merchandise  is  loaded.  The  fact  that  the  manifest  is  signed  by  another  person  repre- 
senting the  captain  does  not  exonerate  the  latter  from  the  responsibility  that  may 
result  from  the  failure  to  comply  with  the  provisions  of  the  law,  considering  that  he 
assumes  this  responsibility  from  the  moment  in  which  he  accepts  and  carries  the  docu- 
ment issued  in  the  above  form. 

Art.  24.  The  captains  of  vessels  consigned  to  “order,”  or  to  persons  who  are  not 
to  be  found  in  the  port,  or  who  have  no  representatives  therein,  will  themselves  be 
considered  the  consignees  of  the  vessel  which  they  command,  provided  they  do  not 
designate  some  persons  established  in  or  residing  at  the  port  who  will  accept  and 
discharge  the  duties  of  such. 

If  the  party  named  by  the  captain  does  not  accept  the  commission,  proceedings 
must  be  instituted  as  in  the  case  of  renunication  of  consignee.  (See  arts.  106  and  115.) 

Art.  25.  When  the  captain  or  agent  errs  in  making  the  manifest,  this  may  be 
rectified  before  being  certified  by  the  consul,  provided  the  correction  appears  the 
same  in  all  four  copies  of  the  manifest. 

The  customhouse  at  the  port  of  arrival,  on  receiving  a corrected  manifest,  will 
compare  this  carefully  with  the  copy  in  its  possession  and,  finding  them  to  agree,  will 
accept  the  corrected  manifest  without  question. 

Corrections  made  after  the  consul  has  certified  the  manifests  will  be  admitted  with- 
out imposition  of  fine,  provided  the  correction  does  not  alter  the  number  of  packages, 
whether  in  the  total  number  or  separate  parts  comprising  same,  but  if  a correction 
is  made  affecting  this  data  a fine  of  not  more  than  50  pesos  will  be  imposed. 

Art.  26.  The  captain  will  deliver  to  the  Mexican  consul  or  consular  agent  residing 
at  the  port  of  lading  four  copies  of  the  manifest  and  will  receive  one  duly  certified; 
the  captain  will  take  this  with  him,  to  be  presented  to  the  boarding  officer  immediately 
on  arrival  at  the  port  of  destination. 

If  the  cargo  of  a vessel  suffers  any  variation  after  the  manifest  has  been  legalized  by 
the  consul,  the  captain  can  present  to  the  said  consul,  or  any  other  Mexican  consular 
agent,  a declaration  in  quadruplicate,  setting  forth  the  facts;  the  declaration  will  be 
admissible,  if  instead  of  the  captain  the  agent  presents  the  declaration,  provided, 
however,  that  the  declaration  is  presented  before  arrival  of  the  vessel  at  the  fust 
Mexican  port  of  call.  The  official  receiving  the  declaration  will  return  a copy  to 
those  interested,  sealed  and  certified,  to  be  presented  to  the  proper  customhouse. 

The  existence  of  this  certificate  and  its  presentation  to  the  customs  will  not  exempt 
the  captain  or  consignee  from  the  obligation  of  making  the  additions  or  rectifications 
mentioned  in  article  123,  but  it  will  merit  the  remission  of  the  penalty  incurred, 
provided  it  appears  clearly  that  the  manifest  was  presented  before  the  vessel  arrived 
at  a Mexican  port. 

Art.  29.  If,  on  examination,  the  customs  officers  find  any  of  the  following  errors 
in  the  documents  presented  by  the  captain  on  arrival,  the  fines  mentioned  herein 
will  be  applied. 

I.  The  absolute  failure  to  present  a manifest,  when  the  vessel  carries  cargo,  will 
be  punished  by  a fine  not  to  exceed  500  pesos,  and  when  it  arrives  in  ballast,  by  a 
fine  not  to  exceed  100  pesos.  * * * 

III.  The  failure  to  deliver  to  the  boarding  officer,  immediately  upon  his  call  on 
board,  the  certified  manifest  will  be  penalized  by  a fine  not  to  exceed  25  pesos. 

IV.  Failure  to  present  any  of  the  documents  referred  to  in  paragraphs  II,  III,  IV, 
V,  and  VI  of  the  preceding  article  will  cause  a fine  not  to  exceed  50  pesos. 

[The  documents  referred  to  above  are  (II)  list  of  samples,  (III)  passenger  list  and 
baggage,  (IV)  stores  list,  (V)  inflammable  list,  and  (VI)  list  of  packages  pertaining 
to  the  cargo  of  another  vessel,  when  same  does  not  appear  on  the  manifest  with  the 
necessary  notation.] 

All  fines  imposed  by  the  customhouse  for  the  foregoing  omissions  are  subject  to 
approval  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 


86 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


When  the  documents  referred  to  in  paragraphs  II.  Ill,  IV,  V,  and  VI  of  article  28 
are  not  presented  in  proper  form,  the  customhouse  will  exact  that  they  be  replaced  by 
correct  forms,  not  permitting,  however,  any  addition  or  essential  variation  in  them. 
When  the  documents  are  not  replaced  in  due  form  the  work  on  the  vessel  will  be  dis- 
continued pending  the  replacing  of  same. 

Art.  30.  When  the  captain  presents  the  manifest  legalized  by  the  consul,  and  the 
customhouse  has  not  received  the  corresponding  copy,  the  collector  will  exact  that 
the  freight  book,  bills  of  lading,  and  other  necessary  documents  be  shown  in  order  to 
compare  the  date  of  sailing  of  the  vessel  with  the  date  given  in  the  customs  documents. 

If  the  dates  do  not  correspond  to  each  other,  two  copies  of  the  manifest  must  be 
taken,  which  will  serve  in  discharging  the  vessel,  and  notice  of  the  occurrence  must 
be  forwarded  to  the  Directors  General  of  Customs,  who  will  consult  with  the  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury  as  to  what  action  will  be  taken  in  the  matter. 

Art.  33.  When  a vessel  is  dispatched  from  a foreign  port  for  various  ports  in  the 
Republic  without  cargo  for  any,  the  captain  must  provide  himself  with  a ballast 
manifest  for  the  first  port  he  touches. 

If  the  vessel  carries  merchandise  for  some  port  in  Mexico  and  none  for  others,  the 
ballast  manifest  is  only  obligatory  for  the  first  port  of  call — that  is,  provided  there 
is  no  cargo  for  said  port. 

If  the  vessel  touches  at  various  foreign  ports  and  takes  no  cargo  for  Mexican  ports 
at  any  of  them,  a ballast  manifest  will  be  required  only  from  the  last  foreign  port  of 
call  to  the  first  Mexican  port  of  call. 

Art.  34.  Captains  of  vessels  carrying  cargo  for  various  Mexican  ports  and  for  other 
foreign  ports  will  deposit  in  the  customhouse  at  each  Mexican  port  at  which  they  call 
the  manifest  of  the  other  cargoes  which  they  have  on  board.  The  collectors  of  customs 
en  route  will  certify  that  the  deposit  has  been  effected. 

In  case  the  merchandise  destined  for  some  foreign  port  is  not  covered  by  manifest, 
the  captain  of  the  vessel  will  be  obliged  to  make  a minute,  detailed  statement  of  said 
goods  and  will  deliver  same  to  customs  employees  as  prescribed  in  paragraph  VII, 
article  28,  with  the  understanding  that  if  any  merchandise  is  found  on  board  which 
has  not  been  manifested,  the  captain  will  be  obliged  to  discharge  same  for  examination, 
and  will  be  subjected  to  the  payment  of  double  duties  on  goods  so  found. 

Art.  36.  Manifests  certified  after  the  sailing  of  the  vessels  carrying  the  merchandise 
covered  by  same  can  be  accepted  by  the  collector  of  customs,  provided  the  date  of 
the  certificate  shows  clearly  that  it  was  issued  before  the  arrival  of  the  vessel  at  any 
port  of  the  Republic. 

Art.  71.  If  a manifest  or  invoice  is  presented  to  the  consul  to  be  certified,  covering 
merchandise  which  has  already  left  the  port,  he  will  certify  same  in  accordance  with 
article  68  [art.  68  provides  that  the  consul  must  show  the  date  of  sailing  and  hour 
when  documents  are  presented  to  be  legalized],  giving  the  date  of  sailing  of  the  vessel 
carrying  the  merchandise. 

The  collector  of  customs  can  admit  these  documents  provided  the  date  of  the  cer- 
tificate shows  that  it  was  legalized  before  the  merchandise  arrived  at  destination. 

Art.  93.  The  collector  of  customs  can  authorize  loading  or  discharging  of  vessels 
at  night  or  on  holidays,  when  such  permission  is  requested  by  the  captain  or  agent 
of  vessels,  provided  he  deems  this  necessary  or  convenient. 

Regarding  night  work,  the  conditions  of  the  port  will  be  taken  into  consideration 
in  order  to  ascertain  whether  there  will  be  any  risk  to  persons  or  to  merchandise,  and 
if  the  watchers  can  perform  that  function  efficaciously. 

In  case  a collector  considers  it  advisable  to  deny  such  a request,  he  will  telegraph 
such  denial  immediately  to  the  Directors  of  Customs,  giving  his  reasons  for  such 
refusal. 

In  performing  night  work  the  following  rules  must  be  observed: 

I.  It  will  be  necessary  and  indispensable  for  the  captain  or  consignee  of  the  vessel, 
or  in  their  stead  the  company  or  persons  to  whom  the  vessel  belongs,  to  file  a bond  to 
the  entire  satisfaction  of  the  collector  of  customs,  sufficient  to  cover  an  infraction  of 
the  law  or  of  the  special  requirements  of  the  customs,  which  may  be  committed  while 
said  work  is  being  performed,  and  to  relieve  the  collector  of  customs  from  all  responsi- 
bility that  might  be  incurred  by  virtue  of  his  granting  such  permit,  but  it  is  under- 
stood that  the  granting  of  permit  by  the  customhouse  or  the  filing  of  a bond  by  the 
captain,  consignee,  or  owners  does  not  absolve  them  from  the  obligations  to  the 
owners  of  the  merchandise. 

II.  In  order  to  obtain  permission  to  perform  night  work,  the  captain  or  consignee 
will  present  a petition  stating  whether  the  work  will  continue  only  until  12  p.  m. 
or  after  that  hour. 

In  the  first  case  the  collector  of  customs  in  conjunction  with  the  chief  inspector 
will  appoint  one  set  of  watchers,  and  in  the  second  case  two  sets — one  for  the  hours 


TRANSPORTATION. 


87 


up  to  12  p.  m..  and  a second  for  the  hours  after  that  time.  For  this  extra  work  the 
customs  will  be  indemnified  in  a sum  equal  to  one  day’s  pay  for  each  man  discharging 
the  duties  of  inspector.  The  indemnity  will  be  received  by  the  customhouse  and 
will  be  delivered  intact  to  the  different  men  aforesaid. 

In  case  permission  has  been  requested  to  work  all  night,  and  the  work  is  com- 
pleted before  12  p.  m.  or  is  stopped  by  order  of  the  interested  parties,  the  collector 
has  the  right  to  collect  the  indemnity  for  the  men  appointed  to  perform  the  service 
of  inspectors  during  the  second  part  of  the  night,  and  it  will  be  distributed  among 
them. 

III.  The  captains  of  vessels  will  also  be  obliged  to  agree  to  comply  with  and  enforce 
compliance  with  the  provisions  of  the  customs  rules  governing  the  inspection  of  night 
work,  and  such  agreement  must  be  embodied  in  the  application  for  permission  to 
perform  night  work. 

IV.  For  work  authorized  on  holidays,  the  customhouse  will  collect  as  indemnity 
for  the  inspectors  engaged  in  the  work  a sum  equal  to  the  daily  wages  of  each  of  such 
inspectors,  and  the  same  will  be  distributed  in  the  prescribed  form. 

V.  No  work  will  be  permitted  to  be  performed  on  national  holidays,  except  in 
extraordinary  cases  which  make  it  imperative  to  discharge  immediately  in  order  to 
save  vessel  or  cargo. 

Art.  99.  When  after  the  discharging  of  a vessel,  packages  are  found  in  excess, 
which  belong  to  another  Mexican  port,  and  the  discovery  is  made  too  late  for  them 
to  be  reembarked  on  the  same  vessel,  they  may,  on  request  of  the  consignee  of  the 
vessel,  be  shipped  by  another  vessel,  the  following  regulations  being  observed: 

I.  When  the  customhouse  at  the  port  where  the  merchandise  or  packages  are  dis- 
charged in  error  has  not  in  its  possession  a certificate  justifying  the  discharge  of  the 
package,  communication  must  be  made  with  the  customhouse  at  the  proper  port  of 
destination,  to  ascertain  whether  the  packages  in  question  figure  on  the  manifest  for 
that  port  and  whether  they  were  ‘‘short-landed”  there. 

II.  On  receiving  an  affirmative  reply,  the  packages  will  be  loaded  under  the  super- 
vision of  a customs  inspector,  having  been  previously  corded  and  sealed,  and  a certifi- 
cate will  be  issued  notifying  the  collector  at  the  port  of  destination  of  the  shipment. 

If  the  merchandise  is  of  such  a nature  as  not  to  admit  of  cording  and  sealing,  the 
collector  will  obtain  a minute  description  of  same  in  order  that  it  may  be  properly 
identified  at  the  port  of  destination. 

III.  The  customs  at  the  port  of  destination  will  duly  acknowledge  receipt  of  the 
merchandise  without  loss  of  time. 

IV.  The  original  entry  will  answer  in  dispatching  such  merchandise  or,  in  its  stead, 
a copy  thereof. 

V.  The  reloading  of  excess  cargo  belonging  to  a foreign  port  will  also  be  admitted 
on  presentation  to  the  collector  of  a proper  certificate  from  the  customhouse  at  the 
port  of  destination,  showing  that  the  shortage  exists  there;  this  certificate  must,  how- 
ever, be  certified  to  by  the  Mexican  consul  or  a consul  of  a friendly  nation. 

Art.  101.  In  case  the  stores  for  the  use  of  the  vessel  are,  in  the  opinion  of  the  col- 
lector, in  excess  of  the  actual  needs  of  the  vessel,  he  will  order  them  stored  in  a con- 
venient room,  under  customs  seals,  where  they  can  not  be  obtained  without  destroy- 
ing such  seal,  and  said  seal  will  not  be  removed  until  the  vessel  is  ready  to  leave 
port.  If  the  seal  appears  to  be  broken  a minute  examination  will  be  instituted,  and, 
if  any  goods  are  found  missing,  double  duties  will  be  collected  on  the  articles  found 
missing. 

If  the  captain  avers  that  he  has  no  place  on  board  in  which  to  secure  the  excess 
stores,  they  will  be  discharged  at  the  expense  of  the  captain  and  placed  in  a Govern- 
ment storehouse,  and  will  be  returned  on  board  when  the  vessel  is  ready  to  sail. 

Art.  103.  If  the  captain  desires  to  sell  part  of  his  stores  he  will  be  permitted  to 
discharge  same  upon  payment  of  customs  duties  thereon,  having  previously  made 
regular  customs  entry  and  paid  such  consular  fees  as  would  have  been  applied  on 
the  merchandise  had  it  been  a regular  importation.  The  entry  for  the  excess  of 
stores  will  contain  all  the  data  required  on  entries  of  regular  importations,  and  will 
be  subject  to  the  same  rules. 

Art.  106.  The  consignee  of  a vessel  is  the  person  mentioned  as  such  on  the  manifest. 
The  captain  is  authorized  to  name  a consignee  when  the  vessel  is  consigned  to  “order,” 
or  he  may  name  some  person  other  than  the  one  named  on  the  manifest.  The  docu- 
ment naming  a consignee  must  be  presented  in  triplicate  and  have  the  stamps 
affixed  as  provided  for  by  the  law.  In  order  to  validate  the  naming  of  a consignee, 
or  in  appointing  one  in  lieu  of  the  one  mentioned  on  the  manifest,  it  will  be  necessary 
to  state  same  in  writing  to  the  collector  before  commencing  to  discharge  the  vessel, 
and  the  person  thus  named  will  signify  his  acceptance  at  the  foot  of  the  document. 


88 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


Art.  107.  The  consignee  of  merchandise  is  the  person  mentioned  on  the  bill  of 
lading. 

The  customhouse  will  consider  the  parties  named  by  the  captain  on  the  manifest 
as  consignees,  when  importers  fail  to  present  bills  of  lading  for  same. 

When  a bill  of  lading  designates  a person  as  consignee  in  care  of  another,  the  one 
presenting  the  bill  of  lading  will  be  considered  the  consignee. 

Captains,  or  other  persons  named  by  them,  will  be  considered  as  consignees  of 
merchandise  which  is  landed  from  a vessel,  and  which  does  not  appear  on  the  manifest 
or  in  the  additions  thereto,  or  which  is  not  covered  by  the  bill  of  lading  or  consular 
invoice.  The  collector,  with  the  consent  of  the  captain,  can  deliver  merchandise  to 
persons  proving  ownership  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  collector  when  no  bill  of  lading 
is  presented.  The  same  rule  will  apply  to  merchandise  covered  by  a bill  of  lading 
which  has  been  erroneously  indorsed. 

Art.  109.  If  merchandise  arriving  by  sea  is  indebted  to  the  carrier  thereof  for  any 
sum,  the  captain  or  the  consignee  of  the  vessel  can  request  the  customs  to  refuse 
delivery  of  same.  The  request  will  be  presented  in  writing,  and  the  customs  will 
refuse  delivery  of  the  goods  for  15  days.  If,  in  this  time,  no  definite  judicial  order 
for  retention  is  received,  the  merchandise  will  be  delivered  in  regular  form. 

The  action  of  the  customs  will  not  exempt  the  customs  from  payment  of  storage  or 
guarding,  nor  will  it  exonerate  the  captain  from  any  claim  the  consignee  may  have 
against  him. 

When  the  captain  is  about  to  depart  he  must  exhibit  a judicial  order  to  hold  the 
delivery  of  the  goods  or  appoint  some  one  to  represent  him  in  the  premises. 

When  the  consignee  claims  that  the  retention  will  result  in  loss  to  his  interests  the 
collector  may  deliver  the  merchandise  upon  receiving  satisfactory  guaranty,  in  the 
shape  of  a bond,  that  all  charges  will  be  paid  thereon. 

Consignees  or  captains  of  vessels  have  the  right  to  add  to  or  reetifv  their  manifests 
within  48  hours  following  the  entrance  of  the  vessel,  excluding  holidays:  provided, 
however,  that  when  the  vessel  has  been  charged  before  the  expiration' of  the  above 
time,  the  time  allowed  for  additions  or  rectifications  will  be  two  hours  after  the  last  of 
the  cargo  has  been  landed,  and  to  that  effect  the  time  will  be  set  in  the  last  boat  note. 
No  additions  will  be  admitted  to  rectify  the  date  and  signature  on  manifests. 

Art.  124.  The  additions  and  rectifications  mentioned  in  the  preceding  article  will 
be  governed  by  the  following  rules: 

I.  Additions  which  are  not  of  importance  and  do  not  affect  the  number  of  packages 
as  indicated  on  the  manifest  will  be  admitted  without  penalty.  If  the  collector 
finds  that  there  are  some  data  on  the  manifest  that  should  be  rectified  he  will  notify 
the  consignee  in  order  that  the  necessary  correction  may  be  made  within  24  hours; 
failure  to  comply  with  the  above  notice  will  involve  a penalty  not  to  exceed  $25. 

II.  An  addition  to  the  manifest  that  augments  the  number  of  packages,  pro\ided 
they  are  covered  by  a consular  invoice  which  covers,  besides,  other  packages  that 
appear  on  the  manifest,  will  also  be  admitted  without  penalty. 

III.  If  an  addition  augments  the  number  of  packages  on  the  manifest  and  the 
packages  so  added  are  not  covered  by  consular  invoice,  or  are  covered  by  a separate 
invoice,  the  captain  will  be  penalized  in  a sum  not  to  exceed  25  pesos  per  package 
thus  added  without  affecting  the  penalties  incurred  on  the  merchandise  that  arrives 
without  a consular  invoice. 

IV.  When  a correction  is  made  to  the  effect  that  one  or  more  packages  are  short, 
owing  to  their  not  having  been  loaded,  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  they  appear 
on  the  manifest,  it  will  be  admitted  without  penalty  when  the  packages  short  are 
found  to  appear  on  a consular  invoice  with  other  merchandise  found  on  the  manifest; 
but  if  the  said  packages  do  not  appear  on  a consular  invoice  or  appear  on  one  ex- 
clusively for  them,  the  captain  will  be  filled  in  a sum  not  to  exceed  25  pesos  for  each 
package  short. 

Y.  Additions  or  changes  in  sample  manifests  will  be  admitted  without  penalty. 

VI.  The  customs  may  reserve  their  decisions  in  the  matter  of  the  additions  referred 
to  in  paragraphs  II,  III,  and  IV  of  this  article  pending  investigation  to  ascertain 
whether  a consular  invoice  exists  and  what  is  its  condition. 

Art.  125.  If,  in  the  discharging  of  a vessel,  there  are  found  to  be  landed  packages 
in  excess  that  do  not  appear  on  the  manifest  and  that  have  not  been  added  in  the  time 
prescribed  by  article  123,  but  that  are  found  to  appear  on  a consular  invoice  with  other 
merchandise  which  is  found  on  the  manifest,  the  captain  will  be  fined  not  to  exceed 
$1  for  each  package  in  excess,  but  if  the  packages  are  not  covered  by  consular  invoice 
exclusively  for  them,  a fine  may  be  imposed  not  to  exceed  $50  without  affecting  the 
penalties  incurred  by  the  merchandise  arming  without  consular  invoice. 

Art.  127.  When  a captain  has  not  availed  himself  of  the  opportunity  to  rectify 
his  manifest  as  provided  in  paragraph  IV,  article  124,  and  there  are  found  to  be 


transportation. 


89 


packages  short  -which  appear  on  the  manifest,  this  circumstance  will  he  noted  and 
no  fine  will  be  imposed,  provided  the  merchandise  appears  on  a consular  invoice 
with  other  merchandise  which  likewise  is  found  on  the  manifest,  but  if  the  packages 
are  not  covered  by  consular  invoice,  or  are  exclusively  comprised  in  one  consular 
invoice,  the  captain  will  be  fined  a sum  not  to  exceed  $50  for  each  package  short. 

Art.  128.  When  additions  or  rectifications  made  on  manifests  refer  to  those  made 
by  the  captain  or  agent  of  vessels  before  a consul  or  consular  agent  in  due  time  or 
under  the  prescribed  form,  as  provided  for  by  article  26,  no  fine  will  be  imposed 
provided  the  corresponding  certificates  covering  the  declaration  are  presented  to 
the  customhouse  by  the  parties  at  interest. 

Corrections  will  not  be  necessary  for  packages  thrown  overboard,  or  otherwise 
disposed  of  through  dangers  of  the  sea,  upon  satisfactory  proof  of  the  cause  being 
presented  to  the  collector. 

Art.  287.  Transshipment  of  the  merchandise  from  one  vessel  to  another  at  Mexican 
ports  will  be  governed  by  the  following  rules: 

I.  When  a vessel  arrives  carrying  merchandise  from  a foreign  port  destined  for 
another  Mexican  port,  or  for  a foreign  port,  duly  accompanied  by  the  necessary  docu- 
ments, and  permission  is  solicited  from  the  collector  of  customs  to  transship  same, 
the  collector  is  authorized  to  grant  said  request  notwithstanding  that  the  manifests 
do  not  state  that  the  merchandise  is  to  be  transshipped.  If  for  grave  reasons  the 
collector  sees  lit  not  to  grant  the  petition,  he  will  communicate  the  fact  immediately 
to  the  Director  General  of  Customs  for  final  decision. 

II.  In  case  a vessel  arrives  with  merchandise  duly  destined  for  the  port  of  arrival, 
and  the  consignees  of  the  merchandise  desire  to  have  same  transshipped  to  another 
Mexican  port,  permission  to  do  so  can  only  be  granted  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 
The  collector  of  customs  must  communicate  with  the  secretary  by  telegraph,  if  neces- 
sary, at  the  expense  of  the  consignee. 

III.  If  a vessel  arrives  in  distress  and  can  not  continue  its  voyage,  having  on  board 
goods  destined  for  other  Mexican  ports,  and  the  captain  or  agent  applies  to  the  custom- 
house for  permission  to  transship  the  cargo,  the  collector  may  grant  same,  subject 
to  the  requirements  of  the  maritime  law  in  force,  but  he  must  figure  directly  in  the 
transshipment,  discharging,  and  reloading  of  cargo. 

IV.  If  by  reason  of  some  detention  a vessel  is  obliged  to  retard  its  voyage  or  can 
not  proceed,  and  if  it  carries  cargo  for  some  other  port  duly  covered  by  the  proper 
documents,  the  collector  himself  (or  with  previous  permission  from  the  judicial 
authority,  if  the  case  has  been  submitted  to  court)  can  dispose  the  discharge  or  trans- 
shipment of  said  merchandise. 

V.  When  a captain  or  the  agent  requests  permission  to  transfer  from  the  stores  of 
another  vessel  those  that  he  may  require  for  his  own  use  without  payment  of 
duties,  such  transfer  will  be  permitted  if  no  great  inconvenience  is  experienced  by 
the  customs  authorities  as  a result  of  the  transaction. 

VI.  Always  when  passengers  are  obliged  to  change  vessels  in  order  to  continue 
their  voyage,  transfer  of  baggage  will  be  permitted. 

VII.  If  the  vessel  on  which  the  merchandise  is  to  be  transshipped  has  not  arrived 
at  the  .port  of  transshipment,  the  collector  of  customs,  on  request  of  the  captain  or 
agent  of  the  carrying  vessel,  may  permit  the  discharge,  provided  a proper  locality 
or  covered  lighters  are  convenient  for  the  safe  storage.  In  this  case  the  goods  will 
remain  in  care  of  the  customhouse,  subject  to  the  payment  of  storage  as  provided 
for  in  article  275.  [Article  275  provides  for  storage  to  be  collected  as  follows  on  mer- 
chandise deposited  in  Government  stores:  First  two  months,  1 cent  per  day  for  100 
kilos  or  fraction  thereof;  third  and  fourth  months,  2 cents  per  day  for  100  kilos  or 
fraction  thereof;  fifth  and  sixth  months,  3 cents  per  day  for  100  ldlos  or  fraction 
thereof — on  the  total  weight — from  the  date  on  which  the  last  package  is  stored  until 
the  date  on  which  the  last  package  has  been  withdrawn.] 

The  moment  the  transshipping  vessel  arrives  the  captain  or  consignee  must  present 
the  application  for  transshipment. 

VIII.  All  transshipping  operations  will  be  subject  to  loading  and  discharging 
dues  in  ports  where  such  dues  are  established. 

SANITARY  CODE. 

Following  are  the  regulations  of  the  Mexican  Government  in  regard 
to  American  vessels  arriving  at  Mexican  ports  without  Mexican  bills 
of  health  (translation  of  articles  16  and  17  of  the  Sanitary  Code) ; 

Article  16.  Bills  of  health  issued  in  a foreign  port  are  divided  into  “clean”  and 
“dirty”  classes,  in  accordance  with  Article  23  of  the  Sanitary  Code.  Other  bills  of 


90 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


health  than  those  so  mentioned,  regardless  of  their  denomination,  shall  he  considered 
as  “dirty.”  The  same  consideration  will  be  given  to  a clean  bill  of  health  that  may 
have  been  changed  by  reason  of  accident  during  the  voyage  and  to  one  issued  in  a for- 
eign port  and  not  viseed  by  the  Mexican  consul  at  the  port  of  clearance,  or  at  a 
port  near  the  port  of  clearance  should  there  not  be  a Mexican  consul  there,  or  by  the 
consul  of  a friendly  nation,  as  well  as  a bill  of  health  that  may  have  been  altered  bv 
corrections  or  erasures  not  duly  authorized.  Vessels  not  having  a bill  of  health  will 
be  treated  as  having  a “dirty”  bill  of  health.  The  same  rule  applies  to  vessels  not 
having  a bill  of  health. 

Art.  17.  Mexican  bills  of  health  are  not  valid  unless  obtained  at  the  port  of  clearance 
within  the  48  hours. 

In  view  of  the  above,  vessels  having  bills  of  health  that  do  not  comply  with  the 
above  requirements  shall  be  subject  to  thorough  fumigation. 

It  will  be  seen  from  the  above  that  vessels  arriving  in  Mexican 
ports  from  American  ports,  or  from  ports  where  there  is  no  Mexican 
consular  officer,  or  a consul  of  a friendly  nation  who  can  issue  the 
Mexican  bill  of  health,  are  considered  as  having  come  from  a “dirty” 
port  and  are  subject  to  fumigation  regardless  of  the  fact  of  the  non- 
existence of  quarantine  diseases  at  the  American  port  of  departure. 

This  works  a particular  hardship  on  vessels  clearing  for  Mexican 
ports  from  ports  where  there  is  no  Mexican  consular  official,  as  the 
law  requires  that  all  foreign  vessels  entering  a Mexican  port  must 
carry  a bill  of  health  viseed  by  a Mexican  consular  officer. 

PORT  WORKS  AND  IMPROVEMENTS. 

With  each  succeeding  new  administration  in  Mexico  since  1911  new 
plans  have  been  presented  for  large  port  works  and  improvements 
on  the  gulf  and  Pacific  coasts  of  the  country,  and  the  present  admin- 
istration planned  to  use  the  special  income  tax  collected  during  the 
Centennial  of  1921  for  this  express  purpose.  The  breakwater  at 
Manzanillo  was  to  be  enlarged  and  extended  to  give  the  protected 
area  of  the  harbor  more  ocean  tonnage  space,  and  other  improve- 
ments were  also  planned.  Two  plans  were  presented  for  the  very 
necessary  improvement  of  Mazatlan — one  for  the  dredging  of  the 
entrance  to  the  shallow  bay  back  of  the  town,  and  the  other,  on 
which  a contract  was  finally  given  in  February,  1922,  calling  for  the 
construction  of  a stone  fill  causeway  from  the  shore  to  Creston  Island, 
thereby  forming  a breakwater  and  making  the  port  a protected  one. 
An  early  decree  in  1922  made  Guaymas  a “free  port”  (like  Hamburg), 
and  the  sum  of  500,000  pesos  (nominally  $250,000)  was  appropriated 
for  the  preliminary  study  of  Guaymas  and  two  other  proposed  “free 
ports.” 

In  July,  1922,  an  engineer  arrived  at  Guaymas  for  the  purpose  of 
making  the  preliminary  survey  and  cost  estimate  of  extensive  im- 
provements in  connection  with  the  plans  of  the  Secretary  of  Hacienda 
(Treasury)  to  make  Guaymas  a “free  port.”  The  port  of  Guaymas 
is  now  spending  about  30,000  pesos  in  filling  in  tide-flat  lands  on  the 
west  end  of  the  bay  (inner  harbor)  and  plans  to  use  the  new  land  thus 
created  for  warehouses,  etc.  In  January,  1922,  Guaymas  was  visited 
by  the  Mexican  Government  commission  which  had  previously  rec- 
ommended that  Guaymas,  Salina  Cruz,  and  Puerto  Mexico  be 
created  as  “free  ports.” 

It  is  doubtful,  on  account  of  the  present  condition  of  the  country 
economically  and  the  state  of  the  Government  finances,  whether  any 
of  the  proposed  works  can  be  carried  out  for  some  time  to  come. 
Adequate  tonnage  is  lacking  to  provide  revenue  for  large  expenditures, 


TRANSPORTATION. 


91 


and  production  can  not  be  increased  over  present  quantity  under 
prevailing  conditions. 

The  Guaymas  Chamber  of  Commerce  reported  unfavorably  regard- 
ing the  plan  of  the  Minister  of  Hacienda  (Sr.  de  la  Huerta)  for  mak- 
ing Guaymas  a “free  port,”  the  members  considering  that  local  rail 
freight  rates  for  the  concentration  of  cargo  there  were  too  high,  as 
Guaymas  would  have  to  draw  cargo  tonnage  from  the  valleys  of  the 
coast  to  the  south  and  from  the  mining  districts  of  Sonora. 

NEW  PORT  OF  ST.  GEORGE’S  BAY. 

In  August,  1921,  it  was  reported  that  American  engineers,  acting  for 
certain  Arizona  copper-mine  interests,  were  surveying  St.  George’s  Bay 
for  a new  seaport,  with  the  object  of  determining  the  location  of  a safe 
and  convenient  tidewater  terminal  to  serve  as  the  ocean  outlet  for  the 
products  of  certain  Arizona  copper  mines.  The  point  selected  was  at 
Rocky  Point,  in  the  northwest  part  of  St.  George’s  Bay,  Gulf  of  Cali- 
fornia, about  100  miles  north  of  Guaymas  on  the  mainland.  The  sur- 
vey was  conducted  by  the  engineers  of  the  Tucson,  Gila  Bend  & New 
Cornelia  Railway  Co.  Rocky  Point  is  said  to  hold  out  many  advan- 
tages for  a deep-water  harbor  in  the  way  of  anchorage,  a good  beach, 
protection  from  storms  and  currents,  and,  above  all,  its  nearness  to 
the  points  of  production  in  Arizona,  it  being  located  only  about  105 
miles  south  of  Ajo,  to  which  place  the  railway  is  completed,  connect- 
ing with  the  main  line'  of  the  Southern  Pacific  in  the  United  States. 
The  extension  to  St.  George’s  Bay  would  involve  maximum  grades  of 
less  than  1 per  cent.  High  rail  rates  on  copper  products  to  the  eastern 
markets  and  for  export  shipment  have  induced  the  Arizona  copper 
companies  to  seek  a deep-water  outlet  on  the  Gulf  of  California,  and 
at  Rocky  Point  it  is  reported  that  the  construction  of  a pier  1,000  feet 
long  would  afford  dockage  for  vessels  up  to  15,000  gross  tons  register. 
It  is  thought  that  the  construction  of  this  port  would  have  a bene- 
ficial effect  on  the  copper  industry  of  the  southwestern  part  of  the 
United  States  and  in  Sonora,  Mexico.  As  yet  no  concession  has  been 
granted  by  the  Mexican  Government  for  this  proposed  new  port. 

SUMMARY  OF  WEST  COAST  SHIPPING  DEVELOPMENT. 

Under  the  old  shipping  laws  of  Mexico  a foreign  vessel  could  not 
handle  coastwise  cargo  between  Mexican  ports  as  long  as  there  was  a 
Mexican  vessel  available  to  carry  it  within  a reasonable  time.  During 
the  war,  with  the  resulting  scarcity  of  tonnage,  several  American  ves- 
sels found  it  profitable  to  operate  coastwise  on  the  West  Coast,  han- 
dling not  only  export  and  import  cargo  but  also  coastwise  tonnage 
offered.  With  the  publication  on  August  1,  1921,  of  the  new  decree 
which  prohibited  foreign  vessels  from  engaging  in  the  coastwise  traffic, 
the  American  vessels  were  forced  to  withdraw  or  take  Mexican  registry. 
Following  this,  a concession  was  given  to  the  Compafua  Naviera  de 
los  Estados  de  Mexico  steamship  line,  which  is  under  the  Mexican 
flag,  and  the  Mexican  Government  also  began  to  compete  in  the  trade 
with  its  Compafua  Naviera  Mexicana.  The  West  Coast,  the  Gulf  of 
California,  and  the  peninsula  of  Lower  California  now  have  adequate 
steamer  service,  consistent  with  the  amount  of  tonnage  and  other 
traffic  that  can  be  offered,  and  the  vessels  of  the  companies  now 
operating  in  this  trade  find  great  difficulty  in  securing  anything  like 
adequate  return  cargoes,  most  of  the  tonnage  secured  being  general 


92 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


merchandise  and  foodstuffs  imported  from  the  United  States,  although 
some  cargo  is  secured  for  gulf  points  at  Salina  Cruz  and  Manzanillo, 
originating  in  Europe  or  in  the  interior  of  Mexico.  The  greater  bulk 
of  the  freight  carried  is  import  cargo  from  the  United  States,  as  is 
shown  by  the  totals  for  the  port  of  Manzanillo  for  1918,  wdien  40.889 
metric  tons  were  handled,  in  and  out,  by  that  port,  of  which  35,360 
tons  were  imports,  principally  destined  for  the  Guadalajara  region  of 
the  interior,  as  Mazatlan  gets  the  shipments  for  points  north  and 
south  as  far  as  Tepic. 

The  exclusive  features  of  the  new  Mexican  coastwise  trade  law  give 
vessels  under  the  Mexican  flag  an  enormous  advantage  to  impose 
preferential  freight  rates,  although  they  have  to  compete  with  Amer- 
ican vessels  for  export  shipments  to  the  United  States.  As  an 
example:  Coffee  pays  about  812  per  ton  from  Salina  Cruz  to  San 
Francisco,  whereas  coastwise  boats  charge  the  equivalent  of  820  from 
that  port  to  Mazatlan  or  Manzanillo  for  coastwise  shipment.  The  oil 
refineries  of  the  east  coast  formerly  paid  a flat  rate  of  89  per  metric 
ton  for  shipments  of  500  tons  of  case-oil  products  to  the  West  Coast 
as  far  north  as  Guaymas;  the  present  coastwise  rate  from  Salina  Cruz 
is  about  821  per  metric  ton  for  this  commodity  in  lot  shipments. 

Salina  Cruz  has  to  offer  about  1,000  tons  a month  for  export  ship- 
ment, the  principal  amount  consisting  of  coffee  for  San  Francisco. 
Manzanillo  has  only  about  5,000  tons  a year  for  export  shipment,  all 
north  bound,  and  Mazatlan,  at  present,  about  the  same.  The  tonnage 
offering  at  Guaymas  is  dependent  upon  the  state  of  the  European 
demand  for  “garbanzos,”  which  have  not  been  moving  freely  on 
account  of  the  market  stagnation,  successive  Government  embargoes 
on  exportation  of  this  product,  etc. 

The  export  and  import  statistics  accompanying  this  report  give  the 
commodity  and  tonnage  movements  of  the  various  ports  of  the  West 
Coast  and  show  the  analysis  of  the  cargo  movement. 

Tonnage  development  on  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico  being  involved 
in  the  economic  and  industrial  development  of  the  region,  this  subject 
is  treated  fully  in  the  later  chapters  covering  the  industries  of  that 
part  of  Mexico  in  greater  detail. 

Competition  has  cut  rates  recently,  and  the  entire  West  Coast  will 
be  benefited  by  the  lower  coastwise  rates  now  in  force,  making  water 
shipment  possible  for  products  shipped  to  the  interior  of  the  country 
where  foodstuffs  are  especially  needed. 

ROADS  AND  HIGHWAYS. 

The  development  of  roads  and  highways  has  been  neglected  on 
the  West  Coast,  although  each  succeeding  administration  has  made 
extensive  plans  for  highway  construction  throughout  the  territory 
under  discussion.  The  old  stage  road  ran  from  the  San  Marcos  termi- 
nal of  the  branch  railway  out  of  Guadalajara  toward  Tepic.  and  on 
up  the  coast  to  Guaymas,  stages  operating  during  the  dry  season  of 
the  year — the  vehicles  being  of  the  old  “Concord”  type  drawn  by 
the  small  native  mules  of  the  country.  The  road  was  seldom  worked 
and  was  a mere  track,  often  impassable  in  many  places  and  haying 
no  bridges  over  streams,  large  or  small.  Automobiles  have  since 
come  into  general  use  and  are  used  in  the  valleys  during  the  dry 
season  and  in  the  towns  throughout  the  year,  although  good  paving 
is  lacking. 


TRANSPORTATION. 


93 


The  military  commander  of  the  West  Coast  Zone  evolved  an 
ambitious  plan  of  highway  construction  for  the  coast  in  1921,  it 
being  planned  to  construct  a paved  highway  from  the  American 
border  at  Nogales,  Sonora,  to  Tepic,  a distance  of  approximately 
800  miles.  Ten  thousand  men  were  to  be  put  on  this  work,  but 
funds  were  lacking.  This  highway  was  to  be  built  in  sections  by 
communities  and  States,  and  a start  was  made  at  Mazatlan  and 
Culiacan. 

The  merchants  and  farmers  fully  realize  the  importance  of  good 
roads  for  their  districts  and  support  any  such  movement,  but  the 
country  is  poor  and  funds  are  lacking,  as  a general  rule. 

NOGALES  AND  PORT  LOBOS  HIGHWAY. 

This  road  was  projected  by  Sonora  in  February,  1922,  to  run  from 
Nogales,  at  the  border,  to  Port  Lobos  on  the  gulf,  180  miles  south- 
west. This  road  would  afford  rapid  transportation  by  motor  to  the 
rich  district  of  Altar,  the  trade  of  which  amounts  to  about  $400,000 
(United  States  currency)  per  year.  The  route  would  pass  through 
the  towns  of  Saric,  Tubutama,  Altar,  Caborca,  and  several  mining 
points.  The  aid  of  the  Federal  Government  was  assured  for  this 
project,  but  funds  have  been  lacking. 

CULIACAN-BADIRAGUATO  HIGHWAY. 

This  road  is  being  built  out  of  Culiacan  to  the  north  through  a 
more  or  less  rough  foothill  country  to  the  interior  town  of  Badira- 
guato,  72  miles  distant.  About  7 kilometers  of  grading  had  been 
completed  out  of  Culiacan,  capital  of  the  State  of  Sinaloa,  by  an 
American  contractor,  when  the  work  was  suspended  by  the  rainy 
season  in  July,  1922.  This  highway  will  greatly  benefit  Culiacan  as 
a trading  center,  since  the  country  to  the  north  has  a considerable 
production  of  minerals,  cattle,  and  agricultural  products  for  domestic 
consumption. 

The  method  of  construction  followed  was  that  of  high  dirt  fill, 
rolled  in  and  covered  with  crushed  rock,  the  specifications  being 
those  of  a Class  B highway  in  the  United  States.  Two  large  rivers 
have  to  be  crossed,  as  well  as  numerous  small  streams  which  carry 
large  volumes  of  water  in  the  rainy  season  but  winch  are  fordable 
during  the  dry  season  of  the  year. 

MAZATLAN-TEPIC  HIGHWAY. 

The  Mazatlan-Tepic  Highway  was  completed  as  far  as  Villa  Union, 
about  20  miles  south  of  Mazatlan,  by  the  end  of  February,  1922, 
at  a cost  of  about  $3,000  (United  States  currency)  per  kilometer. 
It  is  planned  to  extend  this  highway  south  to  Tepic,  touching  several 
very  important  towns  en  route  and  crossing  the  Santiago  River  at 
Santiago  Ixquintla,  but  funds  are  lacking  for  the  continuation  of 
construction  at  present.  This  road  has  an  average  width  of  30  feet 
and  is  built  on  the  macadam  system. 

In  his  report  on  the  subject,  the  American  consul  at  Mazatlan, 
under  date  of  January  31,  1920,  has  the  following  to  say  regarding 
road  building  in  the  States  of  Sinaloa  and  epic: 

Good  roads  are  placed  as  a public  utility  of  first  importance  in  this  district  because 
there  are  none  of  any  importance  in  the  entire  length  of  the  two  States,  and  without 
them  there  can  be  no  large  development  of  the  abundant  natural  resources. 


94 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


When  it  is  considered  that  these  two  States  cover  an  area  of  25,755  square  miles,  it  is 
apparent  that  a great  deal  of  road  building  is  necessary. 

There  is  a railway  running  parallel  with  the  seacoast  the  full  length  of  this  long  and 
narrow  district.  This  road  crosses  11  important  river  valleys,  up  and  down  which 
good  highways  should  be  built  to  facilitate  the  movement  of  crops  that  these  valleys 
are  well  adapted  to  produce. 

At  the  very  lowest  estimate  these  valleys  require  an  average  of  30  miles  of  good 
roads  each,  or  about  330  miles  for  the  11  valleys  of  this  district.  Aside  from  these,  at 
least  1,000  miles  of  other  roads  is  needed,  or  a total  of  1,330  miles. 

Working  the  matter  out  on  a unit  basis  1 find  that  good  roads  can  be  built  in  this 
section  at  a cost  of  about  §5,000  (United  States  currency)  per  mile.  It  is  apparent, 
therefore,  that  about  $6,650,000  is  needed. 

If  the  Federal,  State,  and  municipal  authorities  would  combine  in  an  organized 
effort  to  develop  good  roads,  setting  aside  a certain  percentage  of  the  revenue  for  this 
purpose,  and  enacting  good-road  laws  requiring  men  to  contribute  five  days  annually 
to  road  work,  there  is  no  doubt  that  the  estimated  1,330  miles  of  highways  would  be 
built  within  two  years  without  outside  aid. 

At  the  present  time,  as  always  in  the  past,  the  mining,  ranching,  and  other  people 
requiring  roads  have  had,  for  the  most  part,  to  build  such  roads  as  their  private  finances 
would  permit. 

From  Villa  Union,  a dirt  road  has  been  open  as  far  as  the  rich 
mining  camp  of  Panuco,  about  60  miles  inland  from  Villa  Union, 
which  is  about  20  miles  from  the  port.  This  road  can  be  used  by 
automobiles  during  the  rainy  season,  but  only  in  the  dry  season  for 
heavy  truck-transport  operations. 


AGRICULTURE. 

PAST  AND  PRESENT  POSITION  OF  INDUSTRY. 

During  Spanish  colonial  times  mining  was  the  primary  industry, 
with  stock  raising  of  secondary  development,  followed  by  the  gradual 
increase  in  agricultural  production.  To-day  agriculture  has  become 
of  primary  importance  throughout  the  West  Coast,  except  in  the 
northern  and  more  arid  portion  of  the  State  of  Sonora,  where  mining 
is  still  and  will  continue  to  be  paramount,  because  this  State  possesses 
what  have  been  characterized  in  the  past  as  several  of  the  best 
mineralized  regions  in  the  world. 

Manufacturing  has  not  developed  to  any  extent,  the  greatest 
progress  having  been  made  in  shoemaking  for  the  local  domestic  sup- 
ply. The  textile  industry  is  still  small  and  dependent  upon  other 
sources  of  cotton  for  the  few  small  plants  now  in  existence  on  the 
West  Coast.  Local  cigarette  factories  take  care  of  the  demand  for 
the  cheaper  grades  of  cigarette  peculiar  to  the  region. 

The  development  of  industry  on  the  West  Coast  is  inherently 
involved  in  the  problems  of  Mexico  as  a whole,  and  it  is  recognized  by 
the  people  of  the  region  themselves  that  immigration  is  a necessary 
factor,  together  with  the  development  of  some  product,  or  products, 
of  export  to  such  markets  as  that  of  the  United  States.  In  other 
words,  further  development  is  dependent  upon  stable  conditions  in 
the  country,  the  solution  of  Mexico’s  political  and  social  problems, 
and  the  creation  of  new  communities  by  means  of  immigration.  The 
development  of  the  West  Coast  is  very  much  like  that  of  the  Pacific 
coast  States  of  the  United  States;  only  in  the  case  of  Mexico  the 
increase  in  population  will  have  to  come  from  outside  the  country, 
and  there  is  thus  injected  the  problem  of  conflicting  nationalities  and 
racial  characteristics. 

For  years  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico  has  been  the  principal  source 
of  supply  of  the  “garbanzo”  (chick  pea)  to  Spain  and  the  West 
Indies,  and  it  also  shipped  last  season  a total  of  1,113  carloads  of 
winter  tomatoes  to  the  markets  of  the  United  States,  the  acreage 
planted  for  the  1922-23  season  being  four  times  that  of  the  preceding 
year,  with  increasing  interest  and  investment  in  this  product  of  ex- 
port. The  real  wealth  of  the  West  Coast  lies  in  the  15  river  valleys 
where  rich  soil  is  found  and  where  there  is  sufficient  water  supply  for 
the  irrigation  of  all  available  acreage.  The  very  successful  development 
of  agriculture  and  horticulture  in  California  increased  the  interest 
on  the  part  of  Americans  in  the  development  of  the  river  valleys  of 
the  West  Coast  of  Mexico — an  interest  which  was  brought  to  a 
climax  by  the  construction  of  the  line  of  the  Southern  Pacific  Railroad 
down  the  coast  in  1908  and  1909 — with  Mexican  capital  and  energy 
taking  their  part  in  the  development  of  sugar,  “garbanzos,”  and 
wheat.  On  account  of  market  limitations  and  unfavorable  legisla- 
tion affecting  ownership  by  foreigners  of  land,  this  development — 

95 


96 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


with  the  exception  of  the  winter  tomato  and  vegetable  industry, 
which  is  relatively  new — has  now  reached  its  limit.  Population  is 
lacking,  and  further  progress  means  the  building  up  of  agricultural 
colonies  by  people  from  the  outside  and  the  expenditure  of  enormous 
sums  in  the  development  and  the  application  of  water  for  irrigation 
in  the  river  valleys.  Last  year  the  laqui  Valley  in  Sonora  produced 
a surplus  rice  crop;  “garbanzos”  have  been  stagnant  for  three  years; 
and  this  year  Sonora  also  produced  a surplus  wheat  crop  over  and 
above  the  West  Coast  flour  needs  in  competition  with  American 
imported  flour. 

The  need  for  an  exportable  commodity  is  seen  in  the  tremendous 
interest  and  investment  in  winter  tomatoes  and  vegetables  for  the 
American  market,  which  affords  a ready  sale  and  quick  cash  payment 
for  these  articles.  They  do  not  compete  with  either  the  Florida  or  the 
California  production,  as  they  come  on  the  market  earlier  by  some 
two  months  and  can  not  compete  after  the  American-grown  supply 
is  ready  for  shipment  to  the  market  centers  of  the  country.  It  is  a 
well-known  fact  that  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico  could  produce  citrus 
fruits  at  one-half  the  cost  of  then-  production  in  California,  climatic 
and  soil  conditions  being  more  nearly  ideal  than  in  California,  but  in 
view  of  the  inability  to  export  these  products  to  the  markets  of  the 
United  States  on  account  of  the  tariff  protection  of  the  American 
industry  and  the  lack  of  the  technical  and  practical  knowledge  of 
this  highly  specialized  field,  nothing  can  be  done  (at  least  for  the 
present)  except  to  increase  the  supply  for  local  domestic  consumption, 
which  is  rather  small. 

The  territory  of  the  West  Coast  contains  154,000  square  miles, 
reaching  from  the  American  border  to  the  southern  boundary  of  the 
State  of  Nayarit  and  being  divided  from  the  rest  of  Mexico  bv  the 
summit  line  of  the  Sierra  Madre  Range.  A large  proportion  of  this 
area  is  eliminated  from  any  agricultural  development  by  topo- 
graphical conditions,  and  the  greater  part  of  the  coastal  plain  is  bench 
land  that  has  no  water  for  irrigation,  the  only  suitable  soils  lying  in 
the  river  valleys  and  deltas.  Hardly  one-tenth  of  the  total  area  could 
be  cultivated  under  any  circumstances,  and  only  one-tenth  of  the 
portion  mentioned  has  conditions  that  make  it  right  for  intensive 
cultivation.  When  considering  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico  from  an 
agricultural  point  of  view,  one  must  think  in  terms  of  the  several 
river  valleys  and  not  of  large  expanses  of  level  farming  land  of  uniform 
character  like  that  found  in  the  American  States  of  Kansas,  Iowa, 
Illinois,  etc.  The  conditions  and  aspects  are  very  much  like  those 
of  California,  where  there  is  also  a series  of  large  valleys,  though  on 
the  Mexican  West  Coast  the  river  valleys  run  from  east  to  west  right 
down  to  the  sea. 

On  account  of  the  varying  nature  of  the  climate,  soil  conditions, 
transportation,  etc.,  a separate  and  detailed  description  of  each  river 
valley  will  be  given,  because  it  is  the  “valley”  that  counts  and  not 
the  West  Coast  as  a whole. 


AGRICULTURE. 


97 


HYDROGRAPHIC  DESCRIPTION  OF  WEST  COAST.5 

COMPARISON  WITH  CALIFORNIA. 

In  view  of  very  similar  conditions  of  climate,  soil,  irrigation,  etc., 
the  growth  and  development  of  California  indicate  the  prospects  for 
the  Mexican  West  Coast.  Up  to  the  year  1850  California  was  stagnant, 
with  a total  population  of  92,600.  Since  that  time,  and  more  particu- 
larly since  the  completion  of  the  Union  Pacific  and  Central  Pacific 
Railways,  the  State  has  attracted  a larger  agricultural  population  than 
any  other  State  of  the  American  Union,  its  greatest  growth  having 
taken  place  between  1870  and  1890.  It  had  originally  the  same  dis- 
advantages as  Mexico.  The  serious  handicaps  of  most  countries 
where  the  land  holdings  continue  to  be  held  in  very  large  units  are 
illustrated  by  the  Census  report  for  1900,  which  shows  that  the  average 
size  of  farms  in  California  was  397.4  acres,  producing  an  annual  aver- 
age of  $25.38  per  acre,  as  against  the  average  income  of  $2.20  per  acre 
from  the  4,753  farms  in  the  State  that  contained  more  than  1,000 
acres  each.  The  good  agricultural  lands  of  the  Mexican  West  Coast 
are,  as  a general  rule,  still  held  under  the  old  Spanish  Crown  grants 
in  enormous  tracts,  although  a number  of  these  tracts  have  passed 
into  the  hands  of  American  purchasers  who  planned  to  cut  them  up 
into  small  allotments  and  sell  them  on  easy  terms  to  farmers  from  the 
United  States  after  water  had  been  developed  for  irrigation,  following 
the  same  plan  that  has  been  so  successful  in  California,  not  only  from 
the  standpoint  of  an  excellent  investment  for  capital  but  also  from 
that  of  the  small  farmer  and  from  the  public  and  economic  point  of 
view. 

This  development  had  begun  to  proceed  very  rapidly  with  the  com- 
pletion of  the  Southern  Pacilic  West  Coast  Line  of  railway,  and  has 
only  been  thwarted  by  the  last  11  years  of  internal  strife  in  Mexico 
and  latterly  by  adverse  legislation  on  the  part  of  the  Mexican  Govern- 
ment (Constitution  of  1917)  which  prohibits  foreigners  from  owning 
land  in  the  country,  except  under  certain  conditions. 

The  State  of  California  possesses  approximately  the  same  surface 
area  as  the  region  of  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico,  California  having 
155,980  square  miles,  as  compared  with  about  154,000  square  miles  for 
the  West  Coast.  In  California  12  per  cent  of  the  total  area  is  more  or 
less  under  thorough  cultivation,  aided  by  irrigation.  Southern  Cali- 
fornia, with  its  wonderful  production  of  citrus  fruits,  vegetables,  nuts, 
dried  fruits,  canned  fruits,  dairy  products,  olives,  dates,  etc.,  has  an 
area  of  only  slightly  more  than  200,000  acres  in  use,  exclusive  of  the 
Imperial  Valley. 

In  the  matter  of  climate,  topography,  native  races,  penetration,  etc., 
the  history  of  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico  presents  almost  an  exact 
parallel  to  that  of  California.  It  can  be  only  a question  of  time  until 
it  becomes  self-evident  that  the  development  of  this  new  field  will 
proceed  along  the  same  lines  and  reach  the  same  final  prominence. 
The  greatest  interest  in  the  development  of  the  West  Coast  is  being 
taken  by  the  very  people  who  developed  California. 

5 The  following  account  has  been  taken  from  the  report  of  Frank  H.  Olmstead,  hydrographic  engineer, 
who  reported  on  the  West  Coast  for  the  Southern  Pacific  Railroad  Co.  of  Mexico  in  1909 — with  additions 
and  corrections  by  P L.  Bell,  from  personal  acquaintance  and  observation  during  six  years’  continuous 
residence  on  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico,  while  engaged  in  mining,  agriculture,  and  stock  raising.  Data 
have  been  brought  down  to  Oct.  1,  1922,  from  field  work  on  the  coast  during  July,  August,  and  Sep- 
tember, 1922. 

44S070 — 23 8 


98 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


The  population  of  the  Republic  of  Mexico  was  estimated  at  15,000,- 
000  in  1910,  giving  19.55  persons  per  square  mile.  In  1876  there 
were  9,380,439  people.  Imports  into  Mexico  during  the  10-year 
period  ended  in  1910  increased  from  $21,490,604  to  $146,376,587. 
Mexico  was  getting  into  line  with  the  rest  of  the  world  and  was  an 
increasingly  important  factor  to  be  reckoned  with  in  commerce. 
In  1906  and  1907  Mexico  sent  71  per  cent  of  its  exports  to  the  United 
States,  and  this  ratio  has  steadily  increased  since  then. 

Mexico  itself  is  1,900  miles  long  by  750  miles  wide,  while  the  terri- 
tory of  the  West  Coast  is  1,200  miles  long  by  130  miles  wide,  on  an 
average.  The  proportion  of  arable  lands  in  this  territory  is  hardly 
more  than  5 per  cent,  but  this  5 per  cent  of  the  total  surface  area  com- 
prises some  of  the  potentially  most  fertile  lands,  which,  if  easy  access 
to  the  sea  is  provided  by  a lateral  line  of  rail  transportation,  possess 
many  advantages. 

When  the  Panama  Canal  was  opened  to  traffic  in  1915,  the  West 
Coast  of  Mexico,  together  with  the  Pacific  coast  of  the  United  States, 
should  have  received  its  share  of  the  impetus  given  to  development 
and  commerce,  but,  unfortunately,  revolution  and  unstable  condi- 
tions in  the  country  have  precluded  the  realization  of  the  full  advan- 
tage of  the  benefits  that  should  have  accrued.  The  growth  of  trade 
that  is  logical  proceeds  by  leaps  and  bounds  when  it  starts  right,  and 
the  West  Coast  had  every  reason  to  expect  its  share  with  the  com- 
pletion of  the  coast-line  railway  and  the  canal. 

The  world’s  supply  of  available  and  suitable  arable  lands  is  being 
so  rapidly  absorbed  that  10  years  more  will  see  the  finish  in  North 
America.  When  the  Southern  Pacific  was  building  down  the  West 
Coast  in  1908  and  1909  a rush  for  land  was  started  which  was  only 
stopped  by  revolutions  and  subsequent  conditions  in  Mexico. 
Development  was  presaged  which  would  have  rivaled  the  settlement 
and  development  of  southern  California. 

FUNDAMENTAL  CONSIDERATIONS. 

The  difference  in  race  and  national  characteristics,  the  necessity  of 
going  into  a foreign  country  where  at  present  legislation  is  unfavor- 
able to  the  ownership  of  the  land  by  foreigners,  and  general  condi- 
tions growing  out  of  the  various  revolutions  in  Mexico  during  the 
past  10  years  have  stopped  this  development  of  the  valleys  of  the 
West  Coast  by  people  from  the  United  States.  The  problem  is  a fun- 
damental one,  and  the  ultimate  solution  can  be  found  only  in  the 
slow  education  of  the  masses  in  Mexico  itself,  or  in  the  recognition  of 
the  necessity  for  a more  liberal  policy  toward  foreigners  (Americans) 
in  order  to  bring  about  the  more  rapid  development  of  this  territory. 
As  an  example,  the  experience  of  the  Argentine  Republic  may  be 
cited:  Argentina  had  in  18S3  about  500,000  acres  in  wheat;  in  1906 
it  had  14,000,000  acres  in  wheat;  and  the  ratio  has  steadily  increased, 
stimulation  of  production  by  the  native  element  being  fostered  by 
the  example  of  immigration  and  capital  from  the  outside. 

PRIMARY  ADVANTAGES  OF  WEST  COAST  IRRIGABLE  AREAS. 

The  great  advantage  possessed  by  the  irrigable  river  valleys  of  the 
West  Coast  of  Mexico  over  other  regions  and  agricultural  districts  is 
that  the  rivers  in  flood  season  carry  large  amounts  of  silt,  and  that, 


AGRICULTURE. 


99 


at  the  same  time,  other  previously  fine  producing  areas  are  dropping 
off  in  their  annual  production  on  account  of  soil  depletion,  while  on 
the  lands  of  the  West  Coast  the  opposite  is  true  because  soil  improve- 
ment goes  on  as  cultivation  by  irrigation  progresses. 

The  Panama  Canal  has  greatly  shortened  the  distance,  so  that 
shipments  of  sugar,  oranges,  rice,  beans,  fiber,  etc.,  can  compete  with 
those  from  California  in  eastern  United  States  and  European  markets. 
(California  is  now  shipping  citrus  products  by  water  through  the  Canal 
to  the  eastern  seaboard  of  the  United  States  in  order  to  be  able  to 
compete  successfully  with  the  shorter  rail  haul  of  Florida  to  the  great 
centers  of  population  in  the  United  States  and  also  with  the  cheaper 
cost  of  production  in  Italy — principally  as  regards  lemons.)  The 
distance  from  the  West  Coast  port  of  Mazatlan  to  the  Canal  is  1,810 
miles,  and  from  Colon  to  New  York,  1,989  miles.  The  West  Coast 
has  also  a number  of  fairly  good  harbors — Guaymas,  Topolobampo, 
Mazatlan,  San  Bias,  and  Manzanillo.  Topolobampo  is  a fine  natural 
fjord  harbor,  and  the  settlers  in  the  Fuerte  Valley  will  some  day 
possess  the  great  additional  advantage  of  both  rail  and  water  trans- 
portation to  all  markets. 

STATE  OF  SONOKA. 

AREA  AND  POPULATION. 

Next  in  area  to  Chihuahua,  the  largest  of  Mexican  States,  Sonora 
has  a surface  area  of  76,900  square  miles. 

The  population  in  1895  was  191,281,  and  in  1900,  220,553,  a gain 
of  3 per  cent  per  year.  The  last  census  figures,  those  of  1921,  give 
the  State  a population  of  267,474. 

The  State  has  350  miles  of  ocean  frontage  on  the  Gulf  of  Cali- 
fornia and  two  fairly  good  natural  harbors,  Guaymas  and  St.  George’s 
Bay  (farther  north),  the  latter  undeveloped  and  having  no  improve- 
ments. 

CLIMATIC  CONDITIONS. 

The  average  annual  rainfall  for  the  State  as  a whole  is  11.3  inches, 
these  figures  being  taken  at  the  capital,  Hermosillo.  The  highest 
record  was  19.9  inches  and  the  lowest  5.84  inches.  The  rainy  months 
are  July,  August,  and  September,  during  which  period  the  average  is 
8.12  inches.  The  highest  average  for  any  year’s  rainy  season  is  12.64 
inches,  and  the  lowest  rainy  season  average  4.85  inches.  The  winter 
rainfall  is  3.24  inches,  varying  from  0.32  inch,  and  it  is  not  to  be 
depended  upon.  Light  rains  may  be  expected  during  the  season  of 
the  spring  equinox.  The  rainfall  in  the  northern  and  eastern  part 
of  the  State  is  heavier  than  in  the  central  district  of  Hermosillo, 
diminishing  toward  the  gulf  and  the  delta  of  the  Colorado  Fiver 
toward  the  northwest. 

The  maximum  summer  temperature  at  Hermosillo  is  115°  F.,  and 
the  minimum  temperature  is  34°  F.,  occurring  in  December. 

DRAINAGE  SYSTEM. 

The  State  is  traversed,  in  a direction  approximately  northeast  to 
southwest,  by  four  large  drainage  systems — the  Magdalena,  Sonora, 
Yaqui,  and  Mayo  Rivers,  which,  with  their  numerous  tributaries, 
have  running  water  the  entire  year,  except  in  the  lower  reaches  of  the 
first  two  named,  their  waters  disappearing  in  the  desert  wastes,  near 


100 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


the  end  of  their  courses  toward  the  gulf,  during  the  dry  season  of  the 
year. 

There  is  known  to  exist  an  artesian  belt,  the  limits  of  which  have 
not  been  determined  but  which  starts  about  40  miles  north  of  Hermo- 
sillo  along  the  line  of  the  railway.  There  are  other  districts  where 
the  formation  is  not  unfavorable  to  artesian  water  development,  but 
these  have  not  been  prospected  by  drilling  as  yet.  Some  small 
interior  valleys  show  excellent  and  abundant  well  water  at  depths  of 
20  feet  or  even  less. 

YAQUI  RIVER  ALLUVIAL  AREA. 

The  Yaqui  is  the  largest  river  of  Sonora.  Its  course  is  of  approxi- 
mately 680  kilometers  (422.5  miles),  its  source  being  in  the  State  of 
Chihuahua  near  the  town  of  Ciudad  Guerrero,  where  it  is  known  by 
the  name  of  Rio  Papigochic.  It  is  joined  in  Chihuahua  by  the  Rio 
Gavilana  and  enters  the  State  of  Sonora  under  the  name  of  the  Rio 
Aros.  In  Sonora  it  receives  the  waters  of  the  rivers  Mulatos,  Sata- 
chic,  and  Nacori,  which  rise  in  the  district  of  Sahuaripa,  and,  later, 
those  of  the  Rio  Bavispe,  which  crosses  the  district  of  Moctezuma. 
Near  San  Mateo  it  is  also  joined  by  the  Rio  Sahuaripa  and  afterwards 
by  the  Rio  Moctezuma  and  Rio  Chico  and  by  several  other  small 
streams  nearer  the  delta,  which  is  navigable  for  shallow-draft  boats  for 
60  kilometers  above  its  mouth  at  Algodones  Bay. 

Watershed , delta,  and  irrigable  areas. — The  watershed  area  of  the 
Yaqui  is  estimated  at  about  26,000  square  miles,  of  which  500,000 
acres  are  river-bottom  lands,  of  which,  in  turn,  75,000  are  irrigable 
without  storage,  the  stream  having  a capacity  of  850,000  acre-feet  of 
storage  water. 

Lying  between  the  Estero  Mapola,  just  south  of  Guaymas,  and  the 
Yaqui  River  there  is  found  an  area  of  choice  cultivated  land  totaling 
12,000  acres  situated  between  the  hills  and  the  sea  along  the  Rio 
Muerto,  an  old  outlet  channel  of  the  Yaqui. 

A narrow  belt  of  low  salt  lands  runs  along  the  coast  from  Guaymas 
to  Agiabampo.  The  plain  from  Guaymas  to  the  Rio  Yaqui  covers 
130  square  miles,  but  the  only  good  agricultural  lands  are  those  at 
Belem  on  the  Rio  Muerto.  The  salt  belt  totals  363  square  miles 
between  Lobos  Bay  and  Agiabampo,  south  of  the  mouth  of  the  Mayo 
River  and  at  the  boundary  with  the  State  of  Sinaloa. 

The  choice  alluvial  lands  of  the  Yaqui  delta  begin  at  Esperanza 
and  Cocorit  (on  the  railway)  and  extend  in  a fan-shaped  delta  south 
of  the  river  to  a line  running  inland  from  Tobari  Bay,  the  total  area 
of  the  level  delta  alluvial  fill  being,  roughly,  1,6S5  square  miles,  of 
which  540  square  miles  are  choice  lands  lying  immediately  south  of 
the  river  and  1,145  square  miles  are  situated  still  farther  to  the 
south  and  toward  the  gulf.  The  Rio  Yaqui  Canal  of  the  Richardson 
Bros.  Construction  Co.  takes  water  from  the  river  at  a point  above 
Esperanza  and  carries  the  main  supply  toward  the  coast  across  the 
extreme  southern  area  of  the  delta  proper. 

Between  the  railway  and  the  river  lie  the  lands  of  the  I aqui 
Indian  pueblos,  reaching  from  Torin  to  Cocorit,  recently  returned  to 
the  Yaqui  tribe  by  the  Mexican  Government,  which  is  endeavoring 
to  form  agricultural  colonies  for  the  Yaquis  here. 

This  area  of  1,685  square  miles  has  all  been  platted  and  surveyed 
and  comes  under  the  irrigation  system  of  the  1 aqui  River  Land  & 


AGRICULTURE. 


101 


Water  Co.,  an  American  concern  which  secured  the  original  concession 
from  the  Diaz  Government  of  Mexico. 

Lying  between  this  tract  and  the  main  valley  of  the  Mayo  River 
just  to  the  south  there  is  an  area  of  land  that  lies  generally  higher 
than  the  deltas  on  either  side  and  that  may  ultimately  be  irrigated  in 
some  portion  by  means  of  storage  dams  on  various  arroyos,  such  as 
the  Coroachi,  etc. 

Water  'provision. — The  Yaqui  River  has  a storage  capacity  of 

500.000  acre-feet,  at  a cost  of  about  $3,000,000  United  States  cur- 
rency. Under  the  plans  of  the  Yaqui  River  Land  & Water  Co. 
there  are  3,000,000  acres  of  land  available  for  irrigation  under  their 
main  canal  alone,  and  the  difference  between  the  flood  volume 
and  the  extreme  dry-season  volume  of  water  in  the  stream  is  so  great 
that  storage  must  be  provided  to  irrigate  all  the  land  available. 
(This  same  problem  is  faced  in  all  the  river  valleys  of  the  West  Coast 
except  that  of  the  great  Santiago  in  Nayarit,  where  rainfall  is  more 
adequate.) 

Yaqui  Valley  irrigation  project. — In  1909  the  Richardson  Bros. 
Construction  Co.  of  California  (Los  Angeles)  had  completed  25  miles 
of  main  canal,  15  miles  of  main  laterals,  15  miles  of  secondary  lat- 
erals, 15  miles  of  tertiary  laterals.  One  hundred  miles  of  secondary 
laterals  and  375  miles  of  tertiary  laterals  were  to  be  completed  by 
January  1,  1910.  This  water  provision  was  to  irrigate  a total  of 

84.000  acres  of  level  land,  10,000  acres  of  which  were  then  under 
completed  laterals.  In  1907  there  were  only  about  750  acres  in 
crop  in  the  valley,  near  a point  called  Ontagota.  The  river  itself 
runs  for  more  than  500  miles  through  a more  or  less  arid  country 
from  its  water  supply  in  the  mountain  range  in  Chihuahua,  the  loss 
being  estimated  at  250-77,  proportionate  ratio. 

Soil  conditions  in  Yaqui  Valley. — As  in  all  the  river  valleys  of  the 
West  Coast  of  Mexico,  two  distinct  types  of  soil  are  found,  as  is  the 
case  generally  on  the  coast,  though  farmers  claim  that  there  are 
really  three  types  of  soil,  called  “ red  soil,”  “ chocolate  soil,”  and  “silty 
gray  soil.”  The  “chocolate”  soils  are  found  under  the  banks  of  the 
present  river  channel.  All  types  of  soil  are  pronouncedly  lime  soils, 
capable  of  producing  for  many  years  without  fertilization. 

The  heaviest  soils  of  the  entire  area  are  the  “red  soils,”  but  these 
are  very  easily  tilled  on  account  of  the  abundant  lime  content. 
Analysis  shows  them  to  be  at  the  head  of  the  list  of  high-grade  pro- 
ducing soils.  For  fruit  trees  with  deep  tap  roots  the  red  soil  is  un- 
doubtedly the  best,  and  this  is  also  true  for  sugar  cane,  tubers,  and 
vegetables.  Analysis  further  shows  the  entire  absence  of  alkali  or 
other  harmful  salts  and  a great  richness  in  phosphates,  lime,  nitrogen, 
and  potash — in  short,  all  of  the  chemical  elements  so  necessary  to  a 
healthy  and  sustained  soil  production. 

The  base  rock  of  the  upper  watershed  is  uniformly  metamorphosed 
red  porphyry. 

The  soil  surface,  in  places,  has  a tendency  to  bake  and  crack  after 
watering,  when  the  land  is  new,  but  this  condition  soon  yields  by 
cultivation. 

The  Yaqui  River  has  a drainage  area  of  some  26,000  square  miles, 
with  a mean  annual  rainfall  of  26  inches  and  an  assumed  annual 
run-off  of  3 inches.  The  annual  rainfall  in  the  delta  varies  between 
5 and  9 inches,  and  the  heaviest  precipitation  in  its  watershed  occurs 


102 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


at  the  40-inch  rainfall-belt  contour  line  at  an  elevation  in  the  moun- 
tains on  the  Pacific  side  of  about  7,000  feet  above  sea  level. 

Development  of  Yaqui  Valley. — Prior  to  1890  the  Yaqui  Indians,  in 
the  eight  “pueblos,”  cultivated  a very  limited  area  of  land  immedi- 
ately adjacent  to  the  river  and  subject  to  its  overflow  during  the  rainy 
season  of  high  water.  Between  1890  and  1904  several  canals  were 
built  by  various  interests  of  Sonora,  but  the  total  cultivated  area 
in  any  one  year  probably  never  exceeded  6,250  acres.  At  this  time 
the  Yaqui  Valley  was  without  a railroad  nearer  than  Guaymas,  from 
30  to  70  miles  distant. 

In  1904  the  Richardson  Bros.  Construction  Co.  was  organized  to 
build  a railroad  through  the  valley  and  to  construct  an  irrigation 
system  for  a total  of  750,000  acres  of  land,  this  system  to  include 
storage  dam  and  reservoir,  diverting  dam  and  intake  gates,  and  about 
3,750  miles  of  distributing  canals  with  22,000  structures.  The  canals 
will  involve  a total  excavation  of  approximately  21,000,000  cubic 
yards.  What  the  company  has  accomplished  is  summarized  in  the 
following  paragraphs. 

It  entered  into  a contract  with  the  Mexican  Government  to  con- 
struct, without  subsidy  or  bonus,  a railroad  from  Guaymas  east 
through  the  Yaqui  Valley  and  up  the  Yaqui  River  to  Tonichi,  a dis- 
tance of  154  miles.  It  effected  an  arrangement  with  the  Southern 
Pacific  Co.  under  which  the  latter  agreed  to  purchase  the  contract  men- 
tioned and  to  commence  construction  within  two  years.  Before  two 
years  had  expired  the  road  had  been  completed  through  the  Yaqui 
Valley,  and  the  Southern  Pacific  Co.  had  arranged  to  extend  the  line 
down  the  West  Coast  for  a distance  of  800  miles  to  Guadalajara,  at  a 
cost  of  approximately  $75,000,000  United  States  currency. 

Irrigation  system. — The  Richardson  Construction  Co.  entered  into  a 
contract  with  the  Mexican  Government  (Madero  administration)  to 
complete,  within  a limited  time,  an  irrigation  system  adequate  to 
supply  perennial  irrigation  to  all  available  lands  in  the  Yaqui  Valley 
regardless  of  ownership.  This  contract  was  without  subsidy,  bonus, 
land  grant,  or  other  consideration  to  the  company,  except  the  usual 
exemption  of  import  tax  on  materials  to  be  used  in  its  work,  and  the 
exemption,  for  five  years  only,  of  tax  on  its  investment  in  tbe  irriga- 
tion system. 

The  total  estimated  cost  of  the  work  was  about  $12,000,000  United 
States  currency  to  provide  water  for  the  750,000  acres  of  land, 
150,000  acres  contained  in  the  eight  Yaqui  Indian  “pueblos,”  and 
the  200,000  acres  of  privately  owned  land  coming  under  the  system. 
Up  to  June  30,  1917,  the  company  had  constructed  a temporary 
diverting  dam  and  built  about  350  miles  of  canals,  totaling  in  excava- 
tion approximately  3,280,000  cubic  yards,  and  it  had  also  built  S16 
canal  structures. 

The  company  has  thoroughly  studied  and  recorded  the  engineering 
phases  of  storing,  diverting,  and  distributing  the  waters  of  the 
Yaqui  River  over  the  lands  of  the  valley,  and  has  plans  prepared  for 
all  of  this  work — much  of  which,  in  fact,  has  already  been  done  and 
approved  by  the  Mexican  Government. 

It  has  increased  the  cultivable  area  to  approximately  75,000  acres, 
and  the  completion  of  the  tertiary  canals  under  construction  when 
the  work  was  suspended  will  increase  this  to  110,000  acres. 


AGRICULTURE. 


103 


It  has  opened  and  maintained  400  miles  of  dirt  roads  and  more 
than  150  bridges.  It  has  built  telephone  lines  to  all  parts  of  the 
valley. 

For  eight  years  an  agricultural  experiment  station  has  been  op- 
erated at  Esperanza  at  a total  expense  of  $80,000  United  States  cur- 
rency. The  demonstration  farm  covers  2,000  acres.  This  work  has 
been  of  great  value  in  the  proper  selection  of  crops  and  soils,  as  well 
as  in  increasing  production.  JPart  of  the  work  has  included  the  col- 
lection of  meteorological  data  on  the  valley  and  the  watershed  drained 
by  the  Yaqui  River. 

At  the  time  operations  were  begun  by  the  company  cultivation  in 
the  eastern  portion  of  the  valley  totaled  3,750  acres.  This  area  was 
increased,  by  the  development  of  water  for  irrigation,  to  more  than 

27.000  acres  in  1913,  when  the  company  suspended  operation,  prin- 
cipally on  account  of  Yaqui  Indian  depredations  and  the  suspension 
of  railway  traffic  through  the  destruction  of  railway  facilities. 

The  contract  rate  for  the  delivery  of  water  to  the  land,  as  stipu- 
lated in  the  Madero  administration  contract,  is  1 peso  per  1,000  cubic 
meters  of  water  (about  60  cents  United  States  currency  per  acre-foot), 
with  the  proviso  that  the  Indian  “ pueblo”  lands  should  receive  water 
at  one-half  of  this  rate.  At  such  time  as  the  storage  reservoir  is 
completed,  the  rates  may  be  increased  50  cents  (Mexican  currency) 
per  1,000  cubic  meters.  Water  continued  to  be  supplied  to  the  users 
even  during  the  various  revolutions  of  the  past  10  years  in  Mexico. 

Under  the  terms  of  the  present  contract  the  company  has  agreed 
to  subdivide  all  lands  available  for  cultivation  under  the  water 
system,  and  to  sell  these  lands  within  a period  of  15  years,  no  sale 
to  exceed  5,000  acres  to  any  one  individual.  It  has  sold  an  average 
of  100  acres  each  to  some  300  practical  irrigation  farmers,  who  have 
spent  about  $900,000  United  States  currency  on  improvements. 

The  company  has  always  reinvested  the  proceeds  of  the  sale  of 
lands  in  new  development  of  the  valley  and  has  never  paid  a dividend 
during  the  years  of  its  operation.  In  1915  the  experiment  station 
was  destroyed  by  the  Yaqui  Indians  and  invaluable  records  lost. 
Twelve  raids  in  all  have  been  made  on  this  property,  resulting  in  the 
death  of  some  100  persons  and  the  destruction  of  about  $1,000,000 
worth  of  property. 

The  eastern  portion  of  the  valley  is  served  by  the  temporary  di- 
verting dam  and  the  main  canal,  and  branches  of  the  company’s  sys- 
tem. The  western  portion  of  the  valley  is  served  by  the  Vicam,  Vic- 
toria, and  Marcos  Carillo  flood-water  canals,  none  of  which  has  a 
diverting  dam. 

The  total  area  of  land  in  the  valley  owned  by  the  company  is 
587,500  acres,  412,500  acres  of  which  lie  within  the  750,000  acres  of 
the  Yaqui  Valley  that  can  be  ultimately  irrigated.  The  other 

175.000  acres  is  located  outside  of  the  irrigable  area,  and  much  of 
it  is  hilly  or  salt  land.  Of  the  412,500  acres  within  the  irrigable 
area  only  12,500  acres  can  be  cultivated  by  the  canals  built  thus  far. 
This  is  about  . 2 per  cent  of  all  the  land  owned  by  the  company.  In 
this  connection  it  should  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  company  has 
sold  its  lands  about  as  fast  as  water  service  for  them  could  be  pro- 
vided. The  present  noncultivable  area  is,  in  parts,  suitable  for 
grazing,  but  much  of  it  can  not  be  used  for  this  purpose  on  account 
of  the  lack  of  water,  the  heavy  brush,  the  lack  of  grass,  and  the 
presence  of  the  Indians. 


104 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


Comparison  with  Imperial  Valley. — The  Yaqui  Valley,  from  the 
standpoint  of  the  American  farmer,  may  be  compared  to  the  Imperial 
Valley  of  southern  California  10  or  more  years  ago,  in  that  "pioneer- 
ing” is  still  necessary  in  the  former  and  climatic,  soil,  and  water 
conditions  are  very  similar,  although  the  Yaqui  Valley  gets  about 
twice  as  much  rain  per  year  as  the  Imperial  Valley  and  has  the 
benefit  of  sea  breezes  during  the  summer  months,  reducing  the 
average  temperature  somewhat. 

The  advantage  of  the  Yaqui  Valley  lies  in  the  cheapness  of  the  good 
land  which  can  be  obtained  for  a fraction  of  the  cost  of  similar  land  with 
water  in  the  Imperial  Valley  but  on  a par,  approximately,  with  the  cost 
of  land  on  the  Mexican  side  of  the  Imperial  Valley.  (See  p.  299.) 

The  disadvantages  of  the  Yaqui  Valley  lie  in  the  constant  fear  of 
the  Yaqui  Indians,  the  present  Mexican  land  laws,  the  inherent 
difficulties  involved  in  the  Mexican  situation,  and  the  problems  of 
operating  in  a foreign  country — not  to  mention  present  marketing 
difficulties  involved  in  the  problem  of  colonization  and  development 
of  the  entire  West  Coast  region  of  Mexico,  variously  discussed  herein. 

Crop  production  and  acreage. — The  irrigation  district  of  the  Yaqui 
Valley  is  divided  into  eight  subdivisions,  of  which  the  Yaqui  pueblos 
form  one  division,  with  a total  of  2,500  hectares  under  cultivation 
by  irrigation  in  the  1921-22  season,  with  160  hectares  in  alfalfa,  761 
in  beans,  8S7  in  corn  in  the  summer  planting  and  180  in  corn  in  the 
winter,  or  dry  season,  planting;  270  hectares  of  garbanzos,  36  of 
garden  vegetables,  and  206  in  wheat  (1  hectare  = 2.47  acres).  The 
rest  of  the  total  1921-22  acreage  of  14,081  hectares  was  distributed 
in  crops  as  follows:  Alfalfa,  568  hectares,  or  4 per  cent;  barley,  279 
hectares,  or  2 per  cent;  beans,  1,511  hectares,  or  11.1  per  cent;  corn, 
summer  planting,  2,250  hectares,  or  16  per  cent;  corn,  winter  plant- 
ing, 254  hectares,  or  1.8  per  cent;  cotton,  20  hectares,  or  0.1  per 
cent;  garbanzos,  692  hectares,  or  5 per  cent;  garden  vegetables,  67 
hectares,  or  0.5  per  cent;  orchard  fruits,  62  hectares,  or  0.4  per  cent; 
rice,  2,861  hectares,  or  20.3  per  cent;  sudan,  29  hectares,  or  0.2  per 
cent;  wheat,  5,428  hectares,  or  38.6  per  cent. 

The  total  number  of  hectares  planted  in  the  1920-21  season  was 
13,026,  of  which  rice  covered  a total  of  4,184  hectares  and  wheat 
2,993  hectares. 

The  acreage  for  the  last  season  was  the  largest  ever  grown  in  the 
valley.  The  wheat  did  very  well,  as  it  had  plenty  of  water  during 
the  growing  season  and  no  rust  was  experienced  as  in  past  years. 
Heavy  winds  in  April  and  May  blew  down  a good  deal  of  the  wheat, 
adding  to  the  cost  of  harvesting  this  crop  last  year. 

The  bean  crop  of  the  Yaqui  Valley  in  the  1921-22  season  was  50 
per  cent  less  than  in  the  preceding  year  because  of  hot  winds,  which 
blew  off  the  blossoms  and  shriveled  the  pods. 

Expressed  in  acres,  the  1921-22  irrigation  year  is  reported  as  follows: 


Acres. 

Alfalfa 1,590 

Barley 717 

Beans 2,  425 

Corn: 

Summer  planting 3,335 

Winter  planting 1,  945 

Cotton 140 


Acres. 

Garbanzos 4. 122 

Orchard  products 177 

Garden  stuff 112 

Rice 10.  4(50 

Wheat 7,  4S2 

Sudan 55 


For  market  conditions  see  "Rice”  and  "Garbanzos”  in  this  report. 


agriculture. 


105 


MAGDALENA  RIVER  VALLEY. 

The  Magdalena  River  watershed,  above  the  town  of  Magdalena 
(which  is  the  first  important  center  on  the  railway  south  of  Nogales), 
has  an  area  of  about  204.5  square  miles.  The  district  has  an  annual 
average  rainfall  of  15  inches;  this,  however,  can  not  be  depended 
upon  year  after  year,  although,  when  uniform,  the  precipitation  is 
sufficient  to  mature  good  crops  of  wheat.  The  annual  run-off  can 
not  be  more  than  3 inches.  Estimates  show  that  the  stream  carried 
sufficient  water  to  irrigate  about  1,500  acres  without  storage  provi- 
sion. There  are  at  present  more  than  2,000  acres  in  this  district  in 
fruit  trees,  wheat,  “garbanzos,”  chiles,  and  garden  stuff.  If  storage 
dams  were  provided  to  impound  the  crest  flood  waters  of  the  river, 
enough  water  could  be  secured  to  irrigate  about  20,000  acres,  the 
lay  of  the  land  being  very  favorable. 

The  Magdalena  River  is  also  known  by  the  name  of  “Altar.”  It 
is  384  kilometers  long,  having  its  source  in  the  mountains  of  the 
Magdalena  district. 

SONORA  RIVER  VALLEY. 

The  watershed  of  the  Sonora  River  comprises  an  area  of  282.5 
square  miles  and  is  reported  to  be  without  peculiar  interest  for  irri- 
gation development,  except  the  pronounced  artesian  area  located 
some  40  miles  north  of  Elermosillo,  already  mentioned.  The  stream 
itself  above  the  agricultural  region  just  north  of  Hermosillo  has  an 
annual  run-off  of  30,122  acre-feet,  allowing  for  14  inches  annual 
rainfall  and  2 inches  annual  run-off.  The  rains  are  irregular  from 
one  year  to  another  and  are  not  dependable. 

With  the  Rio  San  Miguel,  above  Hermosillo,  which  has  a water- 
shed of  407  square  miles  with  an  average  minimum  rainfall  of  about 
15  inches,  the  Sonora  River  has  a total  watershed  of  785  square 
miles,  with  an  annual  precipitation  of  18  inches.  The  total  acre-feet 
available  for  storage  above  Hermosillo  would  be  approximately 
200,000.  General  conditions  in  this  region  of  the  State  are  very 
arid,  but  still  the  district  compares  favorably  with  Syria,  whose  gar- 
dens have  for  4,000  years  been  one  of  the  wonders  of  the  world  and 
whose  water  supply  from  the  Abana  is  not  greater,  lacking  storage, 
than  that  of  Hermosillo.  This  same  problem  of  storage  is  faced  by 
all  the  river  valleys  of  Sonora.  The  stream  disappears  entirely 
below  Hermosillo  in  the  dry  season. 

Following  is  an  account  of  Mexican  Government  projects  for  the 
Sonora  River  Valley.6  Preliminary  reports,  in  1920  and  early  in  1921, 
by  engineers  engaged  upon  the  proposed  Government  irrigation 
works  on  the  Sonora  River  were  encouraging.  It  is  reported  that 
the  proposed  storage  dam  to  be  located  at  a point  called  Puerto  del 
Sol,  near  Ures,  is  entirely  feasible,  can  be  built  at  a relatively  low 
cost,  and  will  hold  for  storage  about  80,000  acre-feet  of  water.  It  is 
estimated  that  this  amount  of  water  will  be  sufficient  to  irrigate 
about  65,000  acres  of  land,  or  considerably  more  level  land  than 
there  is  in  the  Ures  Valley,  so  that  a considerable  surplus,  in  addition 
to  the  regular  flow  of  the  river,  can  go  down  to  the  proposed  sub- 
merged diversion  dam  above  Hermosillo  for  the  irrigation  of  the 

6 This  account  consists  for  the  most  part  of  reports  from  the  American  consulate  at  Nogales,  dated  Nov 
26,  1920,  and  June  30, 1921. 


106 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


rich  alluvial  fill  lands  of  the  Sonora  River  Valley  below  Hermosillo 
and  toward  the  coast. 

While  the  surveys  have  not  been  completed,  it  is  estimated  that 
the  dam  can  be  built  for  about  $2,000,000  United  States  currency. 
This  low  cost  is  due  to  several  features,  namely,  the  narrowness  of 
the  gorge  where  it  will  be  built,  and  the  close  proximity  of  good 
materials,  such  as  stone,  sand,  and  good  rock  for  the  manufacture  of 
cement,  a plant  for  which  is  also  planned  in  connection  with  the  dam 
work.  The  dam,  as  projected,  will  be  180  feet  high  and  800  feet  long 
on  the  top,  while  its  bottom  will  be  only  about  200  feet  long.  It 
will  be  120  feet  thick  at  the  base  and  will  taper  to  about  50  feet  in 
width  at  the  top.  Soundings  so  far  made  in  the  gorge  indicate  that 
the  sand  is  only  about  15  to  20  feet  deep,  so  that  it  will  be  a compara- 
tively easy  matter  to  excavate  down  to  bedrock  for  the  foundation 
of  the  main  structure. 

The  reservoir,  when  filled,  will  be  about  10  miles  long  and  from 
1,000  to  3,000  feet  wide,  having  the  estimated  capacity  indicated 
above. 

The  amount  of  electric  power  that  can  be  generated  has  not  been 
computed  but  will  be  very  great — amply  sufficient  for  the  towns  in 
central  Sonora.  The  district  is  rich  in  minerals,  and  the  provision 
of  cheap  power  and  transportation  will  greatly  stimulate  the  mining 
industry. 

This  structure  will  be  the  first  to  be  built,  according  to  the  plans  of 
the  Government  engineers,  in  the  series  that  will  constitute  the 
"Sonora  River  project.”  Another  storage  dam  is  planned  for  the 
Sonora  River  and  one  or  two  for  the  Rio  San  Miguel,  which  joins  the 
Sonora  River  just  above  Hermosillo.  Just  below  the  junction  of  the 
two  rivers  there  is  planned  a large  submerged  storage  and  diversion 
dam  of  concrete  for  the  puipose  of  bringing  the  large  underground 
flow  of  the  rivers  to  the  surface  and  making  the  water  available  for 
irrigation. 

The  entire  project,  when  completed,  will  irrigate,  it  is  estimated, 
more  than  500,000  acres  of  the  fertile  delta  and  alluvial  fill  lands  of 
the  Sonora  River  Valley.  These  lands  are  excellent  for  growing  citrus 
fruits,  besides  wheat,  corn,  and  beans,  and  all  products  of  a semi- 
tropical  country.  According  to  the  present  plans  the  project  will  be 
constructed  by  the  State  of  Sonora,  and  contracts  have  been  made 
with  the  majority  of  the  landowners  whereby  they  are  to  transfer  one- 
lialf  of  their  land  holdings  to  the  State  in  return  for  the  water  service 
for  the  other  half  which  they  will  retain.  It  is  planned  to  sell  the 
lands  so  secured  by  the  State  in  small  allotments  to  farmers  for  suffi- 
cient money  to  cover  the  cost  of  construction  of  the  various  dams  and 
accessories.  The  electric-power  rights  are  to  be  retained  by  the  State 
for  the  use  of  schools  and  road  building. 

In  June,  1921,  it  was  reported  that  Mexican  engineers  had  again 
been  active  in  the  survey  of  the  Ures  project  described  above,  but 
the  general  lack  of  funds  in  the  State  treasury  and  the  present  eco- 
nomic crisis  of  the  country  has  made  any  new  work  of  this  nature 
impossible  at  this  time.  Private  capital  is  not  available  in  Mexico  to 
carry  out  such  a project,  and,  also,  the  present  laws  and  the  attitude 
toward  foreigners  do  not  encourage  such  an  investment  from  the 
outside. 


AGRICULTURE. 


107 


New  surveys  were  again  made  in  the  spring  of  1922  by  engineers 
acting  for  the  Federal  Government,  and  the  Ures  project  was  enlarged 
with  a view  to  impounding  more  water,  the  site  for  the  dam  being  the 
same — about  12  miles  above  the  town  of  Ures.  It  was  understood 
that  the  central  Government  of  Mexico  was  pledged  to  carry  out  this 
work,  which  was  to  begin  July  1,  1922,  but  no  funds  are  available  at 
present  for  such  a large  development  undertaking. 

ORTIZ  DISTRICT. 

Between  the  towns  of  Hermosillo  and  Guaymas,  along  the  line  of 
the  railway  on  both  sides,  there  is  a vast  tract  of  level  alluvial  lands 
in  the  form  of  a great  natural  “sink,”  which  could  be  converted  into 
productive  land  by  means  of  irrigation,  either  by  impounding  flood 
waters  or  by  wells.  This  land  has  been  the  object  of  several  colo- 
nization attempts  in  the  past,  but  nothing  has  as  yet  resulted. 

GUAYMAS  DISTRICT. 

A few  miles  to  the  north  and  east  of  Guaymas  there  are  thousands 
of  acres  of  good  land,  which  can  be  irrigated  from  wells  at  a depth  of 
from  20  to  50  feet  and  which  have  been  farmed  on  a small  scale  by 
Chinese,  growing  principally  truck  vegetables  and  tomatoes  for  export. 
During  the  years  of  revolution  (and  directly  on  account  of  the  1 aqui 
Indian  depredations)  those  lands  have  been  practically  abandoned. 

COLORADO  RIVER  DELTA  LAND  DEVELOPMENT. 

This  region  includes  the  lands  bounded  on  the  north  by  the  inter- 
national boundary  between  monuments  203  and  205;  on  the  east  by 
the  irregular  line  running  over  the  sandy  plain  to  the  Puerto  Isabel 
trail;  on  the  south  bv  the  Gulf  of  California  and  the  mouth  of  the 
Colorado  River;  on  the  west  by  the  line  following  the  old  course  of 
the  Colorado  River,  which  is  the  boundary  line  with  Lower  California. 
Most  of  this  tract  was  owned  by  the  Gen.  Andrade  estate,  and  the 
present  “Colorado  River  delta  project,”  formed  in  1922  to  develop 
and  market  these  lands,  contains  some  200,000  acres,  to  water  which 
irrigation  will  have  to  be  provided  either  by  means  of  pumps  or  from 
the  Colorado  River  (also  by  means  of  pumping  machinery). 

The  company  is  incorporated  in  Mexico  under  the  new  laws  gov- 
erning ownership  of  lands  in  the  Republic,  and  American  capital  is 
interested.  Being  so  near  to  the  American  border  and  easily  acces- 
sible to  Yuma,  Ariz.,  it  is  thought  that  settlers  can  be  attracted,  since 
the  land  is  said  to  be  excellent  for  grain  growing.7 

MAYO  RIVER  VALLEY. 

The  Rio  Mayo  rises  in  the  mountains  in  the  district  of  Ocampo  in 
the  State  of  Chihuahua.  It  crosses  the  district  of  Alamos,  Sonora, 
and  the  Southern  Pacific  Railroad  line  at  the  station  and  town  of 
Navojoa,  coming  out  at  the  gulf  at  the  port  of  Yavaros,  which  is  now 

7 See  also  article  in  La  Revista  Agricola,  Mexico  City,  April,  1922,  containing  a report  of  a Mexican  engi- 
neer, Ignacio  Lopez,  on  the  lands  in  Mexico  coining  within  the  new  Colorado  River  project  under  the  plans 
of  the  Colorado  River  Commission,  of  which  Secretary  of  Commerce  Hoover  is  the  Federal  chairman  by 
presidential  appointment.  (See  “New  land  for  Mexico,”  appearing  in  the  Journal  of  the  American 
Chamber  of  Commerce  of  Mexico,  March,  1922,  p.  25.)  The  Lopez  report  gives  valuable  data  regarding 
the  area,  location,  character,  and  ownership  of  tne  lands  in  Sonora  and  Lower  California,  Mexico,  which 
will  be  directly  benefited  by  the  Colorado  River  project. 


108  MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 

connected  with  Navojoa  by  a new  railway.  Its  length  is  estimated 
at  350  kilometers  (1  kilometer  = 0.62  mile),  and  its  lower  valley  has 
been  the  scene  of  the  greatest  development  in  agriculture  by  the 
native  element  of  the  country,  which  has  specialized,  in  this  region, 
in  the  production  of  the  chick-pea,  called  “garbanzo,”  which  is 
a staple  food  product  in  Spain  and  the  West  Indies. 

The  alluvial  valley  of  the  Mayo  begins  at  Navojoa,  where  there  is  a 
branch  of  the  railway  to  Alamos. 

The  watershed  area  of  the  Mayo  is  estimated  at  7,250  square  miles. 
The  valley  contains  a total  of  120,000  acres  of  bottom  lands  subject 
to  irrigation,  of  which  some  15,000  acres  can  be  irrigated  without 
storage  water  provisions.  It  is  estimated  that  200,000  acre-feet  of 
storage  water  can  be  developed  at  an  expense  of  approximately 
$1,000,000  United  States  currency.  The  entire  valley  contains  942 
square  miles  of  soil  which  would  be  productive  with  water. 

On  both  sides  of  the  potentially  productive  lands  of  the  immediate 
river  valley  there  are  large  areas  of  unproductive  lands  lying  too 
high  to  permit  of  development.  On  a contour  line  running  directly 
inland  from  the  mouth  of  the  Mayo  River  to  Alamos,  with  a slight 
convex  curve  to  the  north,  and  reaching  as  far  south  as  the  Sinaloa 
River,  there  is  an  area  of  approximately  1,256  square  miles  of  lands 
that  would  be  valuable  for  farming  if  water  could  be  provided.  This 
area  contains  the  “haciendas”  of  “Malacate,”  “Masaiva,”  “San 
Antonio,”  etc. 

The  Mayo  Valley  has  also  been  the  scene  of  the  greatest  irrigation 
development  by  native  Mexicans,  a total  of  16  canals,  owned  privately 
or  by  associations,  having  been  constructed  by  the  various  land- 
owners  and  canal  associations  to  date.  Their  names  and  facts 
concerning  them  are  given  in  the  following  table: 

[1  kilometer=0.62  mile.] 


Names  of  canals. 

Length. 

Water  car- 
ried per 
second. 

Total 
land  irri- 
gated. 

Kilometers. 

9 

Cubic  feet. 
35.31 

Acres. 
2,470 
i;  728 

4 446 

10 

70. 62 

11 

106. 00 

9 

141.24 

1,976 

9SS 

8 

106.  00 

9 

106.  00 

9S8 

6 

53. 00 

617* 

494 

7 

141.24 

12 

176.  50 

4,970 

2,964 

9 

353.00 

8 

141.20 

'482 

12 

197. 00 

4,075 

7 

141.00 

500 

11 

4S.  00 

741 

12 

26.50 

494 

9 

5. 30 

148 

All  the  above  canals  are  of  the  gravity-flow  type  and  take  the  water 
directly  from  the  river — planting  of  the  “garbanzo”  being  by  the 
“bolsa”  system  of  water  conservation  on  the  land.  The  canals 
take  the  water  from  the  river  on  both  sides,  all  the  way  from  above 
Navojoa  down  to  the  town  of  Etchocoa.  Many  of  these  small 
canals  have  been  built  by  the  landowners  under  a mutual  water 
agreement  which  divides  the  supply  among  them  as  it  is  needed. 


AGRICULTURE. 


109 


There  is  not  sufficient  water  in  the  river  during  the  dry  season  for 
irrigation  by  means  of  these  canals,  which  only  serve  to  impound  the 
water  in  the  fields  during  the  rainy  season  and  for  about  a month 
afterwards  when  there  is  a flow. 

STATE  OF  SINALOA. 


The  table  below  shows  the  irrigation  water  supply  of  Sinaloa: 


Streams. 

Acres  of 
bottom 
land. 

Acres  of 
irrigable 
area 
without 
storage. 

Acre-feet 

of 

water. 

Estimated 
cost  of 
storage. 

130, 000 

90.000 

25. 000 

80. 000 
80, 000 
30,000 

60, 000 

96, 000 

$570,000 

180,000 

50,000 

1,000,000 
500,000 
500, 000 

20,000 
20, 000 

167. 000 

130. 000 

50. 000 

24. 000 
6,000 

633.000 

250.000 

3;  000 

20,000 

10, 000 

150,000 
57, 000 

5, 000 

1,800 

460, 000 

114, 800 

703, 000 

3,660,000 

Note. — The  irrigable  area  referred  to  relates  to  intensive  cultivation,  such  as  sugar  cane,  alfalfa,  etc., and 
not  to  such  crops  as  corn,  beans,  etc. 


The  above  table  was  compiled  by  a hydrographic  engineer  in  1909 
for  the  Southern  Pacific  Railroad  of  Mexico.  Since  then  the  Rosales 
Canal  has  been  constructed  in  the  Culiacan  Valley  at  a cost  of 
2,200,000  pesos  (with  an  additional  800,000  pesos  needed  to  complete 
it),  furnishing  water  to  62,000  hectares  of  land  (1  hectare  = 2.47 
acres) . 

LOCATION  OF  AGRICULTURAL  LANDS. 

The  agricultural  lands  of  the  State  of  Sinaloa  extend  along  the  coast 
throughout  the  entire  length  of  the  State  and  are  in  the  river  valleys, 
of  which  there  are  eight  major  ones.  In  places  heavy  foothill  ranges 
reach  to  the  sea  and  the  coastal  plain  becomes  much  narrower  toward 
the  south,  disappearing  at  Mazatlan  and  continuing  again  farther 
south.  One  of  these  formations  intervenes  along  the  Fuerte  River  to 
the  north  of  the  stream ; there  is  another  group  of  hills  around  Sinaloa 
City  and  still  another  between  the  railway  and  the  sea  at  Palos  Blancos, 
with  a scattered  formation  inland  from  Culiacan  and  also  south  of 
the  Piaxtla  and  Quelite  Rivers,  extending  to  Mazatlan. 

FUERTE  RIVER  VALLEY. 

The  Fuerte  River  Valley  begins  at  the  town  of  San  Bias,  Sinaloa, 
on  the  railway,  as  the  apex  of  a triangle  which  ends  at  the  mouth  of 
the  river  just  north  of  the  port  of  Topolobampo  and  merges  with  the 
Sinaloa  River  delta  to  the  south. 

Watershed  area , etc. — The  watershed  area  of  the  Fuerte  River  is 
estimated  at  15,145  square  miles.  The  entire  area  of  the  valley  is 
5,240  square  miles,  of  which  the  arable  area  is  7S1  square  miles  and 
the  present  cultivated  area  about  65  square  miles.  Two  hundred 
and  thirty-four  square  miles  are  irrigable,  requiring,  according  to 
estimates,  675,000  acre-feet  of  water.  The  average  annual  run-off 
of  the  river  is  4,480,000  acre-feet  of  water.  Two  proposed  storage 
dams  exist — one  near  the  town  of  Choix,  and  another  lower  down 


110 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


near  the  city  of  Fuerte  at  a point  called  Yecarati — to  provide  a total 
of  96,000  acre-feet  of  water  at  an  estimated  cost  of  *$570,000,  United 
States  currency. 

The  total  population  of  the  Fuerte  district  is,  roughly,  45,530,  with 
an  agricultural  population  of  7,933,  according  to  the  census  of  1910. 

Rainfall  and  climate. — The  rainfall  increases  from  the  Yaqui  Valley, 
where  it  is  9 inches,  to  something  like  40  inches  at  Mazatlan,  along  the 
coast  toward  the  south.  The  Fuerte  River  Valley  has  a decided  ad- 
vantage over  all  the  other  West  Coast  river  valleys  in  that  the  river 
heads  so  far  up  in  the  heavily  timbered  sections  of  the  Sierra  Madre 
Mountains  that  its  flow  continues  later  into  the  summer  dry  season 
and  is  more  uniform. 

The  average  annual  rainfall  may  be  said  to  be  17  inches,  although 
this  varies  considerably  some  years  and  the  mean  precipitation  can 
not  be  depended  upon  for  agricultural  purposes.  The  rainy  season 
is  from  July  to  October,  during  which  time  the  temperature  is  often 
as  high  as  100°  F.  but  never  higher  than  104°.  From  October  to 
June,  which  is  the  dry  season,  it  rarely  rains  in  the  normal  year, 
although  about  once  in  every  eight  years  there  is  a precipitation  of 
3 to  5 inches  in  the  months  of  January  or  February,  sufficient  to 
cause  damaging  floods.  During  this  season  of  the  year  the  tempera- 
ture varies  from  50°  to  85°  F.,  with  seldom  any  frost.  Some  years, 
however,  in  December  and  January,  frosts  occur  of  sufficient  intensity 
to  damage  tomato  fields  severely,  losses  being  estimated  at  from  10 
to  20  per  cent.  A climatic  peculiarity  of  the  West  Coast,  and  par- 
ticularly of  northern  Sinaloa,  is  the  great  variation  in  temperature 
between  day  and  night,  changes  from  90°  F.  at  noon  to  26°  at  mid- 
night being  frequent  during  December,  January,  and  February  of 
some  years.  The  prevailing  winds  at  all  seasons  are  from  the  south- 
west. 

Population. — The  resident  population  of  the  valley  is  about  3,000, 
in  addition  to  which  there  is  a floating  population  of  as  many  more, 
coming  and  going  with  the  opening  and  closing  of  the  sugar-grinding 
and  tomato-packing  season.  The  only  towns  of  any  importance  are 
El  Fuerte,  San  Bias,  Los  Mochis,  and  Topolobampo. 

Transportation. — This  is  furnished  by  the  Fuerte  Division  of  the 
Kansas  City,  Mexico  & Orient  Railroad,  which  runs  the  entire  length 
of  the  valley,  100  kilometers  (1  kilometer  = 0.62  miles)  from  the 
town  of  El  Fuerte  at  the  foot  of  the  Sierra  Madre  range  to  Topolo- 
bampo on  the  Gulf  of  California.  Trains  are  run  every  other  day 
connecting  with  the  Southern  Pacific  of  Mexico  Railroad  at  San  Bias. 
Both  of  these  roads  are  of  standard  gauge. 

The  valley  has  a seaport  at  Topolobampo  on  the  Gulf  of  California. 
This  is  a large  landlocked  harbor  and  is  an  excellent  deep-water 
port  inside,  but  a series  of  sand  bars  across  the  entrance  to  the  harbor 
prevent  the  passage  of  any  vessel  of  more  than  16-foot  draft.  The 
Companla  Naviera  Mexicana  furnishes  a service  of  two  boats  a 
month  to  Mexican  West  Coast  ports  and  to  California  ports  in  the 
United  States. 

Industries. — The  only  industries  of  the  valley  are  agriculture,  a 
little  live-stock  grazing,  and  the  manufacture  of  sugar.  By  far  the 
largest  crop  is  sugar  cane,  followed  in  importance  by  tomatoes, 
alfalfa,  garbanzos,  corn,  beans,  chile  peppers,  and  a small  acreage  in 
canteloupes  and  other  winter  vegetables.  All  agriculture,  with  the 


AGRICULTURE. 


Ill 


exception  of  corn  and  beans,  is,  of  course,  carried  on  under  irrigation, 
the  water  being  taken  from  the  Fuerte  River.  The  dominant  in- 
dustry of  the  valley  is  the  production  of  sugar  cane  and  the  manu- 
facture of  sugar,  principally  by  one  American  company. 

Operations  of  United  Sugar  Companies  at  Los  Mochis. — Here  in  the 
Fuerte  Valley  is  one  of  the  largest  sugar  plantations  in  Mexico, 
containing  1 1,000  acres  of  cane  already  under  cultivation/the  pro- 
duction in  the  1921-22  grinding  season  amounting  to  17,825,075 
kilos  (1  kilo  = 2.2046  pounds)  of  refined  sugar.  This  plantation  is 
the  property  of  the  United  Sugar  Companies,  S.  A.,  an  American 
company  incorporated  under  the  laws  of  Mexico,  with  its  mill  and 
office  at  the  town  of  Los  Mochis  in  the  lower  portion  of  the  valley, 
25  miles  from  San  Bias  and  10  miles  from  Topolobampo. 

The  lands  producing  cane  are  divided  into  five  plantations  of 
about  equal  size,  located  at  Ahome,  Florida,  Constancia,  Sufragio, 
and  Los  Mochis,  the  last  being  the  largest.  The  soil  of  the  valley, 
away  from  the  immediate  vicinity  of  the  river,  is  of  a clay  formation, 
hard  to  prepare,  but  excellent  for  the  production  of  cane  and  said  to 
be  some  of  the  best  sugar  land  in  the  Republic.  The  average  pro- 
duction of  the  land,  without  fertilization,  is  21.56  metric  tons  of  cane 
per  acre,  and  this  can  be  considerably  increased  with  artifical  fertili- 
zation, which  is  now  beginning  to  be  used.  Some  of  the  best  lands 
of  the  company  near  San  Bias  produce  40  and  50  tons  of  cane  per  acre. 

All  the  producing  lands  are  irrigated  from  the  Fuerte  River,  75 
per  cent  of  the  water  of  which  is  controlled  by  the  sugar  company 
through  an  old  concession  from  the  Mexican  Government.  Four 
pumping  plants  are  operated,  furnishing  water  to  the  five  haciendas 
previously  mentioned.  At  Sufragio  there  is  a 15-inch  pump  furnish- 
ing water  to  1,500  acres  of  land;  at  Constancia  there  are  two  15-inch 
centrifugal  pumps;  at  Las  Tastas  there  are  two  pumps,  one  30-inch 
and  one  48-inch  500  horsepower  steam  pump,  supplying  water  to 
the  Los  Mochis  hacienda,  11  miles  away;  and  at  Aguila  there  is  one 
48-inch  pump,  500  horsepower  Diesel  engine,  and  one  30-inch,  200 
horsepower  pump,  pumping  water  to  the  Aguila  and  Florida 
haciendas. 

Cultivation. — Tractors  are  used  for  plowing,  it  being  claimed 
that  the  best  results  are  obtained  by  the  use  of  an  English  tractor 
(Fowler)  of  a special  type,  the  use  of  which  follows  a system  whereby 
two  tractors  are  placed  one  at  either  side  of  a field,  there  being 
under,  and  attached  to,  each  tractor  a large  cable  spool  wound  with 
cable.  The  loose  ends  of  these  cables  are  attached  to  both  end  of  a 
double-ended  plow,  which  is  thus  pulled  from  one  side  of  the  field 
to  the  other  by  the  tractor  power  which  is  all  applied  to  the  cable 
spools.  This  is  said  to  be  a cheaper  and  more  effective  method 
than  the  use  of  the  ordinary  tractor  plow,  as  all  the  power  of  the 
tractor  is  applied  to  pulling  the  plow  and  none  to  moving  the  tractor, 
except  from  time  to  time  when  the  tractors  are  moved  forward  for 
a short  distance.  A cheap  fuel  for  tractor  use  is  found  in  the  “Pitah- 
haya”  cactus,  ■ which  grows  in  large  quantities  on  the  company’s 
property,  the  only  expense  involved  in  its  use  being  the  labor  in 
cutting  and  hauling  it.  Several  gas  tractors  are  in  use,  but  the 
availability  of  the  cactus  fuel  makes  the  use  of  the  steam  tractor 
much  more  economical  for  the  present.  Four  caterpillar  tractors 
are  owned  by  the  company,  but  their  use  is  not  found  very  satis- 


114 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


Land  holdings  and  values. — The  total  land  holdings  of  the  United 
Sugar  Companies  comprise  approximately  400,000  acres,  extending 
from  the  town  of  El  Fuerte  at  the  edge  of  the  Sierra  Madre  Range 
down  to  the  coast  at  the  Bay  of  Topolobampo,  which  opens  into  the 
Gulf  of  California.  As  previously  stated,  11,000  acres  are  now  under 
cultivation  in  cane,  the  rest  being  devoted  to  cattle  grazing,  with  a 
small  acreage  in  alfalfa  and  mixed  vegetables.  Alfalfa  and  cow  peas 
are  frequently  used  for  cover  crops  on  the  cane  fields.  At  present 
the  company  owns  2,150  head  of  cattle  and  1,426  head  of  other  live 
stock,  principally  horses  and  mules. 

Proved  sugar  land  already  under  cultivation  in  cane  is  valued  by 
the  company  at  $150  to  $200  an  acre,  uncleared  land  readily  available 
for  irrigation  is  valued  at  $100  an  acre,  and  land  farther  from  the 
water  supply  at  $40  and  $50  an  acre.  The  cost  of  clearing  land  is  said 
to  be  about  $15  per  acre  and  the  cost  of  clearing,  cultivating,  and 
bringing  to  the  stage  of  cutting  1 acre  of  cane,  $100.  This  includes 
administration  and  overhead  but  does  not  include  fencing,  which  is 
not  used  by  the  sugar  company  except  along  roadways,  around 
experimental  fields,  etc.  At  present  it  has  300  kilometers  of  four- 
strand  barbed-wire  fencing,  constructed  at  an  average  cost  of  350 
pesos  per  kilometer. 

Probable  extension  of  “ colono”  system. — The  company  at  present 
raises  all  its  own  cane  with  the  exception  of  the  production  of  about 
800  acres,  which  is  bought  from  nearby  “colonos,”  or  colonists,  both 
Mexican  and  American,  although  at  present  there  are  only  two  of  the 
latter  producing  cane  for  the  sugar  company.  This  cane  is  paid  for 
at  the  rate  of  $5  per  ton,  delivered  at  the  company’s  railroad.  It  is 
desired  to  have  more  cane  raised  by  the  colonists  in  the  valley  to 
increase  the  supply  for  the  company’s  mill,  and  there  is  now  being 
opened  up  a 1,000-acre  tract,  which  is  being  sold  in  small  plots  to 
some  of  the  Mexican  and  American  farmers  in  the  valley.  The  com- 
pany is  giving  the  use  of  the  land  rent  free  for  one  year  in  return  for 
having  it  cleared  and  placed  under  cultivation,  and  if  the  lessee  under 
this  arrangement  desires  to  keep  the  land  after  the  first  year  he  will 
be  given  10  years  in  which  to  complete  payment,  the  land  being  sold 
at  about  $150  per  acre.  Experiments  are  being  made  with  Japanese 
colonists,  six  families  of  these  being  already  on  one  of  the  company’s 
haciendas,  working  under  a somewhat  similar  arrangement,  and  if 
these  are  successful  it  is  probable  that  more  will  be  brought  in. 

Capital  and  investment.— The  United  Sugar  Companies  has  a capital 
of  16,000,000  pesos  ($8,000,000  United  States  currency)  and  an 
estimated  total  investment  to  date  in  the  Fuerte  Valley  of  $12,000,000 
United  States  currency. 

In  addition  to  the  plant  of  the  United  Sugar  Companies  there  are 
near  Aguila  two  other  small  mills  of  200  tons  per  day  capacity.  One 
of  these  is  owned  by  an  American  concern,  the  Mexiean-Ainerican 
Sugar  Co.,  of  Los  Angeles,  Calif. 

American  colony. — There  is  in  the  Fuerte  Valley  a small  American 
agricultural  colony,  founded  35  years  ago,  and  now  comprising  about 
25  families,  or  between  150  and  200  individuals.  These  colonists  are 
spread  over  almost  the  entire  valley,  although  the  greater  number  are 
in  the  vicinity  of  Los  Mochis.  The  principal  crop  raised  is  tomatoes, 
of  which  several  hundred  carloads  are  shipped  annually  to  the 


AGRICULTURE. 


115 


United  States.  In  1921  there  were  2,480  acres  planted  in  tomatoes, 
700  acres  in  alfalfa,  25  or  30  acres  in  canteloupes,  and  some  land  in 
chile  peppers  and  mixed  winter  vegetables.  The  rest  of  their  land  is 
either  used  as  grazing  land  or  is  not  yet  in  use.  Two  cooperative 
marketing  associations  are  maintained  by  these  colonists,  the  Mochis 
Agricultural  Union  and  the  Union  Agricola  del  Rio  Fuerte.  These 
associations  are  particularly  active  in  packing  and  marketing  toma- 
toes, although  the  former  expected  to  sell  about  2,500  tons  of  alfalfa 
hay  this  year.  The  rest  of  the  tomato  crop  is  handled  principally 
through  local  representatives  of  two  American  commission  houses. 

Import  and  export  trade. — The  import  trade  of  the  valley  is  small  and 
consists  entirely  of  American  goods  brought  in  through  Nogales, 
Ariz.,  over  the  Southern  Pacific  of  Mexico  Railroad.  The  only 
importers  of  any  size  are  the  United  Sugar  Companies,  bringing  in 
some  goods  for  commissary  stores,  and  a branch  at  San  Bias  (at  the 
head  of  the  valley)  of  a wholesale  house  of  Mazatlan.  The  retail 
trade  is  in  the  hands  of  a number  of  small  Mexican  and  Chinese 
stores.  The  products  imported  are  chiefly  general  merchandise, 
agricultural  implements,  and  a few  automobiles. 

In  addition  to  the  tomatoes,  other  vegetables,  and  hay,  previously 
mentioned,  the  only  exports  are  dried  shrimps,  of  which  about  150 
tons  are  shipped  each  year  from  Topolobampo,  the  industry  being 
entirely  unorganized  and  in  the  hands  of  a number  of  native  fisher- 
men around  Topolobampo.  The  shrimps  are  shipped  principally  to 
China  and  Japan  by  way  of  San  Francisco. 

Future  development  of  valley. — Any  important  expansion  in  devel- 
opment activities  in  the  Fuerte  Valley  will  be  dependent  upon  further 
development  of  the  water  resources  of  the  valley.  Cultivation  is  now 
approaching  the  limit  possible  with  the  available  water  supply,  but 
this  can  be  greatly  increased  at  reasonable  expense  by  the  construc- 
tion of  a storage  dam  on  the  upper  waters  of  the  river  or  its  largest 
tributary  in  the  Sierra  Madre  Range.  Several  projects  of  this  kind 
have  been  considered,  and  some  action  toward  the  construction  of 
such  a dam  will  undoubtedly  be  taken  within  the  next  few  years, 
preliminary  surveys  of  likely  sites  having  already  been  made. 

No  great  increase  in  the  size  of  the  American  colony  can  be  expected 
under  existing  legislation  in  Mexico,  as  the  greater  part  of  the  valley 
lies  within  50  kilometers  from  the  seacoast,  the  zone  in  which  for- 
eigners are  prohibited  from  owning  lands  under  the  provisions  of 
Article  27,  of  the  Constitution  of  1917.  Practically  all  American 
landowners  now  in  the  valley  secured  title  to  their  properties  prior 
to  the  enactment  of  this  Constitution. 

Another  factor  likely  to  retard  development  in  the  Fuerte  Valley 
is  the  recent  completion  of  the  Rosales  Canal  on  the  Culiacan  River, 
near  the  town  of  Culiacan,  197  miles  south  of  San  Bias.  This  has 
brought  under  irrigation  150,000  acres  of  rich  farming  land,  which 
can  be  bought  at  a low  price — in  some  cases  as  low  as  $15  (United 
States  currency)  per  acre.  This  is  well-located,  raw  land  with  approx- 
imately the  same  transportation  and  marketing  facilities  as  the 
Fuerte  Valley,  and,  apparently,  it  should  tend  to  attract  new  settlers 
to  the  Culiacan  Valley  in  preference  to  the  Fuerte  and  other  river 
valleys  of  the  West  Coast. 


116 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


SINALOA  RIVER  VALLEY. 

The  Sinaloa  River  delta  lands  begin  at  the  railway  station  and 
town  of  Bamoa  and  spread  in  a fan-shaped  area  to  the  coast, -the  for- 
mation being  similar  to  that  of  the  other  river  valleys  of  the  West 
Coast.  The  total  watershed  contains  some  5,400  square  miles,  the 
valley  district  being  estimated  at  3,930  square  miles,  of  which  the 
arable  area  is  750  square  miles  and  that  under  cultivation  approxi- 
mately 62  square  miles.  A total  of  180  square  miles  are  irrigable 
with  51,800  acre-feet  of  water. 

The  total  population  of  the  Sinaloa  district  is  43,432,  of  which  about 
7,854  people,  according  to  the  census  of  1910,  are  agricultural. 

Storage  projects  call  for  180,000  feet  of  water  at  a cost  of  8500,000 
United  States  currency.  The  average  annual  run-off  of  the  river  is 
2,030,293  acre-feet. 

Along  the  lower  reaches  of  the  Sinaloa  River — including  within  this 
estimate  the  Cabrera  Arroyo  and  the  Ocoroni  Arroyo — there  are  some 
150,000  acres  of  prime-quality  land  that  would  be  susceptible  to  irri- 
gation in  case  the  water  supply  were  to  be  developed.  Such  provis- 
ion is  very  feasible  with  the  expenditure  of  a reasonable  amount  of 
money  in  providing  storage  reservoirs  near  the  mountains.  A con- 
siderably larger  acreage,  including  lands  of  a rather  heavy  clay  base 
soil,  could  be  cultivated  also  if  it  were  practicable  to  supply  water 
for  their  irrigation.  Much  of  the  150,000  acres  mentioned  lies  on 
the  right  (north)  bank  of  the  stream  in  the  northern  and  western 
sides  of  the  delta;  the  smaller  portion,  some  30  per  cent  of  the  total, 
lies  on  the  left  bank  on  the  southern  side  of  the  valley. 

At  the  present  time  about  the  only  use  of  water  from  the  river  has 
been  confined  to  gravity  ditches — taking  the  water  out  of  the  stream 
at  high  water  and  flooding  the  lands  lying  along  the  river  bottoms 
during  the  season  of  flood  water — and  also  certain  ditches  for  the 
purpose  of  diverting  the  ordinary  dry-season  flow,  their  construction 
being  of  a temporary  character  and  only  serving  low  lands  near  the 
river  itself.  All  the  river  delta  lands  of  the  Sinaloa  could  be  dyked 
and  checked  and  covered  with  the  silt-bearing  waters  of  the  flood 
season  each  year.  This  system  is  used  successfully  in  the  valley  of 
the  Mayo  River  and  also  in  the  Yaqui  Valley  for  great  crops  of 
“garbanzos.” 

MOCORITO  RIVER  VALLEY. 

The  drainage  area  of  the  Mocorito  River  covers  470  square  miles 
above  the  30-inch  rainfall-belt  elevation.  The  annual  run-off  of  the 
river  is  243,200  acre-feet  of  water.  The  district  contains  2,485  square 
miles,  of  which  340  square  miles  are  arable  and  47  square  miles  at 
present  under  cultivation.  Forty  square  miles  are  irrigable,  with 
the  provision  of  115,000  acre-feet  of  storage  water. 

The  best  lands  of  the  Mocorito  Valley  extend  in  a wide  triangle 
with  its  apex  at  the  station  of  Guamuchil  on  the  railway.  The  total 
population  of  the  district  in  1910  was  28,628,  of  which  5,665  people 
were  engaged  in  agricultural  pursuits. 

HUMAYA  (CULIACAN)  RIVER  VALLEY. 

The  watershed  of  the  Culiacan  River  is  divided  into  two  areas. 
One  lies  northeast  of  Culiacan  and  directly  inland  from  the  Mocorito 


AGRICULTURE. 


117 


region,  its  center  being  the  town  of  Badiraguato,  and  consists  of  a 
country  of  many  hills,  creeks  (“arroyos”),  and  more  or  less  broken 
territory.  The  total  drainage  area  of  this  section  above  the  30-inch 
rainfall-belt  contour  is  estimated  at  6,430  square  miles,  of  which  the 
upper,  or  Badiraguato  inland  district,  area  is  estimated  at  2,480 
square  miles,  of  which  300  square  miles  are  arable  in  scattered  lots, 
having  a total  of  26  square  miles  in  cultivation  in  various  small 
scattered  places.  Sixty  square  miles  are  irrigable  below  Badiraguato, 
requiring  173,000  acre-feet  of  water.  This  section  is  far  removed 
from  the  railway  and  market  centers  and  can  be  counted  upon  only 
for  local  consumption. 

The  lower  division  is  the  drainage  area  of  the  Tamazula  River  and 
the  Humaya  River.  The  valley  proper  of  the  Humaya — called  the 
Culiacan  Valley  below  the  junction  of  the  two  rivers  at  Culiacan — 
contains  something  like  4,170  square  miles,  of  which  the  arable  area 
is  700  square  miles  and  the  present  cultivated  area  approximately 
56  square  miles.  Two  hundred  square  miles  are  irrigable,  with  the 
provision  of  550,000  acre-feet  of  water.  Proposed  storage  dams  on 
the  Tamazula  at  a point  called  Agua  Caliente  (near  the  town  of 
Tamazula)  and  at  Monte  Larga  (near  La  Bajada  and  farther  up  the 
stream)  would  provide  167,000  acre-feet  of  water  at  an  estimated 
cost  of  $1,115,000,  United  States  currency. 

The  average  annual  run-off  of  the  combined  Humaya  and  Tama- 
zula Rivers  at  the  mouth  of  the  Culiacan  River  (Altata)  is  1,985,280 
acre-feet. 

The  total  agricultural  population  of  the  upper  section  is  placed  at 
3,135  and  that  of  the  lower  section  at  6,783.  The  total  population 
of  the  upper  district  is  18,023  and  that  of  the  lower  section  44,324. 

SAN  LORENZO  RIVER  VALLEY. 

The  watershed  area  of  this  river  is  estimated  at  1,391  square  miles, 
with  an  annual  average  run-off  of  approximately  1,920,000  acre-feet 
of  water.  A storage  dam  at  Casa  Blanca  (Cosala  district)  would 
provide  130,000  acre-feet  of  water  for  about  20,000  acres  of  land  at 
an  estimated  cost  of  $633,000,  United  States  currency.  The  total 
population  of  the  San  Lorenzo  and  Elota  districts  is  21,391  and  the 
agricultural  population  for  both  valleys  3,030. 

ELOTA  RIVER  VALLEY. 

The  Elota  River  has  a watershed  of  1,610  square  miles,  with  an 
annual  run-off  of  about  339,200  acre-feet  of  water.  The  district 
proper  contains  2,020  square  miles  of  lands  near  the  coast  and  lying 
toward  the  Piaxtla  Valley,  the  next  river  to  the  south.  The  arable 
lands  are  estimated  to  be  111  square  miles  in  extent,  of  which  25 
square  miles  are  now  cultivated  and  10  square  miles  irrigable,  with 
a supply  of  29,000  acre-feet  of  water.  Storage  for  50,000  acre-feet  of 
water  can  be  provided  at  an  estimated  cost  of  $250,000  for  about 
3,000  acres  of  good  land. 

PIAXTLA  RIVER  VALLEY. 

This  watershed  contains  some  2,750  square  miles,  and  the  river 
has  an  annual  run-off  of  878,000  acre-feet  of  water.  A total  of 
2,430  square  miles  constitute  the  district  proper,  of  which  108  square 
miles  are  arable.  The  present  cultivated  area  is  estimated  at  30 


118 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


square  miles,  and  15  square  miles  are  irrigable,  with  43,000  acre-feet 
oi  water.  The  best  lands  of  this  valley  lie  very  near  to  the  coast. 
A storage  dam  at  a point  called  Coyotitlan,  near  the  railway,  can  be 
constructed  at  an  estimated  cost  of  $150,000  to  provide  24,000  acre- 
feet  of  water  for  the  irrigation  of  10,000  acres  of  land.  The  agricul- 
tural population  is  3,648,  and  the  total  population  of  the  district 
18,283,  according  to  the  census  of  1910. 

QUELITE  RIVER  VALLEY. 

The  drainage  area  of  this  stream  is  included  in  that  of  the  Piaxtla 
River.  Its  annual  run-off  is  285,800  acre-feet.  Eight  square  miles 
of  the  lower  valley  are  irrigable  with  23,000  acre-feet  of  water. 

MAZATLAN  RIVER  VALLEY. 

On  the  north  of  Mazatlan  there  is  an  area  of  some  220  square  miles, 
of  which  90  square  miles  are  arable,  with  18  square  miles  in  cultiva- 
tion at  present.  The  total  population  of  the  district  is  38,298,  of 
which  approximately  3,650  are  engaged  in  agriculture. 

CONCORDIA  DISTRICT. 

This  district  lies  just  south  of  Mazatlan  and  has  a drainage  area  of 
17,817  square  miles,  of  which  1,110  square  miles  are  considered 
“valley”  lands.  Forty-three  square  miles  are  arable,  and  21  square 
miles  are  now  under  cultivation.  No  irrigation  has  been  developed 
except  from  small  arroyos.  The  rainfall  in  the  region  south  of  Mazat- 
lan is  sufficient  to  mature  crops  of  winter  tomatoes  without  irrigation. 

CHAMELA  RIVER  VALLEY. 

This  valley  has  good  land  subject  to  irrigation  near  the  coast  in 
conjunction  with  the  Esquinapa  district  just  to  the  south.  The  total 
area  of  the  valley  is  2,390  square  miles,  of  which  129  square  miles  are 
arable,  and  the  present  cultivated  area  is  said  to  be  about  40  square 
miles.  No  irrigation  has  been  developed. 

STATE  OF  NAYARIT. 

This  country  is  a continuation  of  the  West  Coast  territory  and  has 
several  important  river  valleys.  The  most  important  of  these 
rivers — and,  in  fact,  the  largest  in  Mexico — is  the  Santiago,  which 
flows  through  the  State  of  Jalisco  and  Nayarit,  reaching  the  Pacific 
Ocean  just  north  of  the  seaport  of  San  Bias. 

CLASSIFICATION  OF  LANDS. 

Since  the  rainfall  increases  to  the  south  along  the  coast,  the  State 
of  Nayarit,  in  its  central  part,  has  an  annual  average  rainfall  of  from 
32  to  48  inches,  making  irrigation  unnecessary  for  the  immediate 
river-bottom  lands.  The  surface  area  of  the  State  is  2S.371  square 
kilometers  (10,954  square  miles),  with  a coastline  on  the  Pacific  of  ISO 
miles,  along  which  there  is  a considerable  area  of  tidal  lands,  40  kilo- 
meters wide,  partially  subject  to  overflow  (1  kilometer  = 0.62  mile). 
Topographically,  the  State  is  a great  table-land  of  an  average  eleva- 
tion of  1,000  meters  (1  meter  = 3.28  feet),  with  extensive  plains 
crossed  by  mountain  ranges  in  which  rise  a number  of  unimportant 
streams.  There  are  about  979,300  hectares  (1  hectare  = 2.47  acres') 
of  arable  lands,  subdivided  as  follows:  Agricultural  lands  not  subject 


AGRICULTURE. 


119 


to  irrigation,  750,000  hectares;  moist,  subirrigated  river-bottom  lands, 
194,000  hectares;  lands  subject  to  irrigation,  35,000  hectares.  Pas- 
ture lands  are  placed  at  230,000  hectares,  forests  at  380,000  hectares, 
and  waste  lands  at  1,165,000  hectares,  with  a total  of  175,388  hectares 
allowed  for  the  overflow  lands  along  the  coast,  etc. 

The  State  of  Nayarit  has  three  mountain  divisions.  The  western 
Pacific  division  contains  the  Sierra  de  Vallejo  and  the  Sierra  Alta  de 
San  Juan.  The  central  division  is  composed  of  the  Sierra  de  Zapotan, 
the  Sierra  del  Carreton,  Juanacate,  Volcan  de  Ceboruco,  de  San  Pedro, 
Sanganguay,  Picacho,  Acatan,  Colorado,  and  San  Francisco.  The 
eastern  division  is  part  of  theSiei’raMadre  chain,  containing  the  follow- 
ing groups  in  Nayarit:  Buenavista,  Palmas,  Berberia,  and  the  Sierra 
de  Nayarit,  the  last  named  having  the  highest  peaks  in  the  State. 

SANTIAGO  RIVER  VALLEY. 

No  hydrographic  data  on  the  annual  run-off,  etc.,  of  the  Santiago 
River  are  available,  but  the  river  carries  a very  adequate  volume  of 
water  throughout  the  year,  sufficient  to  irrigate  all  the  lands  subject 
to  irrigation,  its  flow  being  greater  than  that  of  the  Fuerte  and  more 
constant  throughout  the  year.  Thirty  thousand  hectares  (74,130 
acres)  of  the  lands  of  the  San  Lorenzo  hacienda  alone  were  to  be  irri- 
gated in  1912  by  the  gravity  canal  then  under  construction,  and  the 
San  Pedro  Valley,  just  to  the  north,  had  12,000  acres  more  to  be 
brought  under  water  service  by  the  canal  planned  and  begun  on  that 
stream  about  the  same  time.  The  combined  San  Pedro  and  Santiago 
Valleys  may  be  said  to  be  fully  equal  to  either  the  Yaqui  or  the 
Fuerte  valley  in  extent  of  good  river-bottom  lands,  and  the  total  ab- 
sence of  frosts  and  more  adequate  rainfall  give  the  Nayarit  country 
advantages  not  found  farther  north  along  the  West  Coast.  In  fact, 
it  is  the  general  opinion  of  the  agriculturists  and  land  people  who 
know  the  entire  West  Coast  of  Mexico  that  the  Santiago  Valley  is  the 
richest  of  them  all,  and  it  is  also  the  least  developed,  because  develop- 
ment by  Americans  has  been  from  the  north  and  has  not  as  yet 
reached  this  region.  (See  p.  172.) 

OTHER  VALLEYS. 

The  Ahuacatlan  and  Jala  Valleys  have  a combined  extent  of  150 
square  kilometers,  with  an  average  elevation  of  1,095  meters  above 
sea  level.  The  Compostela  Valley  contains  160  square  kilometers, 
with  an  average  elevation  of  840  meters  above  sea  level.  The  La 
Labor  Valley  contains  100  square  kilometers,  with  an  average  eleva- 
tion of  980  meters.  The  Banderas  Valley,  situated  on  the  right  bank 
of  the  Ameca  River,  contains  110  square  kilometers.  The  Calabozo 
and  Las  Varas  Valleys  contain  a combined  area  of  357  square  kilo- 
meters, with  an  average  elevation  of  8 meters  above  sea  level.  The 
San  Bias  plains  cover  268  square  kilometers,  with  an  elevation  of  4 
meters.  In  Nayarit  the  Santiago  and  Tuxpan  Valleys  contain  1,660 
square  kilometers,  having  an  average  elevation  of  15  meters,  and  are 
watered  by  the  largest  rivers  of  the  State.  The  Rosa  Morada  plains 
farther  to  the  north  have  an  average  elevation  of  20  meters  and  con- 
tain 1,070  square  kilometers.  The  Acaponeta  and  Tecuala  plains 
contain  1,310  square  kilometers  and  have  an  elevation  of  22  meters 
above  sea  level.  The  Valle  de  Matatipac,  southeast  of  Tepic,  con- 
tains 120  square  kilometers  and  has  an  elevation  of  950  meters. 


120 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


RIVERS  AND  STREAMS. 

Nayarit  has  a total  of  17  rivers  and  streams,  10  of  the  principal 
ones  flowing  into  the  Pacific. 

In  their  geographical  order  from  north  to  south,  the  first  is  Las 
Canas,  which  forms  the  boundary  between  Nayarit  and  Sinaloa. 
This  stream  rises  in  the  Sierra  Madres  in  Durango,  its  length  is  99 
kilometers,  its  mouth  the  Estero  de  Teacapan,  and  its  estimated 
watershed  area  59,500  hectares. 

The  Rio  Acaponeta  has  its  source  north  of  Acaponeta  near  the 
Durango  State  line,  and  in  its  course  it  passes  the  towns  of  Quivi- 
quinta,  Huajicori,  Acaponeta,  Tecuala,  San  Felipe,  and  Quimiches. 
Its  length  is  147  kilometers,  and  its  mouth  the  Estero  de  Teacapan. 
The  estimated  area  of  the  watershed  is  214,200  hectares  (1  hectare  = 
2.47  acres). 

The  Rio  San  Pedro  also  has  its  source  in  the  Durango  mountains 
and  passes  the  towns  of  Ixcatan,  San  Juan,  Corapa,  Yenado,  Vado 
de  San  Pedro,  and  Tuxpan.  West  of  Tuxpan  this  river  divides, 
forming  the  Estero  of  Las  Corrientes,  and  the  main  channel  flows 
into  Lake  Agua  Dulce.  The  watershed  area  is  437,900  hectares. 

The  Rio  Grande  de  Santiago  enters  Nayarit  at  a point  called 
Analco  in  the  Canton  of  Ahualulco,  Jalisco.  Its  source  is  in  the 
Laguna  de  Lerma  in  the  State  of  Mexico,  and  the  stream  is  called  the 
Rio  Lerma  until  it  reaches  Lake  Chapala  in  the  State  of  Jalisco.  Its 
course  in  Nayarit  is  265  kilometers  long.  The  principal  tributaries 
of  the  Santiago  are  the  rivers  Bolanos,  Amatlan,  Palmillas,  Aguapan, 
Toro  Macho,  Huaynamote,  and  Cahuipa. 

The  principal  aflluent  of  the  Santiago  is  the  Rio  Tepic,  which  has  a 
length  of  58.5  kilometers  and  a watershed  area  of  46,400  hectares. 
Three  kilometers  north  of  the  city  of  Tepic  it  has  a waterfall  over  a 
basalt  dike. 

In  the  rainy  season  the  flood  waters  of  the  Santiago  inundate  the 
land  for  18  kilometers  on  either  side  of  the  river  throughout  50  kilo- 
meters of  its  lower  course.  The  estimated  watershed  area  in  Nayarit 
is  1,286,400  hectares. 

WATERFALLS. 

The  largest  waterfall  in  the  State  of  Nayarit  is  that  called  Jumatan, 
or  Ingenio,  on  the  Rio  Barranca  Blanca.  This  fall  is  120  meters  high 
and  is  capable  of  developing  7,000  electrical  horsepower  during  the 
rainy  season  and  a total  estimated  3,000  horsepower  continuously  if 
a dam  were  provided. 

The  waterfall  of  the  Rio  Tepic,  3 kilometers  from  that  city,  has  a 
fall  of  26  meters. 

Other  waterfalls  include  the  Salto  de  Jihuite  on  the  Rio  Zaponito, 
near  Santa  Maria  de  Oro,  and  others  on  the  Rivers  Guaynamote,  San 
Pedro,  Acaponeta,  etc. 

CLIMATIC  CONDITIONS  AFFECTING  AGRICULTURE. 

On  the  Pacific  coast  of  the  United  States  the  rainfall  increases 
along  the  coast  toward  the  north,  reaching  its  maximum  at  the 
boundary  with  British  Columbia  and  its  minimum  in  the  extreme 
southern  part  of  the  State  of  California  and  in  Arizona.  This  latter 
desert  region  continues  down  into  Sonora  and  gradually  gives  way 
to  an  increasing  rainfall  down  the  West  Coast  until  the  maximum  is 


AGRICULTURE. 


121 


reached  at  Panama.  For  example,  the  rainfall  at  Guaymas  is  only 
about  an  average  of  5 inches  per  year;  in  the  Yaqui  Valley  40  miles 
to  the  south  it  has  increased  to  about  9 inches  per  year;  it  is  26  inches 
a year  at  Culiacan  at  the  head  of  the  Culiacan  River  Valley;  it  is 
over  30  inches  at  Mazatlan;  Tepic,  in  the  central  part  of  Nayarit, 
has  from  32  to  48  inches  of  rainfall;  and  the  Acapulco  district  still 
farther  south  gets,  some  years,  a total  of  60  inches  of  precipitation. 

From  the  coast  toward  the  mountains  the  same  variations  are 
found,  the  rainfall  increasing  steadily  with  the  elevation  and  reaching 
a 40-inch  belt  at  an  average  elevation  of  about  7,000  feet  above  sea 
level.  The  rains  in  the  mountains  are  more  reliable  and  of  more 
constant  volume  every  year,  but  throughout  the  coastal  plain  there 
is  a great  variation,  which  at  times  amounts  to  10  inches  from  one 
year  to  another.  In  some  years  the  rainfall  there  is  insufficient  to 
mature  even  rainy-season  com  crops  in  the  Culiacan  Valley. 

SEASONS. 

There  are  only  two  seasons,  the  wet  and  the  dry.  The  rains  begin 
in  the  central  part  of  the  West  Coast  about  the  end  of  June  in  a 
normal  year  and  continue  until  about  the  middle  of  September, 
when  the  showers  become  less  frequent  and  gradually  disappear 
entirely.  October,  November,  December,  and  January  are  dry 
months.  Light  but  steady  rains  occur  during  the  spring  equinoctial 
season  in  February  or  early  in  March  and  last  about  two  weeks, 
giving  a total  additional  precipitation  of  from  3 to  5 inches,  although 
the  latter  figure  is  abnormal.  This  spring  rainfall  is  not  sufficient  to 
make  crops  except  those  planted  on  subirrigated  river-bottom  land 
called  “verano”  land  by  the  natives. 

Throughout  the  coast  the  heat  is  very  great  from  March  to  Novem- 
ber. Frosts  occur  as  far  south  as  Mazatlan  in  December  and  January. 
The  only  frostless  country  on  the  West  Coast  begins  toward  the  coast 
in  the  Santiago  Valley  region,  and  here  bananas  can  be  grown  without 
damage,  except  that  the  drop  in  temperature  during  the  winter 
months  seriously  retards  the  growth  of  this  plant  as  compared  with 
Costa  Rica,  Colombia,  etc. 

RAINFALL  TABLES. 

The  tables  below  furnish  some  idea  of  the  climatic  conditions  of 
average  temperatures,  rainfall,  etc.,  at  the  principal  points  of  the 
West  Coast.  The  first  table,  which  follows,  shows  the  rainfall  at 
Culiacan,  Sinaloa: 


Month. 

1903 

1904 

1905 

1906 

1907 

1908 

Average. 

Inches. 

Inches. 

Inches. 

Inches. 

Inches. 

Inches. 

Inches. 

0.68 

0. 43 

0. 67 

0. 53 

0. 00 

n.  as 

February 

3. 01 

0.00 

.42 

1.20 

.00 

.34 

.83 

March 

.00 

.00 

.05 

.03 

.00 

.00 

.01 

April 

.00 

.00 

.00 

.00 

.00 

.00 

.00 

May 

.00 

.00 

.00 

.00 

.00 

.00 

.00 

June 

.31 

.65 

1.71 

.54 

.00 

1.50 

.78 

July 

5.27 

5.31 

5.87 

3.43 

6.06 

7.26 

5.53 

August 

5.30 

4.87 

6.  58 

10.  70 

12.  70 

4.62 

7.46 

September 

2. 10 

5.59 

8.89 

3.66 

1.73 

4.62 

4.43 

October 

.39 

.22 

.00 

2. 10 

3.35 

.00 

1.01 

November 

.00 

.52 

6.4S 

.41 

.00 

.00 

1.24 

December 

.OS 

.00 

1.31 

.32 

.00 

.14 

.31 

Total 

17.14 

17. 16 

31.74 

23.06 

24. 37 

18.48 

21. 98 

122 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


The  tables  below  show  rainfall  at  Mazatlan  and  Tepic: 

RAINFALL  AT  MAZATLAN. 


1880 

1885 

1890 

1895 

1900 

1905 

1910 

79 

91 

73 

75 

63 

62 

57 

Total  precipitation . . 

. .inches.. 

34. 97 

43.95 

26. 98 

42.85 

33.55 

38. 45 

42.00 

RAINFALL  AT  TEPIC,  NAYARIT. 


Years. 

Inches. 

Years. 

Inches. 

1919  

43 

32 

1921  

48 

37 

1920 

1922  (up  to  Sept.  15) 

STORMS— VARIATIONS  OF  RAINY  SEASON. 

During  the  rainy  season  sudden  squalls  may  be  expected,  but  not 
of  sufficient  duration  or  violence  to  damage  property.  Heavy  storms 
are  liable  to  occur  during  the  season  of  the  fall  equinox  (usually  fall- 
ing early  in  November  and  lasting  about  four  days)  all  along  the 
coast  and  reaching  far  inland.  Every  year  these  storms  occur,  but 
only  in  regular  cycles  of  eight-year  periods  are  they  of  sufficient  vio- 
lence to  damage  property  seriously.  In  1905  the  rainfall  registered 
in  November  was  over  6 inches;  streams  were  flooded,  roads  washed 
out,  and  losses  heavy.  In  1913  the  railway  was  out  of  operation  for 
a week  or  more  in  places,  and  in  1921  over  5 inches  of  rain  fell  in  a 
few  days,  again  in  November,  causing  heavy  loss  by  flood  in  the  river 
valleys  all  down  the  coast. 

Some  years  the  rains  do  not  begin  according  to  the  regular  annual 
schedule  but  start  about  one  month  later,  or  at  the  end  of  July,  and 
rainy-season  crop  planting  of  corn  and  beans  is  delayed  by  this 
month,  especially  as  the  native  farmers  do  not  plow  the  soil  in  a 
dry  condition. 

TEMPERATURES. 

The  entire  West  Coast  is  subject  to  great  variations  in  tempera- 
ture in  the  winter  months  between  the  maximum  high  average  during 
the  day  and  the  low  mean  at  night.  It  is  not  regarded  as  advisable 
to  give  tables  of  average  mean  temperatures  during  periods  of  years, 
as  they  tend  to  mislead,  more  especially  when  one  is  considering  a 
delicate  product  like  winter  tomatoes — it  being  the  minimum  tem- 
perature that  does  the  damage.  The  following  table  may  be  taken, 
however,  as  a good  average  indication  of  conditions  in  the  Fuerte, 
Culiacan,  and  Mazatlan  regions,  the  figures  given  being  monthly 
averages : 


Month. 

Maximum. 

Minimum. 

Month. 

Maxim  um. 

Minimum. 

° F. 

82 

°F. 

57 

July 

°F. 

100 

°F. 

SO 

85 

53 

Au  trust 

94 

79 

95 

53 

September 

93 

77 

95 

63 

October 

93 

62 

97 

69 

November 

S9 

61 

98 

75 

December 

82 

57 

AGRICULTURE. 


123 


A peculiarity  of  the  West  Coast  winter  climate  is  that  sudden 
drops  in  temperature  occur  at  night,  registering  a decline  of  as  much 
as  68°  within  a few  hours.  Some  years  there  are  frosts  of  sufficient 
severity  either  to  damage  seriously  or  to  kill  fruit  trees,  although  this 
is  very  exceptional,  the  winter  conditions  not  being  nearly  as  severe  as 
in  southern  California.  Records  for  the  Fuerte  River  Valley  (Los 
Mochis)  show  an  annual  high  average  temperature  of  102°  and  109°  F., 
with  the  average  annual  minimum  placed  at  31°  and  40°  F.  at  two 
stations,  one  being  located  about  12  miles  inland  from  the  coast  and 
the  other  about  40  miles  inland  at  the  head  of  the  valley.  The 
average  daily  range  in  temperature  for  the  winter  tomato-growing 
season — November  to  May — is  placed  at  55°  F.  In  1910  and  1911 
frosts  killed  the  tomato  crops  in  the  Yaqui  Valley  and  that  industry 
has  since  been  discontinued  in  that  section  of  the  West  Coast,  but 
has  increased  in  the  Fuerte  and  other  valleys  farther  south.  South 
of  Mazatlan  there  is  no  danger  of  frosts,  and  even  in  the  Culiacan 
Valley  sufficiently  low  temperatures  to  damage  winter  tomatoes 
would  only  occur  in  exceptional  years  at  long  intervals.8  Losses  of 
the  tomato  crop  in  the  Fuerte  Valley  by  frost  have  not  been  suffi- 
cient to  hamper  seriously  this  industry,  which,  in  the  1922-23  season, 
increased  to  four  times  the  acreage  planted  in  the  preceding  year. 

SOIL  CONDITIONS. 

It  has  been  shown  that  the  formation  of  the  various  river  valleys 
of  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico  is  alluvial  and  very  similar  to  the  agri- 
cultural lands  of  California.  Two  distinct  soil  conditions  have  to 
he  taken  into  account  in  considering  any  of  the  river  valleys  of  the 
West  Coast.  The  light  sandy  silt  soils  are  generally  found  near  the 
river  beds,  while  the  heavier  soils  having  a clay  base  are  found  farther 
from  the  river  beds  and  at  slightly  higher  elevations.  The  latter  soils 
predominate  in  area. 

In  the  Yaqui  Valley  the  lime  content  is  higher  than  in  the  river 
valleys  to  the  south.  It  has  been  found  by  experience  in  the  Fuerte, 
Culiacan,  and  San  Lorenzo  River  Valleys  that  the  heavier  clay-base 
soils  produce,  on  an  average,  50  metric  tons  of  sugar  cane  per  hectare, 
as  compared  with  60  tons  for  the  more  porous  and  more  easily 
worked  lighter  soils  of  the  immediate  river  bed,  but  that  the  sugar 
content  of  the  cane  grown  on  the  heavier  soils  is  higher  by  15  per 
cent,  making  the  additional  cost  of  working  the  heavier  soil  well 
worth  while. 

The  soils  of  the  10  river  valleys  of  Sinaloa  are  made  up  of  river  wash 
from  the  mountains  and  of  the  low  lands  which  are  virtually  tidal 
plains.  Along  the  edge  of  the  mountains  the  soils  are  composed  of 
gravels,  some  coarse  sands,  and  clays,  while  those  of  the  western 
parts  of  the  valleys  are  composed  of  fine  silts,  a heavy  "adobe,” 
and  fine  sands.  There  is  practically  no  humus,  except  in  the  low 
places  left  by  the  rivers  when  they  changed  their  courses. 

The  heavier  soils  seem  to  produce  better  "shipping-quality” 
tomatoes  than  the  silt  soils,  but  plant  disease  appears  to  be  more 
rife  among  crops  grown  on  the  heavier  soils  of  these  valleys.  There 
is  apparently  no  deficiency  in  nitrogen  content  of  the  soils  of  the 
various  valleys,  but  the  application  of  guano  fertilizer  on  tomato 


6 For  more  detailed  climatic  data,  especially  with  regard  to  winter  tomatoes,  see  p.  149. 


124 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


fields  which  were  "running  out”  in  the  Fuerte  Valley  was  not  pro- 
ductive of  results,  although  the  vines  still  grew  luxuriantly.  Ex- 
perts claim  that  the  soils  of  the  river  valleys  of  the  West  Coast  show 
an  unbalanced  mineral  nutrient  situation,  variously  affecting  differ- 
ent crops.  The  use  of  fertilizer  has  only  recently  been  resorted  to 
on  a small  experimental  scale  on  the  sugar  plantations  of  the  West 
Coast  where  cane  has  been  very  sucessfully  cultivated  for  a number 
of  years. 

CROPS  BEST  ADAPTED  TO  WEST  COAST  CONDITIONS. 

Conditions  of  the  soil  and  climate  vary  from  north  to  south  along 
the  coast  in  the  various  valleys.  The  Yaqui  Valley  is  very  dry  and 
arid  as  compared  with  the  valleys  of  the  Fuerte,  Culiacan,  and 
Santiago  Rivers,  and  conditions  of  climate  and  soil  are  very  similar 
to  those  found  in  the  Imperial  Valley  of  southern  California.  As 
in  the  Imperial  Valley,  corn  does  not  do  well,  but  rice  and  wheat 
give  excellent  results.  Wheat  does  not  do  well  in  the  Mayo  Valley 
on  account  of  the  heat  and  "rust,”  and  chick-peas  give  the  best 
results.  In  the  other  valleys  the  crops  are  corn,  beans,  sugar  cane, 
and  winter  tomatoes,  as  well  as  winter  vegetables  for  shipment  to 
the  United  States.  Tobacco  does  very  well  in  the  Santiago  Valley 
and  other  valleys  in  Nayarit  and  is  also  successfully  grown  in  the 
Culiacan  region,  but  not  in  any  appreciable  commercial  quantities, 
as  yet.  Alfalfa  does  very  well  in  all  the  river  valleys  of  the  West 
Coast  of  Mexico,  the  tonnage  production  per  acre  being  equal,  on  an 
average,  to  the  best  records  anywhere  in  the  United  States. 

Corn  is  the  universal  rainy-season  crop,  as  well  as  the  staple  food 
of  the  people.  The  beans  are  planted  toward  the  end  of  the  rainy 
season,  about  the  middle  of  September.  Melons  and  cantaloupes  do 
very  well  and  can  be  produced  for  shipment  two  months  ahead  of  the 
southern  California  and  Florida  early  market  production. 

The  West  Coast  is  particularly  well  suited  for  citrus  fruits  such  as 
oranges,  grapefruit,  etc.,  but  these  products  are  shut  out  of  the 
American  market  by  plant-quarantine  regulations  and  the  domestic 
market  does  not  warrant  much  development.  Shipments  of  oranges 
are  made  from  Hermosillo  to  British  Colombia  and  the  northern 
central  part  of  Mexico — Chihuahua  and  Torreon,  etc. 

PLANT  DISEASES  AND  INSECT  PESTS. 

Both  plant  diseases  and  insect  pests  are  very  prevalent,  and  as  yet 
little  provision  has  been  made  by  the  agriculturists  of  the  West 
Coast  to  combat  these  conditions.  Fumigation  is  not  used,  except 
in  a few  isolated  cases  and  on  a small  scale.  Local  Government 
agencies  are  lacking  for  the  strict  administration  of  measures  for 
plant-disease  prevention,  and  landowners  have  not  heretofore  seen 
the  necessity  of  mutual  organization  in  this  line.  However,  the 
terrific  losses  sustained  bv  the  tomato  growers  from  insect  pests  and 
plant  disease,  the  example  set  by  the  American  agricultural  colony 
of  Los  Mochis  in  the  Fuerte  Valley  in  securing  the  services  of  an  expert 
for  the  study  and  prevention  of  local  conditions,  and  the  efforts  of 
the  tomato-shipping  associations  along  the  same  line  have  resulted 
in  a great  interest  in  this  very  important  element  of  agriculture,  upon 
the  successful  application  of  which  will  depend  the  future  of  the 


AGRICULTURE. 


125 


West  Coast  as  an  exporter  of  winter  fruits,  vegetables,  and  tomatoes 
to  the  American  market.  Studies  have  been  made  by  the  experts  of 
the  United  States  Department  of  Agriculture  which  show  conditions 
as  they  exist  to-day  on  the  coast.  (See  p.  147.) 

The"  planters  of  the  West  Coast  need  instruction  in  insect-pest 
prevention,  etc.  There  is  the  example  of  a grower  last  year  with  a 
large  acreage  in  cantaloupes  which  he  expected  to  export  to  the 
American  market  in  February.  The  field  was  attacked  by  insects, 
and  10  times  the  right  amount  of  arsenate  of  lead  was  used,  with  the 
result  that  the  crop  was  killed  on  the  vine  by  the  very  measure  which 
it  was  hoped  would  save  it.  It  is  thought  that  the  time  is  verg 
opportune  for  American  manufacturers  of  plant  chemicals,  sprayiny 
apparatus,  etc.,  to  secure  a good  market  by  means  of  educational 
advertising  and  demonstration  throughout  the  West  Coast.  In- 
terested manufacturers  would  do  well  to  get  in  touch  with  the  tomato- 
marketing  associations.  The  tomato-planting  season  begins  in 
October  of  each  year,  the  first  shipments  being  made  about  the  end 
of  January  and  lasting  until  March,  with  the  heaviest  shipments  in 
February.  Seed  boxes  for  transplanting  are  prepared  during  the 
rainy  season  in  August. 

CHARACTER  OF  PRODUCTS  AND  QUANTITY  OF  PRODUCTION. 

The  following  table,  taken  from  the  Mexican  Government  reports, 
shows  the  agricultural  production  of  the  States  of  Sonora  and  Sinaloa 
in  the  year  1905,  which  was  a pre-revolutionary  normal  year  for  the 
country : 

STATE  OF  SONORA. 


Products. 

Quantity. 

Value. 

Products. 

Quantity. 

Value. 

Garbanzos1.  .hectoliters.. 

Sugar  cane kilos. . 

“Panoeha”2 do 

65,142 

552,506 

Pesos. 
550,738 
1,047,  065 
SO, 892 

Wheat kilos.. 

Tobacco do 

Tomatoes do 

19,607,740 
140,  S00 
837,350 

Pesos. 

1,133,759 

45,000 

153,475 

1 Chick-peas . 2 N stive  brown  sugar. 


STATE  OF  SINALOA. 


Cotton 

397,300 

Pesos. 

44,100 

Honev 

19, 150 

Pesos. 

3,610 

Sugar 

do 

10,039,000 

| 1,260,750 

Fiber  iixtle)... 

do 

395, 701 

74',  403 

Cane 

143,789,230 

Panoeha 

do 

1,841,600 

1 151,  840 

Beans 

..hectoliters.. 

49,984 

2S9,3S0 

Potatoes 

do 

233,550 

15;  822 

Garbanzos. 

do 

3, 5S8 

22,325 

Tobacco 

321, 220 

52, 115 

Com 

do 

1,213,510 

2,  S61,260 

Wheat 

822,700 

41,649 

Mescal 

do 

20, 736 

235,319 

Tomatoes 

239,054 

13,690 

1 This  value  appears  to  be  too  low. 


Figures  compiled  in  1921  show  the  agricultural  production  of  the 
State  of  Nayarit  as  follows: 


Products. 

Quantity. 

Remarks. 

Products. 

Quantity. 

Remarks. 

Com . . .hectoliters. . 

Beans do 

Rice 

380,000 

80,000 

(Estimated  aver- 
< age  annual  pro- 
[ duction. 

No  estimate. 

Not  ginned. 

Coquito  oil  nuts 

kilos.. 

Coffee do 

Bananas 

900.000 

500.000 

No  estimate. 

No  figures  obtain- 
able. 

Tobacco kilos.. 

5,200,000 
3, 000, 000 

Sugar 

Cotton do 

126 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


More  recent  estimates  for  the  State  of  Nayarit  show  crop  produc- 
tion and  value  as  follows : 


Products. 

Quantity. 

Value. 

Com 

Beans: 

W et  season 

Dry  season 

area,  in  hectares.. 

26,600,000 

280,000 

360.000 

9,000 

18,000,000 

Pesos. 

950,000 

} 115,200 

Rice 

1 1,701,000 

1 37  per  cent  loss  in  cleaning. 


COTTON. 

On  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico,  outside  of  Nayarit  (which  was 
second  in  the  production  of  cotton  in  Mexico  before  the  industry 
was  developed  in  the  Laguna  district  near  Torreon),  there  has  been 
no  systematic  attempt  to  cultivate  cotton  on  a large  scale.  In  1905 
Sinaloa  produced  a total  of  397,300  kilos  of  cotton,  valued  at  about 
$22,500  United  States  currency.  Sonora,  in  1909,  produced  129,700 
kilos,  valued  at  $17,575  United  States  currency,  the  total  cotton 
production  of  Mexico  for  that  year  being  147,739,535  kilos,  valued 
at  $16,696,301  United  States  currency.  That  year  the  textile  mills 
of  Mexico  were  credited  with  a total  consumption  of  36,000  tons  of 
raw  cotton,  which  was  less  than  the  domestic  production,  but  some 
cotton  was  still  imported  from  Texas,  possibly  on  account  of  trans- 
portation and  temporary  market  conditions.  Experiments  show 
that  cotton  does  very  well  in  the  State  of  Sonora  the  first  year  seed 
is  planted,  but  that  it  becomes  infested  with  the  boll-weevil  the 
second  year  to  such  an  extent  as  to  curtail  the  industry  seriously. 

A recent  report  on  the  agricultural  resources  of  the  State  of 
Nayarit  by  the  Department  of  Agriculture  of  the  Ministry  of  Agricul- 
ture, Commerce,  and  Labor  contains  the  following  with  regard  to 
the  production  of  cotton  in  Nayarit: 

This  fiber  is  produced  in  the  region  between  the  northern  boundary  of  the  State 
and  the  Santiago  Valley.  The  principal  reasons  why  more  cotton  is  not  produced 
in  this  State  is  on  account  of  the  lack  of  a local  market  and  the  damage  caused  by 
the  boll-weevil,  the  limited  production  going  to  the  local  mills  and  one  in  the  State 
of  Sinaloa  (which  pay  very  low  prices),  there  being  no  other  outlet  on  account  of  the 
absence  of  transportation  facilities  to  enable  Nayarit  cotton  to  compete  with  pro- 
duction in  other  parts  of  the  country.  It  is  thought  that  this  product  has  very  great 
possibilities  in  this  region  if  more  interest  were  taken  in  it. 

In  March,  1922,  it  was  reported  that  about  3,000  acres  of  land 
was  to  be  put  in  cotton  at  Las  Trincheras,  a valley  located  just 
south  of  Altar  and  west  of  Magdalena,  which  latter  point  is  the  first 
important  one  south  of  Nogales  on  the  border.  Some  half  dozen 
Americans  and  several  native  farmers  of  the  region  were  interested 
in  this  neAv  development,  it  being  planned  to  ship  the  product  to 
Liverpool  via  Guaymas,  the  cotton  being  of  a texture  similar  to  that 
of  the  Imperial  Valley  and  the  Mexicali  region  of  the  Colorado  delta 
lands.  A fair  crop  when  prices  are  rapidly  advancing  would  greatly 
stimulate  cotton  planting  in  Sonora,  especially  as  all  of  the  West 
Coast  needs  exportable  products,  other  than  minerals,  to  balance 
imports  from  the  United  States. 


AGRICULTURE. 


127 


Early  in  1920  an  effort  was  made  to  plant  1,000  acres  of  cotton  in 
Sonora  south  of  Douglas,  Ariz.,  it  being  said  that  sufficient  water 
could  be  secured  for  irrigation  of  this  amount  of  land  at  that  time 
under  the  “bolsa”  system  of  irrigation.  Cotton-soil  experts  have 
reported  that  certain  of  the  Sonora  lands  will  produce  the  famous 
long-staple  variety  of  cotton  which  has  produced  profitable  results 
in  Arizona  recently.  It  is  understood  that  difficulties  in  the  nature 
of  interference  by  the  Agrarian  Commission  caused  this  experiment 
in  cotton  growing  in  this  part  of  Sonora  to  fail  for  the  time  being. 

COFFEE. 

Only  the  State  of  Nayarit  grows  coffee  in  the  territory  covered  by 
this  report.  Large-scale  plantations  number  six  or  seven,  and 
there  are  a few  small  individual  planters.  There  is  one  German- 
owned  plantation  and  one  French-owned  plantation  in  the  State, 
and  both  have  yielded  excellent  returns  for  years.  This  industry 
in  Nayarit  is  thought  to  be  capable  of  considerable  increase.  Plan- 
tations are  located  at  elevations  of  600  to  1,000  meters  (1  meter  = 3.28 
feet)  above  sea  level.  Trees  are  planted  2.5  meters  distant  one 
from  the  other,  with  an  average  of  about  1,600  trees  to  the  hectare 
(1  hectare  = 2.47  acres).  The  yield  in  Nayarit  may  be  said  to  average 
368  kilos  of  clean  berry  per  hectare,  and  the  entire  production  of  the 
State  is  placed  at  500,000  kilos  (1  kilo  = 2.2046  pounds),  valued  at 
an  average  domestic  market  price  of  85  centavos  Mexican  currency 
per  kilo,  or  approximately  20  cents  United  States  currency  per 
pound.  In  1920  Mazatlan  exported  to  the  United  States  (San 
Francisco)  a total  of  123,257  kilos  of  coffee  from  Nayarit,  valued  at 
$33,929,  and  in  1921,  102,031  kilos,  valued  at  $12,809.  The  Nayarit 
coffee  is  of  a very  good  grade  and  often  sells  in  the  domestic  market 
for  as  high  as  1 peso  per  kilo,  being  sent  principally  to  the  towns  of 
the  West  Coast  and  also  to  the  commercial  center  of  Guadalajara, 
where  its  grade  enjoys  an  excellent  reputation.  Many  of  the  interior 
valleys  and  foothill  areas  of  Nayarit  are  heavily  impregnated  with 
volcanic  ash,  and  conditions  are  very  similar  to  those  in  the  best 
coffee-producing  sections  of  Central  America  and  Colombia.  The 
Pacific  coast  market  of  the  United  States  would  take  a great  deal 
more  of  the  Nayarit  coffees  if  more  could  be  had. 

The  “Maldonal”  coffee  plantation  in  Nayarit  is  owned  by  a 
Frenchman,  the  property  being  managed  bv  a German  for  the  past 
38  years.  The  German  firm  of  Delius  y Cla.,  of  Tepic,  owns  two 
plantations  called  “Cora”  and  “ Palapita.”  The  1920  crop  of 
coffee  in  Nayarit  was  the  largest  ever  known  in  that  State,  amounting 
to  an  estimated  500,000  kilos,  some  of  which  sold  for  as  high  as  1 
peso  per  kilo  of  cleaned  berry.  Since  then  the  crop  has  averaged 
about  one-half  of  this  amount. 

TOBACCO. 

Tobacco  is  grown  more  or  less,  in  small  lots,  throughout  the  coast 
territory,  but  only  Nayarit  has  an  exportable  production  of  this 
article.  The  annual  average  tobacco  crop  of  Sonora  may  be  taken 
as  being  about  140,000  kilos,  valued  at  45,000  pesos;  that  of  Sinaloa 
320,000  kilos,  valued  at  50,000  pesos;  and  that  of  Nayarit  5,200,000 
kilos,  valued  at  1,420,000  pesos.  (1  peso=$0.50  at  par.)  The  above 
valuation  is  at  the  rate  of  the  lowest  prices  paid. 


128 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


Tobacco  is  planted  on  the  low-lying  river  bottom  soils  during  the 
dry  season  of  the  year.  The  1920  crop  in  Nayarit  was  the  largest 
in  the  history  of  tha£  State,  and  very  high  prices  were  also  obtained. 
It  is  estimated  that  it  costs  between  40  and  50  pesos  to  produce 
and  market  one  “carga”  of  300  pounds  (138  kilos)  of  tobacco  in 
Nayarit  and  Sinaloa,  and  in  1919,  for  a much  smaller  crop,  100  and 
120  pesos  were  paid  per  “carga.”  In  1920  prices  were  about  70  pesos 
per  “carga.”  The  production  in  1920  was  10,000  “cargas”  of  first- 
grade  and  25,000  “cargas”  of  second-grade  tobacco.  The  average 
production  per  hectare  for  the  area  planted  was  placed  at  1,800  kilos. 

Sinaloa  produces  about  one-fourth  of  the  amount  of  tobacco  grown 
in  Nayarit. 

The  bulk  of  the  tobacco  crop  of  Nayarit  goes  to  the  great  cigarette 
factories  of  Mexico  City,  which  also  take  the  bulk  of  the  lower-grade 
tobaccos  produced  in  the  Vera  Cruz  and  Tuxpan  regions  in  the 
eastern  part  of  Mexico. 

Native  cigarette  and  cigar  factories  are  found  in  Mazatlan,  Tepic, 
Santiago  Ixquintla,  and  Compostela.  One  large  tobacco  factory  at 
Mazatlan  has  20  cigarette-making  machines,  having  a capacity  of 

60.000  cigarettes  each  per  day,  or  a total  daily  production  of  1,200,000 
cigarettes.  The  products  of  the  West  Coast  cigarette  factories  are 
sold  up  and  down  the  coast  and  to  Lower  California. 

Tobacco  is  not  exported  from  Nayarit  to  the  United  States  on 
account  of  the  high  prices  paid  for  the  product  by  the  Mexico  City 
factories  and  also  because  of  the  high  American  import  tariff  rate. 

RICE. 

Two  regions  of  the  West  Coast  are  important  rice-growing  centers — 
the  Yaqui  Valley  and  various  sections  in  Nayarit,  principally  in  La 
Labor,  Navarette,  Ixtapa,  and  Amatlan.  In  both  areas  the  pro- 
duction is  very  abundant  and  of  excellent  quality,  the  Yaqui  Valley 
having  had  a surplus  above  the  needs  of  the  domestic  market  in  the 
1921-22  season. 

The  1921-22  production  of  rice  in  Nayarit  was  estimated  at 
18,000,000  kilos  (about  39,683,200  pounds),  valued  at  1,701,000 
pesos.  The  loss  in  cleaning  in  Nayarit  is  37  per  cent. 

Mexico  is  a large  producer  of  rice.  The  area  under  cultivation  in 
this  product  in  1914  was  estimated  at  41,000  acres,  producing 

33.921.000  pounds,  and  the  country  exported  that  year  a total  of 

1.451.000  pounds  to  Cuba  and  the  West  Indies. 

In  1921  the  Yaqui  Valley  had  a total  of  10,460  acres  planted  in 
rice,  the  production  of  which  exceeded  the  domestic  demand  on  the 
West  Coast — causing  the  acreage  planted  to  this  crop  to  be  decreased 
by  45  per  cent  in  1922,  when  the  actual  acreage  devoted  to  rice  was 
reported  to  be  2,861  hectares,  or  7,090  acres. 

Figures  obtained  on  the  production  of  a tract  of  125  acres,  for 
which  exact  records  were  kept,  are  as  follows:  41.970  kilos,  or  92.52S 
pounds,  of  head  rice,  the  very  highest  grade  of  rice;  11,650  kilos,  or 
25,684  pounds,  of  No.  1 rice,  or  second  grade;  11.750  kilos,  or  25,904 
pounds,  of  broken  rice,  or  screenings,  graded  as  No.  3 rice — the  total 
being  144,116  pounds  for  the  tract  of  125  acres.  This  gives  (at  the 
basic  rate  of  1,144  pounds  per  acre)  a total  average  annual  produc- 
tion, for  the  Yaqui  Valley,  of  6,455  tons  of  rice  of  all  grades,  of 


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129 


which  the  two  lower  grades  form  about  20  per  cent  in  volume.  The 
above  figures  do  not  include  the  by-products  of  “polish”  and  bran. 
The  average  production  in  the  Yaqui  Valley  is  1.3  long  tons  of 
“paddy”  rice  per  acre,  and  the  loss  in  milling,  cleaning,  etc.,  is 
generally  estimated  to  be  about  20  per  cent  of  the  gross  paddy-rice 
yield. 

The  “head”  rice  sells  readily  in  Sonora,  Chihuahua,  the  West 
Coast,  and  Lower  California,  but  the  No.  1 and  broken-grain  grades 
can  not  be  disposed  of  readily  in  the  Mexican  markets,  as  even  the 
very  poorest  class  of  people  seem  to  prefer  and  demand  perfect-grain 
rice  even  at  a higher  price.  The  broken-grain  product  formerly  went 
to  the  breweries  of  central  Mexico,  but  these  plants  can  now  obtain 
all  the  barley  malt  they  want  since  the  war,  and  the  only  recent 
offer  for  the  No.  3 grade  was  at  5-|-  cents,  United  States  currency,  per 
kilo,  delivered  at  Juarez,  the  freight  and  handling  charges  from  the 
Yaqui  Valley  to  Ciudad  Juarez  amounting  to  about  2 cents  per  pound 
alone.  Sacks  cost  from  30  to  40  cents,  United  States  currency,  each, 
and  are  usually  not  returned.  In  July,  1922,  it  was  estimated  that 
there  was  a surplus  in  the  Yaqui  Valley  of  1,170  tons  of  low-grade 
rice  still  on  hand  and  not  disposed  of,  for  which  no  outlet  could  be 
found,  thus  representing  a loss  of  18.2  per  cent  of  the  total  gross  yield 
of  the  rice  fields  of  the  Yaqui  Valley,  90  per  cent  of  which  is  produced 
by  American  farmers.  At  the  same  time  there  was  estimated  to  be 
still  on  hand  in  the  valley  about  22  tons  of  No.  1 rice,  also  unsold. 

Planting  is  done  in  July  and  the  harvest  is  during  October,  Novem- 
ber, and  December,  with  the  month  of  November  the  peak  of  the 
harvest  season. 

The  products  of  the  West  Coast,  such  as  rice,  can  not  compete  with 
similar  products  grown  in  the  United  States,  although  they  can  be 
more  cheaply  produced,  as  a rule,  on  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico.  The 
United  States  produced  very  large  crops  of  rice  during  the  past  two 
years  and  also  had  a large  surplus  on  hand  which  has  only  recently 
been  disposed  of. 

The  Chinese  merchants  of  Sonora  are  the  heaviest  buyers  of  Yaqui 
Valley  rice,  which  they  send  to  the  cotton-growing  colonists  in  the 
Mexicali  Valley  in  Lower  California.  In  1919  these  people  handled 
20,000  sacks  (of  110  pounds  each)  of  the  1919  rice  crop. 

In  March,  1922,  the  Mexican  Government  removed  its  embargo 
on  the  exportation  of  rice  and  suspended  the  export  duty  at  the 
solicitation  of  the  Yaqui  Valley  rice  growers,  who  expected  to  be 
able  to  market  their  surplus  crop  in  the  United  States  at  that  time. 

The  American  rice  growers  of  the  valley  have  a cooperative  rice- 
cleaning mill  at  Cajeme  in  the  Yaqui  Valley,  this  mill  handling  75 
per  cent  of  the  crop  grown  in  1921.  The  same  association  plans  to 
install  a flour  mill,  but  its  erection  has  been  suspended  on  account  of 
present  conditions  of  general  market  depression  throughout  the 
country. 

WHEAT. 

PRODUCTION  IN  SONORA  AND  NAYARIT. 

For  many  years  the  State  of  Sonora  has  been  a producer  of  wheat, 
although  in  some  years,  because  of  inadequate  rainfall  and  the 
occurrence  of  frosts,  the  production  has  not  been  sufficient  to  meet 
44807°— 23 10 


130 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


local  demands  and  flour  has  had  to  be  imported  from  the  United 
States.  According  to  the  official  records  the  State  produced 
19,607,740  kilos  of  wheat  in  1905,  the  crop  that  year  being  valued  at 
1,133,759  pesos.  Prior  to  1910  the  large  flour  mill  at  Hermosillo 
purchased  about  225,000  bushels  of  Sonora-grown  wheat  at  prices 
ranging  from  $1  to  $1.25  United  States  currency  per  bushel.  At  that 
time  the  industry  was  heavily  protected  by  a Mexican  import  tariff 
of  8 pesos  per  100  kilos,  or  about  $1.10,  United  States  currency,  per 
bushel.  'The  average  yield  was  estimated  to  be  about  20  bushels  per 
acre  of  seed  planted. 

Sinaloa  also  produced  a small  amount  of  wheat,  given  in  1905  as 
822,700  kilos,  valued  at  41,649  pesos.  Small  quantities  are  still 
planted  in  the  northern  part  of  the  State. 

Wheat  is  also  grown  on  a very  small  scale  in  several  of  the  higher 
interior  valleys  of  Nayarit  around  San  Pedro  Lagunillas  and  Santa 
Maria  del  Oro,  but  only  for  local  consumption  in  the  form  of  “tor- 
tillas,” as  there  is  no  flour  mill  in  the  State  and  transportation  is 
lacking  for  an  outlet  to  other  markets. 

In  1922  Sonora  had  the  largest  crop  of  wheat  in  its  entire  history. 
Acreage  in  wheat  had  been  greatly  increased  in  the  Yaqui  Valley  over 
1921  on  account  of  the  surplus  of  the  rice  production  the  preceding 
year  (a  considerable  quantity  of  which  still  remained  unsold),  growers 
being  consequently  attracted  by  the  possibilities  of  a good  wheat 
market  in  1922.  Reports  show  that  the  1921  crop  was  insufficient 
for  the  needs  of  the  State  and  that  American  flour  had  to  be  imported 
during  April  and  May,  1922,  18  carloads  of  flour  being  sent  to 
Hermosillo,  as  well  as  40  carloads  of  American  wheat  for  the  mill 
there  to  help  out  the  local  shortage.  According  to  the  figures 
obtained  by  “La  Hermosillense ” mill  at  Hermosillo — the  largest 
flour  mill  on  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico — the  crop  harvested  in  June 
and  July  of  1922  would  amount  to  approximately  300,000  sacks  of 
100  kilos  each  (1  kilo  = 2.2046  pounds),  distributed  in  the  following 


manner : 

Sacks. 

Yaqiii  River  Valley,  canal  irrigation 140,000 

Rio  Sonora,  “bolsa”  system  of  irrigation 40,000 

Hermosillo  region,  “bolsa”  system  of  irrigation 50,  000 

Mayo  Valley,  canal  and  “bolsa”  system  of  irrigation 75,000 


The  mill  in  question  had  on  hand  in  August,  1922,  a total  of 
130,000  sacks,  with  30,000  more  sacks  expected — 50,000  in  excess  of 
the  storage  capacity  of  this  plant.  This  mill  has  a milling  capacity  of 
200  “cargas”  (of  300  pounds  each)  of  flour  per  24  hours  of  operation. 

FLOUR  MILLS. 

There  are  some  60  small  hand  mills  in  Sonora.  The  only  large 
custom  mills  other  than  “La  Hermosillense”  are  “La  Palma”  mill 
at  Villa  Seris,  near  Hermosillo,  with  a capacity  of  40  “cargas''  of  flour 
per  day;  the  new  30-“carga”  mill  recently  erected  at  Magdalena,  to 
the  north;  and  the  mill  at  Navojoa,  with  a capacity  of  30  “cargas” 
of  flour  per  day,  owned  and  operated  by  the  Mayo  A alley  Farmers’ 
Association. 

IMPORT  DUTY  ON  WHEAT. 

After  being  suspended,  a recent  decree  places  an  import  duty  of 
0.04  peso  per  kilo  on  wheat  imported  into  Mexico,  in  protection  of  the 


AGRICULTURE. 


131 


native  industry.  This  import  tariff  makes  competition  by  American- 
grown  wheat  impossible  as  long  as  the  native  supply  is  sufficient  for 
the  needs  of  the  West  Coast. 

Other  estimates  of  the  wheat  crop  of  Sonora  in  1922  placed  the 
total  at  only  127,000  sacks  of  100  kilos  each,  as  in  August  most  of  the 
Yaqui  Valley  crop  was  said  to  have  been  moved,  the  figures  being 
between  75,000  and  80,000  sacks,  instead  of  the  140,000  sacks  esti- 
mated for  that  region  by  the  Hermosillo  mill  people  a month  earlier. 
The  wheat  production  of  the  Mayo  Valley  was  also  reduced  to 

25.000  sacks,  as  compared  with  75,000  sacks  in  the  previous  estimate, 
and  the  Rio  Sonora  and  Hermosillo  regions  were  placed  as  low  as 

22.000  sacks  in  the  later  estimate.  However,  there  were  reasons  to 
believe  that  wheat  was  being  held  in  both  the  Mayo  and  Yaqui 
Valleys  for  later  shipment  to  the  interior  of  Mexico  via  Manzanillo 
and  the  new  port  of  Yavaros,  now  connected  with  Navojoa  by  the 
new  railway,  and  that  accurate  reports  of  actual  production  were  not 
being  given  out  by  the  growers  in  order  to  influence  prices  in  a favor- 
able manner  on  account  of  the  good  wheat  crops  in  other  regions  of 
Mexico,  principally  in  Guanajuato  and  Jalisco,  this  same  year.  At 
the  same  time,  the  State  of  Arizona  had  on  hand  a large  overpro- 
duction of  wheat,  and  a market  for  this  supply  was  being  sought 
down  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico,  as  it  could  not  be  shipped  to  the 
Middle  West  or  East  of  the  United  States  in  competition  with  the 
wheat  production  of  the  rest  of  the  country. 

In  1922  the  wheat  crop  of  the  northern  part  of  Sonora  was  damaged 
to  the  extent  of  40  per  cent  loss  by  heavy  late  frosts,  principally  in 
the  Magdalena  region  and  north  of  Hermosillo  in  the  Sonora  River 
Valley.  Wheat  is  planted  in  Sonora  from  October  to  December 
and  harvesting  is  done  between  May  and  the  end  of  June. 

MULING  SYSTEM. 

The  flour  mills  of  Sonora  are  all  operated  on  the  “tercio,  ” or 
custom-mill,  system,  whereby  the  mill  receives  the  wheat  from  the 
growers  or  dealers  and  mills  it  into  flour  at  the  rate  of  211  kilos  17 
grams  of  raw  wheat  for  136  kilos  140  grams  (300  pounds)  of  flour. 
The  flour  is  then  marketed  by  the  grower  or  through  brokers  or 
dealers,  with  the  mills  also  acting  as  distributers  of  this  product. 

IMPORTS  OF  CEREALS. 

A consular  report  dated  in  June,  1922,  showed  that  while  the 
State  of  Sonora  should  be  able  to  produce  sufficient  grains  and 
foodstuffs  for  its  domestic  needs,  large  amounts  of  American  products 
continued  to  be  brought  into  the  country,  amounting  to  $56,943  per 
month,  with  the  principal  items  as  follows: 


Com,  average  4,306  bushels $3,  617 

Wheat,  average  7,815  bushels. 13,  312 

Wheat  flour,  average  4,812  barrels 38, 127 

Bread,  biscuits,  etc.,  average  5,862  pounds 843 


IMPORTS  OF  FLOUR  AT  MAZATLAN. 

The  brands  of  flour  imported  at  Mazatlan  are  not  many  in  number, 
and,  as  a rule,  the  cheaper  grades  have  been  the  most  popular  in 
this  section,  although  small  quantities  of  a better  grade  have  been 
increasing  in  demand  during  recent  months,  principally  for  mixing 


132 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


with  the  domestic  flour  milled  in  Sonora.  Five  years  ago  flour 
constituted  the  largest  item  of  importation  into  the  port  of  Mazatlan 
by  water  from  the  United  States  (San  Francisco),  hut  since  then  the 
increased  production  in  Sonora  and  Jalisco  has  been  sufficient  to 
meet  local  needs  and  imports  of  American  flour  have  decreased. 
However,  there  still  remains  a market  in  Mazatlan  for  American 
flour,  despite  the  new  import  duty  of  0.08  peso  per  kilo. 

PROBLEM  OF  MARKETING  SURPLUS  WHEAT  PRODUCTION. 

As  with  the  rice  production  of  Sonora,  the  marketing  consideration 
seems  to  be  the  paramount  one  in  the  case  of  wheat,  and  production 
can  not  be  consistently  increased  until  means  have  been  found  to 
provide  an  export  market  for  surplus  production  over  and  above 
local  domestic  needs  of  the  West  Coast,  especially  as  the  central 
States  of  Mexico  normally  produce  sufficient  wheat  to  supply  the 
flour  needs  of  the  bulk  of  the  population  in  the  more  densely  in- 
habited portion  of  the  country. 

GARBANZOS. 

The  State  of  Sonora  is  the  world’s  largest  producer  of  “garbanzos,  ” 
or  chick-peas,  the  bulk  of  its  production  going  to  Spain  and  a large 
portion  to  the  West  Indies,  wffiere  garbanzos  have  become,  as  in 
Spain,  a staple  article  of  diet  for  the  people.  Production  has  in- 
creased enormously  since  1905,  when  65,142  hectoliters  were  pro- 
duced, valued  at  550,738  pesos  (1  hectoliter  = 2.8378  bushels). 
That  same  year  northern  Sinaloa  produced  a total  of  3,588  hectoliters, 
valued  at  22,325  pesos.  The  garb anzo-gro wing  regions  are  confined 
to  the  Yaqui  Valley,  the  Mayo  Valley,  and  the  Sinaloa  River  Valley, 
with  the  Mayo  Valley  the  chief  producer.  The  Mexican  Government 
statistics  for  the  calendar  year  1918  place  the  total  production  of 
garbanzos  at  69,303,650  kilos  (1  kilo  = 2.2046  pounds). 

cultivation  and  marketing. 

“Garbanzos”  are  most  successfully  grown  in  the  State  of  Sonora 
on  the  alluvial  plains  near  the  mouths  of  the  Mayo  and  Yaqui  Rivers, 
where  the  altitude  is  but  little  above  sea  level,  although  they  are 
also  grown  farther  inland  at  altitudes  around  300  feet,  with  more  or 
less  success.  The  plant  is  very  tender  and  subject  to  injury  by  frost. 

During  the  growing  season  the  temperature  ranges  from  70°  F.  to 
the  freezing  point.  At  planting  time  in  October  it  ranges  from  50  to 
90°  F. 

The  average  rainfall  in  the  garbanzo  region  in  the  Yaqui  Valley  is 
9 inches  and  in  the  Mayo  Valley  13  inches.  No  rain  falls  during  the 
growing  season  of  this  crop,  and  the  growers  depend  entirely  upon 
irrigation,  as  the  rains  begin  in  July  and  end  in  October,  just  before 
the  first  planting  begins.  The  method  of  irrigation  of  the  garbanzo 
fields  most  commonly  employed  is  the  “bolsa,"  or  “basin."  system, 
the  fields  having  a border  and  being  flooded  in  August  and  September 
with  water  from  the  ditches  or  freshets.  When  the  “bolsas"  have 
dried  sufficiently,  plowing,  harrowing,  and  planting  are  done.  In  the 
majority  of  the  fields  no  irrigating  is  done  during  the  growing  season 
of  the  plant,  the  moisture  retained  by  the  soil  being  usually  sufficient 
to  mature  the  crop.  In  the  Yaqui  Valley  where  abundant  water  is 


AGRICULTURE. 


133 


always  available,  some  irrigating  is  done  from  the  supply  ditches 
during  the  growing  season.  The  normal  yield  per  acre  is  from  20  to 
35  bushels. 

The  exact  time  of  planting  depends  upon  the  arrival  of  the  flood 
waters  in  the  Mayo  Valley,  where  all  the  water  for  the  irrigation 
ditches  is  taken  from  the  river  by  gravity,  but  most  of  the  crop  is 
planted  in  October. 

The  garbanzos  are  harvested  in  May,  when  the  plants  are  pulled  up 
by  hand  in  the  field  and  turned  over  so  as  to  enable  them  to  dry 
thoroughly.  They  are  then  carried  in  bunches  to  central  points  in  the 
field  where  a threshing  floor  has  been  made  on  beaten  ground.  The 
harvest  workmen  are  paid  at  the  rate  of  SI  per  sack  of  220  pounds. 

The  pre-war  prices  obtained  by  producers  of  garbanzos  averaged 
about  S10  per  sack  of  220  pounds.  The  present  prices  range  from 
Sll  to  $14  per  sack,  delivered  at  railway  cars.  Part  of  the  1919  crop 
was  badly  spoiled  by  heavy  rains  and  sold  for  as  low  as  $7  per  sack. 
There  are  no  distributing  markets  for  garbanzos  in  Mexico,  practically 
all  of  the  crop  being  shipped  by  rail  to  Guaymas  for  export  to  Spain 
and  the  West  Indies,  or  by  railway  to  Nogales  and  thence  to  New 
Orleans  for  export  to  Europe  and  the  West  Indies.  At  Guaymas 
and  Nogales  the  peas  are  fumigated,  regraded,  and  sacked  for  export. 
The  offices  of  the  more  important  buyers  and  distributers  are  in 
New  York,  New  Orleans,  Habana,  Porto  Rico,  and  Spanish  ports. 
The  purchasing  houses  usually  have  the  agents  on  the  ground  before 
and  during  the  harvest,  when  contracts  are  entered  into  for  the  sale 
and  delivery  of  the  crop.  In  many  cases  advances  at  high  rates  of 
interest  are  made  on  the  crop  to  growers  with  limited  capital. 

During  the  war  a serious  scarcity  of  sacks  prevailed  in  Sonora  and 
Sinaloa,  owing  to  British  embargoes,  with  the  result  that  some  peas 
were  shipped  to  the  American  border  loose  in  box  cars  and  were  there 
packed  in  any  kind  of  sacks  available.  In  former  years  the  garbanzos 
were  graded  in  machines  in  the  fields  and  at  Guaymas  before  shipment 
by  water,  but  very  few  garbanzos  are  graded  now,  since  the  buyers 
prefer  them  as  they  come  from  the  fields.  The  grains  run  usually 
from  40  to  60  to  the  ounce  and  sell  accordingly,  being  graded  at 
destination  or  at  transshipment  points. 

Following  is  a report  submitted  by  American  Consul  B.  F.  Yost 
under  date  of  April  17,  1919: 

Although  large  quantities  of  peas  are  threshed  by  means  of  hand  flails  or  are  tramped 
out  on  the  threshing  floors,  a few  years  ago  threshing  machinery  was  introduced,  along 
with  grading  and  cleaning  machines.  As  the  average  farmer  can  not  afford  to  purchase 
agricultural  implements,  sometimes  groups  of  farmers  club  together,  sharing  the  ex- 
pense of  purchasing  and  operating,  although  occasionally  this  is  done  by  the  buyers  of 
the  crop.  It  is  thought  that  when  the  political  and  economic  conditions  are  more  set- 
tled there  will  be  increased  demands  for  plows,  harrows,  seeders,  and  other  articles  in 
general  use,  not  only  on  the  garbanzo  farms  but  on  other  farms  as  well.  Probably  the 
best  way  to  reach  this  market  would  be  through  implement  dealers  in  Guaymas  or 
Navojoa. 

It  is  estimated  that  there  are  at  least  25  garbanzo  cleaning  and  grading  machines 
in  the  district  which  have  not  been  in  use  since  1913,  and  in  which  about  §50,000  has 
beep  invested.  Ten  of  the  machines  are  standing  idle  at  Guaymas  and  another  10  in 
the  Mayo  Valley.  That  they  are  no  longer  used  is  attributed  to  the  fact  that  the  pur- 
chasers prefer  to  buy  the  product  threshed  in  the  old  way,  and  under  the  circumstances 
there  are  no  openings  here  for  the  sale  of  this  kind  of  machinery. 

Ordinarily  the  garbanzos  are  packed  in  100-kilo  jute  sacks;  but  owing  to  the  British 
embargo  on  all  jute  there  has  been  a great  scarcity  of  bagging  during  the  past  two  years, 
so  that  some  of  last  year's  crop  was  shipped  loose  in  the  cars,  while  some  was  packed  in 


134 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


any  kind  of  sacks  obtainable.  Ordinarily  the  sacks  are  44  by  26  inches  in  size,  hold 
220  pounds,  weigh  2$  to  3 pounds,  and  cost  at  present  about  60  cents  apiece  wholesale. 
The  duty  amounts  to  10  to  14  cents  apiece,  depending  on  the  weight  and  weave.  The 
same  class  of  bags  is  also  used  for  transporting  beans,  corn,  wheat,  and  other  farm  prod- 
ucts. Flour  sacks  in  general  use  here  are  white  cotton,  36  by  26  inches  in  size,  and 
holding  150  pounds  of  flour.  At  present  very  few  ore  sacks  are  used  in  this  district,  as 
the  products  of  the  mines  are  shipped  either  as  ore  or  bullion  and  seldom  in  the  shape 
of  concentrates. 

The  rice  sacks  are  of  white  cotton  material,  38  by  18  inches,  and  hold  100  pounds. 
The  cooperative  rice  association  in  the  Yaqui  Valley  orders  its  sacks  directly  from  ex- 
porters in  the  United  States,  chiefly  from  San  Francisco.  In  normal  times  practically 
all  sacks  for  the  shipment  of  garbanzos  are  furnished  by  the  New  York  brokers,  whose 
purchasing  representatives  are  here  on  the  ground  as  the  harvest  approaches.  Nearly 
all  local  general  merchants  also  deal  in  sacks  of  various  kinds. 

Practically  the  whole  output  of  garbanzos  of  Sonora  is  purchased  by  firms  in  Porto 
Rico,  Cuba,  and  Spain,  in  normal  times  being  loaded  on  board  ship  at  Yavaros  and 
Tobari  in  small  vessels  bound  for  Guay  mas  and  Topolobampo,  whence  they  were 
shipped  direct.  However,  since  the  great  scarcity  of  cargo  space  caused  by  the  war, 
shipments  have  been  chiefly  by  rail  over  the  Southern  Pacific  of  Mexico  to  Nogales, 
thence  via  El  Paso  to  New  Orleans  and  New  York,  where  they  are  loaded  on  board  ship 
and  sent  to  their  respective  destinations. 

Owing  to  the  excessive  freight  rates  across  the  Atlantic,  the  Spanish  markets  have 
been  but  little  depended  upon,  and  the  bulk  of  the  crop  was  consumed  by  Cuba  and 
Porto  Rico,  with  limited  quantities  purchased  by  the  United  States  and  South  Amer- 
ica. Prices  last  year  (1918)  were  very  high  and  the  farmers  obtained  highly  satisfactory 
results. 

The  following  are  the  freight  rates  in  carload  lots,  per  100  pounds:  From  Guamuchil 
(Sinaloa)  to  New  York,  $1.15$;  to  Galveston,  $1;  to  New  Orleans,  SI. 03;  from  San  Bias 
(Sinaloa)  and  Navojoa  and  Esperanza  (Sonora)  to  New  York,  $1.06$;  to  Galveston, 
$0.94;  to  New  Orleans,  $0.94. 

The  shipment  and  marketing  of  the  1918  crop  was  handled  entirely  by  the  Garbanzo 
Growers’  Association  (Union  Garbanzera)  through  a well-known  financier  and  business 
man  residing  at  Nogales,  Sonora.  Previously,  the  custom  had  been  for  buyers  to  come 
in  person  or  by  representative  to  contract  for  the  growing  crops,  on  advance  payments 
of  one-half  the  value  of  the  estimated  crop,  with  a provision  for  deducting  $1  from  the 
current  price  as  interest  for  the  use  of  the  money  advanced. 

The  garbanzo  movements,  according  to  railway  statistics,  reflect  the  situation 
brought  about  by  the  Yaqui  Indian  disturbances.  While  the  farmers  in  the  Yaqui 
Valley  adjacent  to  Esperanza  and  Cajeme  were  able  to  raise  crops,  those  located  farther 
down  the  river  and  in  the  outlying  districts  in  this  section  were  exposed  to  Yaqui  raids 
and  consequently  did  not  endeavor  to  cultivate  their  lands  or  produce  crops. 

A report  in  August,  1922,  stated  that  the  1922  crop  would  be  25 
per  cent  below  the  average  for  previous  years  on  account  of  frost  dam- 
age and  the  ravages  of  various  insect  pests  that  had  recently  invaded 
the  fields. 

EXPORTS  OF  GARBANZOS. 

According  to  data  compiled  by  the  Southern  Pacific  Railroad  of 
Mexico  (Guaymas  office)  the  1920  crop  of  garbanzos  in  Sonora  was 
much  greater  than  those  of  either  1918  or  1919.  The  following  table 
shows  the  movement  of  this  product  from  the  several  railway  sta- 
tions for  1920,  as  compared  with  1918  and  1919,  quantities  being 
expressed  in  bags  of  220  pounds  each : 


Railway  stations. 

1918 

1919 

1920 

Navojoa „ 

Bags. 

118,710 

Bags. 

134,457 

22,719 

Bags. 
its.  743 

23,033 

9,384 

31.336 

5',  793 

26, 457 
22,706 

15,334 

608 

14, 551 
2, 94S 
2, 674 

2.825 

7,594 

4,520 

Total 

174,  S63 

1S3.142 

256, 5S7 

AGRICULTURE. 


135 


All  the  above  peas  were  shipped  by  rail  to  Nogales,  with  the 
exception  of  about  8,000  bags  which  went  to  San  Pedro,  Calif.,  from 
Guavmas  by  water  and  thence  to  Spain.  Those  shipped  to  Nogales 
were  later  sent  to  New  Orleans  or  Gulf  ports  for  shipment  to  New 
York  and  Europe. 

In  January  and  February,  1920,  late  frosts  and  extremely  heavy 
spring  rains  damaged  the  garbanzo  crop  in  the  Mayo  Valley  by  30 
per  cent. 

In  1917,  1918,  and  1919  prices  for  garbanzos  for  Spain  and  the 
West  Indies  averaged  as  high  as  $14  per  sack  of  220  pounds,  and  the 
industry  was  a very  profitable  one  even  with  ocean  tonnage  hard 
to  secure  for  direct  water  shipment  from  Guaymas  and  the  traffic 
diverted  to  New  Orleans  with  a long  rail  haul.  In  1920  prices 
slumped  to  $7  per  sack,  on  account  of  the  lack  of  demand  from 

Spain,  and  again  in  1912  to  as  low  as  $6  per  sack.  In  an  endeavor 

to  stabilize  the  industry  and  come  to  the  assistance  of  the  growers, 
the  Mexican  Central  Government,  through  the  Comision  Monetaria, 
extended  loans  of  $5  per  sack  to  the  growers  and  held  the  grain  as 

security.  The  interest  rate  was  at  first  18  per  cent  per  annum, 

but  was  later  reduced  to  12  per  cent. 

GRADING. 

The  standard-grade  size  for  garbanzos  is  54  to  the  ounce.  The 
grading  is  done  by  means  of  sizers  (sieves). 

EMBARGO  AGAINST  EXPORTATION. 

In  August,  1921,  it  was  reported  that  the  embargo  against  the 
exportation  of  garbanzos  which  the  Mexican  Government  had  main- 
tained for  some  time  in  order  to  affect  prices  favorably  for  this  prod- 
uct was  to  be  removed  in  October  of  that  year.  The  1921  crop  was 
moving  in  August  at  prices  averaging  6f  cents  per  pound,  f.  o.  b. 
cars.  The  freight  rate  from  Navojoa  to  New  York  was  $1.05  per 
hundredweight. 

In  March,  1922,  another  embargo  against  the  exportation  of  this 
product  was  removed  by  the  Mexican  Government,  the  remainder 
of  the  1920-21  crop  having  been  disposed  of,  the  final  shipment 
being  made  by  water  direct  to  Spain  in  a Spanish  steamer  from 
Guaymas  in  August,  1922.  One  hundred  and  five  thousand  sacks 
were  sold  to  a Cuban  firm  by  the  Comision  Monetaria,  holding  most 
of  the  old  crop  on  loans  made  to  the  growers,  as  stated  above. 

GROWERS’  ASSOCIATION. 

In  1920  the  growers  in  the  Yaqui  and  Mayo  Valleys  formed  an 
association,  with  headquarters  at  Navojoa,  for  the  purpose  of  co- 
operative marketing  of  their  crops,  it  being  hoped  to  pool  the  crops 
and  influence  prices  as  much  as  an  additional  $5  per  sack.  On 
account  of  the  market  depression  and  heavy  loans  made  by  the 
Comision  Monetaria  on  the  crops,  the  efforts  of  this  association  have 
not  been  very  successful  to  date. 

STERILIZATION  PLANT  AT  GUAYMAS. 

In  July,  1921,  the  Mexican  Central  Government  completed  a 
garbanzo  sterilization  plant  at  Guaymas,  Sonora,  for  the  heat  treat- 
ment of  this  product.  About  100,000  sacks  were  treated  by  this 


136 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


method  that  year,  it  being  necessary  to  protect  the  grain  from  weevils 
and  other  insects  that  damage  it  in  storage.  The  consensus  among 
the  growers  was  to  the  effect  that  while  the  heat  process  was  as 
effective  as  fumigation,  the  cost  made  it  impractical  on  account  of 
the  extra  charges  for  additional  handling,  the  cost  reaching  24  cents 
United  States  currency  per  sack,  whereas  fumigation  in  a large  ware- 
house does  not  exceed  8 cents  per  sack. 

This  plant  was  erected  by  the  Government  at  a cost  of  about 
$50,000  United  States  currency  and  has  a capacity  of  30,000  to  40,000 
sacks  per  day.  The  plant  was  erected  by  an  American  firm  which 
specializes  in  this  type  of  equipment.  It  is  not  now  in  operation. 

LABOR  CONDITIONS  IN  MAYO  VALLEY. 

The  labor  situation  in  the  Mayo  Valley  is  very  favorable  to  agri- 
culturists. About  75  per  cent  of  the  farm  workers  are  Mayo  Indians, 
and  the  rest  are  Mexicans  of  the  “ peon  ” type.  As  a rule  all  work  is 
carried  out  under  the  ancient  “tarea”  or  task  system,  called  “piece- 
work” in  the  United  States,  the  average  daily  wage  amounting  to 
about  $1  per  day  at  the  present  time.  When  on  the  piecework  basis 
the  men  start  at  about  7 a.  m.  and  finish  about  3 p.  m.  Most  of  the 
men  in  the  Mayo  Valley  own  small  farms  of  their  own  on  which  they 
grow  small  amounts  of  corn  and  beans  for  their  staple  foods. 

CLEANING  MACHINERY. 

American  manufacturers  have  spent  a great  deal  of  time  and  money 
in  the  development  of  a garbanzo  cleaning  and  sorting  machine 
which  they  have  been  trying  to  sell  to  the  growers  for  the  past  two 
years,  but  the  growers  do  not  seem  to  be  interested  and  prefer  to 
dispose  of  their  product  ungraded. 

SUMMARY  OF  GARBANZO  CROP  AND  MARKET  CONDITIONS  IN  1922. 

The  marketing  of  the  garbanzo  crops  of  Sonora  and  Sinaloa  is  now 
practically  controlled  by  the  Sindicato  de  Cosecheros  de  Garbanzos 
de  Sonora  y Sinaloa,  a growers’  union  formed  in  Januarv,  1922.  At 
the  beginning  of  1922  the  whole  of  the  1921  crop  was  still  being  held 
in  storage  because  of  low  prices  and  the  continuation  of  the  export 
embargo  by  the  Mexican  Government.  The  1920  crop  was  nearly 
all  sold  by  the  beginning  of  1922. 

The  Comision  Monetaria,  the  financial  agency  of  the  Government, 
holds  considerable  quantities  of  garbanzos  in  warehouse  at  Navojoa 
and  Nogales,  on  which  it  has  advanced  loans  of  $5  per  sack  to  the 

f rowers.  It  is  believed  that  many  of  these  loans  will  never  be  paid, 
ecause  of  the  insolvency  of  the  growers  in  many  cases.  There  were 
about  100,000  sacks  stored  in  warehouses  at  the  port  of  Guaymas  in 
January,  1922,  many  of  which  belonged  to  the  Comision  Monetaria, 
and  which  it  was  planned  to  ship  direct  by  steamer  through  the  Canal 
to  Spain.  A Dutch  line  made  an  offer  of  $12  per  metric  ton  as  an 
ocean  freight  rate  from  Guaymas  to  Spanish  ports  early  in  the  year, 
the  lowest  previous  offer  having  been  from  the  Compagnie  Francaise 
of  $15  per  ton.  Water  rates  to  New  Orleans  had  not  been  quoted 
at  that  date. 

It  was  the  desire  of  the  growers  to  place  from  100.000  to  125.000 
sacks  with  Spanish  dealers,  the  remainder — consisting  of  100,000 


AGRICULTURE. 


137 


sacks — to  go  to  Cuba,  Porto  Rico,  and  other  markets.  An  arrangement 
was  being  sought  with  an  American  firm  to  handle  the  market  in  the 
United  States.  The  growers’  union  was  then  holding  out  for  a flat 
price  of  $10  per  sack,  f.  o.  b.  shipping  point  on  the  West  Coast. 
Freight  rates  per  hundredweight  over  the  Southern  Pacific  of  Mexico 
to  New  Orleans  were  quoted  as  follows: 


From — 

Guaymas,  Sonora $0.  85 

Navojoa,  Sonora 1.  05 

San  Bias,  Sinaloa 1.  05 

Naranjo,  Sinaloa 1.  075 

Bamoa,  Sinaloa 1.  085 

Guamuchil,  Sinaloa 1.  085 

Caimanero,  Sinaloa 1. 14 

Culiacan,  Sinaloa 1.  16 


It  is  understood  that  garbanzos  stored  at  Guaymas  are  entitled 
to  the  through  rate  from  points  of  origin — that  is,  they  will  not  be 
charged  for  local  freight  to  Guaymas. 

In  March,  1922,  the  Southern  Pacific  reported  a movement  of 
152,819  sacks,  with  6,800  sacks  still  in  storage  in  the  Government 
(Comision  Monetaria)  warehouse  at  Navojoa.  The  crop  of  1921 
amounted  to  about  230,000  sacks. 

In  August,  1922,  the  embargo  was  removed  on  the  exportation  of 
the  1921  crop  but  was  still  in  force  on  the  1922  crop,  for  the  purpose 
of  holding  up  prices  by  creating  an  artificial  shortage  in  the  European 
and  West  Indian  market  centers,  and  also  to  enable  the  growers  to 
dispose  of  the  old  stocks  still  held  from  the  previous  year. 

The  firm  of  E.  Fernandez,  Alonzo,  y Cfa.  (Spaniards)  controls  the 
stocks  held  by  the  Comision  Monetaria,  and  also  controls  the  selling 
agency  in  the  American  and  West  Indian  markets  through  its  New 
Orleans  office.  In  April,  1922,  this  firm  took  a total  of  115,000  sacks 
on  a 75-day  delivery  contract.  Forty  thousand  sacks  were  sold  to  a 
Spanish  firm  of  Bilbao,  Spain,  at  a price  of  $8.85  f.  o.  b.  Guaymas. 
It  is  not  thought  that  more  than  10,000  sacks  are  still  being  held  by 
independent  growers. 

The  crop  for  1922  was  estimated  at  30,000  sacks  less  than  for  1921 
on  account  of  heavy  frosts  in  early  spring;  175,000  sacks  was  esti- 
mated as  the  total  crop  for  the  1922  harvest. 

Prices  in  New  Orleans  were  said  to  be  $18.75  per  sack,  duty  un- 
paid, with  sizes  running  from  48  to  54  to  the  ounce.  This  same  offer 
was  reported  as  having  been  made  to  Cuban  and  Porto  Rican  im- 
porters. In  June,  1922,  a Spanish  steamer  loaded  65,000  sacks  at 
Guaymas  for  Bilbao,  Spain  (6,000  tons  load).  Thirty  thousand 
sacks  moved  by  rail  to  New  Orleans  in  May,  1922,  being  the  last  of 
the  1921  crop. 

EFFECT  OF  WAR  ON  MARKET. 

The  war  presented  obstacles  to  the  garbanzo  trade  in  the  way  of 
scarcity  of  ocean  tonnage  and  lower  prices  following  the  market 
slump  all  over  the  world  in  1920. 

The  production  of  garbanzos  in  Spain  in  1920  amounted  to  1,399,351 
metric  “quintals”  on  an  area  of  226,940  hectares.  The  total  ship- 
ments from  Sonora  to  Spain  during  the  same  year  reached  approxi- 
mately 431,000  sacks  of  220  pounds  each. 


138 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


According  to  the  report  of  the  Mexican  consul  general  at  Barce- 
lona, imports  of  garbanzos  from  Mexico  at  that  port  since  1913  have 
been  as  follows: 


Years. 

Kilos. 

Value  in 
pesetas. 

Years. 

Kilos. 

Value  in 
pesetas. 

1913 

8,941,049 

10,114,044 

4,097,496 

4,574,943 

4, 828, 166 
5,461,593 
2,212,547 
2,470,469 

1917 

1,292,148 
205,543 
7,361,200 
7, 420, 467 

649, 159 
111,127 
3,975,070 
4,007,852 

1914 

1918 

1915 

1919 

1916 

1920 1 

1 Up  to  the  month  of  September,  1920. 

SUGAR. 


Sugar  has  been  characterized  as  the  preeminent  industry  of  the 
West  Coast  of  Mexico.  The  production  exceeds  in  value  that  of  any 
other  one  industry  of  this  region,  the  sugar-cane  lands  of  Sinaloa  and 
Nayarit  being  classed  among  the  best  in  Mexico,  Cuba,  or  South 
America. 

PRODUCTION  FIGURES— NUMBER  OF  MILLS. 

The  production  of  sugar  in  Mexico  during  1908  was  approximately 

125.000  tons.  The  output,  by  record,  from  July  1,  1907,  to  July  1, 
1908,  was  123,285  metric  tons,  70,947  metric  tons  of  molasses,  and 

50.000  metric  tons  of  the  brown  sugar  of  the  country,  called  “pano- 
cha.”  In  the  past  90  years  the  world’s  consumption  of  sugar  has 
increased  by  900  per  cent.  Mexico’s  production  of  sugar  between 
1900  and  1908  increased  by  60  per  cent,  and  the  consumption  of 
refined  sugar  within  the  Republic  increased  faster  than  the  world’s 
consumption. 

Sugar  experts  and  engineers  specializing  in  this  industry  estimate 
that  sugar  can  be  produced  on  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico  for  a gross 
cost  of  $0.01  per  pound.  Egyptian  sugar  costs  $0.02J  to  produce. 
In  1904  and  1905  Mexico  sold  in  foreign  markets  sugar  to  the  value  of 
$6,000,000  United  States  currency.  In  1905  the  State  of  Sonora 
produced  brown  sugar  (‘“panocha”)  to  the  value  of  80,892  pesos,  the 
quantity  being  given  in  official  statistics  for  that  year  as  552,566 
kilos,  while  the  cane  grown  was  valued  at  1,047,065  pesos.  In  the 
same  year  the  figures  given  for  the  State  of  Sinaloa  were  10,039,000 
kilos  of  sugar,  valued  at  1,260,750  pesos. 

More  recent  official  figures  on  the  sugar  production  of  Mexico, 
reproduced  in  the  Revista  de  Hacienda,  Mexico  City,  August  14,  1922, 
show  the  1921-22  sugar  crop  of  the  country  and  details  of  production 
by  States,  as  follows : 


States. 

Number 
of  mills. 

Production 
in  metric 
tons. 

States. 

Number 
of  milk. 

Production 
in  metric 
tons. 

21 

50, 000 

Tabasco 

11 

4,000 

1,700 

7 

24.000 

10. 000 
10, 000 

7.000 

6.000 
5,000 

Colima 

3 

6 

San  Luis  Potosi 

1 

1,500 

500 

15 

Yucatan 

1 

16 

2 

Total 

92 

119,800 

9 

Some  of  the  mills  ground  only  part  of  the  season,  and  four  were  shut 
down  the  entire  season.  The  above  figures  were  arranged  by  the 
Camara  de  Productores  de  Azucar,  of  Mexico,  the  central  national 
organization  of  sugar  producers  in  Mexico.  The  mills  cited  above 
are  those  turning  out  refined  sugar,  and  the  figures  do  not  take  into 


AGRICULTURE. 


139 


account  the  enormous  production  of  native  brown  sugar,  called 
“ panocha,”  by  many  thousands  of  small  plants  all  over  the  country. 

SURVEY  OF  INDUSTRY. 

The  “Aurora”  plant  of  Redo  y Cla.  at  Culiacan  is  the  oldest  sugar 
mill  on  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico.  The  cane  is  grown  entirely  on  the 
light  silt  soil  of  the  river  bottom  and  produces  40  to  50  tons  of  cane  to 
the  hectare,  with  a mill  production  of  about  100  kilos  of  white,  refined 
sugar  per  metric  ton  of  cane  (1  hectare  = 2.47  acres;  1 kilo  = 2.2046 
pounds). 

The  “El  Dorado”  plantation,  also  of  Redo  y Cia.,  on  the  San 
Lorenzo  River  just  below  Culiacan,  produces  from  60  to  80  tons  of 
cane  to  the  hectare  and  from  65  to  75  kilos  of  refined  sugar  per  metric 
ton  of  cane.  Soil  conditions  are  somewhat  similar,  but  there  is  more 
clay  content  in  the  soil  of  the  sugar  lands  of  the  San  Lorenzo  Valley. 

At  the  Los  Mochis  plantation  of  the  United  Sugar  Co.  the  clay  base 
soil  produces  50  tons  of  cane  to  the  hectare,  as  against  60  tons  pro- 
duced by  the  sandy,  alluvial  soils  around  the  “ Aguila”  division  of  the 
lands  of  this  company  in  the  Fuerte  River  Valley.  In  comparing  the 
two  plantations  of  this  company  in  the  Fuerte  Valley  it  may  be  noted 
that  the  cane  from  the  clay  soils  produces  15  per  cent  more  sucrose 
than  the  cane  from  the  light, sandy  soils  at  “Aguila.”  (For  details 
of  the  Los  Mochis  plant  of  the  United  Sugar  Co.  in  the  Fuerte  Valley, 
see  p.  111.) 

ALMADA  SUGAR  REFINERIES  CO. 

The  sugar  lands  of  the  Almada  Sugar  Refineries  Co.,  S.  A.,  which 
is  entirely  owned  by  Mexicans  of  Culiacan,  Sinaloa,  is  located  on  the 
Culiacan  River  halfway  between  the  capital  and  the  coast  at  Altata, 
on  the  Occidental  Railway,  winch  now  connects  with  the  Southern 
Pacific  of  Mexico  at  Culiacan.  This  company  was  incorporated  in 
New  York  in  March,  1902.  In  1908  more  machinery  was  installed  at 
a cost  of  $360,000  United  States  currency,  doubling  the  capacity  of  the 
mill.  Twice  as  much  cane  was  also  planted,  giving  the  new  plant  a 
total  capacity  of  8,000,000  to  9,000,000  kilos  of  sugar  and  1,200,000 
liters  of  alcohol  per  annum.  That  year  the  plant  and  holdings  were 
offered  for  sale  to  Americans  at  5,000,000  pesos.  An  inventory  of 
the  property  in  1909  showed  values  as  follows: 


Items. 


Sugar  factory;  old  valuation,  856,000  pesos,  increased  to 

Alcohol  and'liquor  factories 

General  offices,  warehouses,  etc 

5,860  acres  planted,  part  to  cane,  all  fenced  and  irrigated 

63,7S5  acres  north  of  Navolato;  valuation  increased  from  1,017,079  pesos  to 

Irrigation  canal,  with  structures 

Centrifugal  pumps,  three  24  inches  and  two  18  inches 

Garden  and  orchard  lands 

Lumber  for  buildings 

Implements 

600 horses  and  mules,  and  equipment 

90  cane  wagons 

Portable  railway  (10,000  meters) 

Portable  railway 

Water  rights  from  State 

Pilot  boat  Navolato 

Lots  and  houses  in  town  of  Navolato 

Telephone  lines 

Total 


Mexican 

pesos. 


1,216, 000 

400.000 

25. 000 
3, 842, 370 
6,306,500 

350. 000 

100.000 

10.000 

35. 000 

25. 000 

36.000 

11.000 
11,000 
11,000 

300. 000 
14,948 

125.000 
2,500 


12, 821, 318 


Note. — It  will  be  noticed  that  the  value  of  the  Sind  held  was  increased  in  1908  and  1909  from  1,017,279  to 
6,306,500  pesos.  This  increase  in  the  valuation  placed  on  these  land  holdings  was  due  to  the  influx  of  Ameri- 
can land  buyers  following  the  construction  of  the  railroad  down  the  coast  that  year,  when  an  era  of  land 
speculation  was  induced  by  their  activities. 


140 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


PRODUCTION  DATA,  NAVOLATO  PLANTATION. 

The  following  data  on  production  and  costs  of  cane  products  on 
the  Navolato  plantation  of  Almada  y Cia.  may  be  taken  as  average 
figures  for  the  Fuerte,  Culiacan,  and  San  Lorenzo  Valleys  and  the 
sugar  lands  in  the  State  of  Nayarit  (values  given  are  for  a pre-war 
normal  year) : 

Cane  grown:  38,000  tons  for  the  year. 

Refined  sugar:  2,200  metric  tons. 

Yield:  5.73  per  cent,  or  1 ton  of  sugar  per  each  17.45  tons  of  cane,  metric  measure- 
ment. 

Cost  of  producing  sugar,  4.55  centavos  per  pound. 

Selling  price  of  sugar,  9.15  centavos  per  pound. 

Cost  of  producing  alcohol,  11.38  centavos  per  liter. 

Selling  price  of  alcohol,  25.43  centavos  per  liter. 

The  high-grade  white  sugar  is  put  up  in  loaves  and  cubes.  The  gray 
centrifugal  sugar  is  of  96°  to  97°  polarization.  The  alcohol  is  9(3 
per  cent. 

The  cane  cutting  and  grinding  season  lasts  from  December  to  May. 
The  mill  operated  an  average  of  140  days  and  nights  for  the  season 
that  year.  Two  thousand  one  hundred  acres  of  cane  were  cut  in 
1909,  and  the  property  showed  an  annual  interest  return,  net,  of  11 
per  cent  on  a capital  investment  of  5,000,000  pesos.  It  was  thought 
that  production  of  refined  sugar  could  be  increased,  with  the  same 
amount  of  cane,  from  5.75  per  cent  to  8.5  per  cent  by  means  of  a 
more  modern  plant  and  methods.  Although  no  new  mill  has  been 
installed  since  then,  various  improvements  have  been  added  to  this 
plant  during  the  prosperous  years  of  high  prices  for  sugar  during 
the  Great  War,  and  cane  acreage  has  also  been  materially  increased. 

SUGAR  INDUSTRY  IN  TEPIC,  NAYARIT. 

One  of  the  industries  in  the  State  of  Nayarit  that  has  received  the 
greatest  impulse  is  that  of  sugar  cane,  the  cultivation  of  which  has 
been  extended  to  the  plantations  (“haciendas”)  of  Puga  and  La 
Esvondida  (belonging  to  the  Spanish  house  of  Aguirre  y Cia.),  La 
Labor,  Mojarres,  La  Fortuna,  San  Jose  del  Conde,  and  La  Cofradia, 
and  to  various  outlying  municipalities  where  the  native  brown  sugar 
called  “panocha”  is  made. 

There  are  three  modern  sugar  factories  turning  out  white  refined 
sugar  for  local  consumption,  twro  of  the  largest  belonging  to  the 
Spanish  house  of  D.  G.  Aguirre,  Sues.,  of  Tepic.  The  plant  at  Puga 
on  the  railway  below  Tepic  has  a total  of  1,000  hectares  in  sugar  cane, 
and  that  of  La  Escondida  has  500  hectares  in  cane.  Both  plants 
turn  out  an  annual  production  of  4,000,000  kilos  of  refined  sugar 
and  15,000  cases  of  refined  alcohol  of  10  gallons  each.  The  machinery 
of  these  two  plants  is  very  old  and  principally  of  French  manufac- 
ture, although  recent  additions  and  replacements  have  been  ordered 
from  England. 

The  new  modern  plant  of  Manchaca  y Cia.,  of  Tepic,  was  erected 
early  in  1922  to  take  the  place  of  an  old  native  “panocha"  plant  on 
the  property,  which  is  located  about  15  miles  south  of  the  city  of 
Tepic.  Four  hundred  hectares  are  planted  in  cane.  Two  hundred 
thousand  kilos  of  refined  white  cube  sugar  were  produced  in  the  1922 
season,  and  the  plant  is  expected  to  produce  500,000  kilos  in  1923. 
From  3,000  to  4,000  cases  (of  10  gallons  each)  of  refined  alcohol  are 


AGRICULTURE. 


141 


produced  with  the  present  equipment,  which  is  most  modern  and 
up  to  date. 

“La  Labor”  Hacienda,  25  miles  east  of  Tepic,  contains  170,000 
hectares  of  lands,  with  a large  area  in  sugar  cane,  which  is  all  turned 
into  alcohol,  some  20,000  cases  (of  10  gallons  each)  being  produced 
annually.  This  hacienda  is  owned  by  Sr.  Gongoita,  a Spaniard. 

MARKET  FOR  ALCOHOL. 

In  the  State  of  Jalisco  there  cue  very  large  plantations  of  the  blue 
mescal  plant,  a species  of  the  agave,  from  which  the  native  liquor, 
called  “mescal”  or  “tequila,”  is  made,  being  distilled  from  the  head 
of  the  plant  at  its  maturity  every  seven  years.  The  largest  of  these 
mescal  plantations  is  located  at  the  town  of  Tequila,  in  Jalisco,  near 
the  line  with  the  State  of  Nayarit  and  on  the  San  Marcos  Branch 
of  railway  from  Guadalajara.  Investigation  in  Tepic  in  September, 
1922,  showed  that  these  mescal  plants  were  the  principal  consumers 
of  Nayarit  and  Sinaloa  alcohol  production,  the  product  being  used 
for  the  making  of  certain  brands  of  “ tequila”  (or  “mescal”)  for  con- 
sumption in  all  parts  of  Mexico,  this  being  the  common  native  drink 
and  very  intoxicating.  The  use  of  raw  alcohol  for  the  adulteration 
of  the  “mescal”  liquor  has  been  increasing  enormously  in  Mexico 
during  the  past  few  years,  as  alcohol  can  be  produced  more  cheaply 
and  rapidly  in  the  modern  sugar  plants  from  the  cane  refuse  and 
molasses  than  the  liquor  itself  can  be  produced  from  the  slow-growing 
species  of  agave  plant  (which  also  yields  the  “ixtle”  fiber,  similar 
to  the  henequen  fiber  of  Yucatan).  All  the  sugar  plants  are  equipped 
with  alcohol-distilling  plants  and  also  have  their  own  can-making 
machinery  where  they  make  the  standard  5-gallon  tins  such  as  are 
used  for  shipments  of  case  oil  products. 

The  two  plantations  of  Aguirre  Sues,  in  Nayarit  are  located  in 
rough,  hilly  lands,  where  plowing  is  done  on  hillsides,  but  they  have 
abundant  water  for  irrigation  of  the  cane.  All  the  other  plantations 
of  the  West  Coast  are  located  nearer  the  mouths  of  the  river  valleys 
and  are  on  level  alluvial  lands. 

PROTECTIVE  TARIFF  ON  SUGAR. 

In  February,  1922,  the  Mexican  Govermnent  placed  a protective 
tariff  on  imports  of  sugar  into  Mexico,  in  protection  of  the  native 
industry.  The  rate  is  15  centavos  (0.15  peso)  per  kilo  on  refined  sugar 
imported  into  Mexico.  The  rate  is  sufficiently  high  to  exclude  Cuban 
and  other  sugars  from  the  Mexican  market,  having  been  increased 
from  0.10  peso. 

MARKETS  FOR  WEST  COAST  SUGAR. 

The  planters  of  the  West  Coast  have  formed  a marketing  associa- 
tion and  sell  most  of  their  product — above  local  demands — in  the 
central  and  northern  parts  of  Mexico,  usually  shipping  by  rail  via 
Nogales  and  Ciudad  Juarez.  On  account  of  the  credit  situation  that 
followed  the  slump  in  the  sugar  market  in  the  fall  of  1920,  stocks 
are  now  held  in  warehouses  at  El  Paso,  on  the  American  side,  so  that 
loans  can  be  secured  on  these  stocks  until  the  product  can  be  dis- 
tributed to  the  consumers  in  the  interior.  Banks  in  Mexico  will  not 
loan  money  on  stocks  carried  in  that  country,  on  account  of  the 


142 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


uncertainty  of  the  political  and  economic  situation  in  that  country. 
Redo  y Cla.  and  the  United  Sugar  Co.  of  Los  Mochis  maintain  offices 
in  Los  Angeles,  Calif.,  and  do  a good  deal  of  their  financing  through 
that  center  since  the  revolutionary  times  in  Mexico.  Sales  offices 
are  maintained  in  Mazatlan  and  in  El  Paso,  Tex. 

PRESENT  CONDITION  OF  SUGAR  INDUSTRY. 

The  prices  being  obtained  for  sugar  in  Mexico  are  higher  than 
those  obtained  for  the  same  product  in  the  United  States  because 
of  the  protective  tariff  and  its  exclusion  of  foreign  sugars.  At  the 
beginning  of  the  European  War  the  sugar  producers  of  the  West 
Coast,  as  elsewhere  in  Mexico,  were  heavily  in  debt  for  their  equip- 
ment, plantation  improvements,  etc.,  but  the  extraordinarily  nigh 
prices  obtained  during  the  war  years  for  their  product,  despite  local 
revolutionary  conditions,  enabled  them  to  pay  off  their  indebtedness, 
and  they  now  face  a very  prosperous  condition  even  in  view  of  prices 
lower  than  those  during  the  war  years.  The  El  Dorado  plant  of 
Redo  y Cia.  on  the  San  Lorenzo  River  below  Culiacan.  has  been 
greatly  enlarged  and  improved  recently  and  now  ranks  about  equal 
in  equipment  and  production  to  that  of  the  United  Sugar  Co.  at 
Los  Mochis  in  the  Fuerte  Valley. 

TOMATO  AND  WINTER-VEGETABLE  INDUSTRY. 

The  winter  tomato  industry  of  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico  was 
started  about  15  years  ago  by  the  American  colonists  at  Los  Mochis 
in  the  Fuerte  Valley,  and  since  then  this  industry  has  rapidly  in- 
creased, its  development  having  overshadowed  all  other  activity  on 
the  West  Coast  during  the  last  three  or  four  years.  On  account  of 
the  lack  of  markets  for  other  products  of  the  region  and  the  economic 
necessity  of  exporting  some  product  to  a foreign  market,  and  also 
because  of  the  large  returns  possible  in  this  branch  of  agriculture, 
many  native  landowners  have  also  been  attracted  to  tomato  growing 
and  are  investing  heavily,  while  several  millions  of  dollars  of  American 
capital,  principally  from  California,  have  been  recently  invested,  not 
only  in  winter  tomatoes  for  the  American  market,  but  also  in  the 
production  of  early  green  vegetables  such  as  green  corn,  string 
beans,  chili  peppers,  okra,  peas,  etc.,  and  also  cantaloupes. 

Five  thousand  crates  of  tomatoes  were  shipped  in  the  early  spring 
of  1908  by  express  and  netted  the  growers  about  SO. 80  per  crate. 
Since  then  the  development  of  this  new  industry  has  been  phenomenal, 
as  is  shown  by  the  following  tables  of  actual  shipments  compiled  by 
tlie  railways  for  the  season  of  1921-22,  with  quantities  expressed  in 
carload  lots: 

PRODUCTION  OF  FUERTE  VALLEY  AND  LOS  MOCHIS  COLONY. 


Tomatoes . . . 
Chilis 

Vegetables. . 
Cantaloupes 


Cars. 

620 

33 

15 

14 

6S2 

Total. 


AGRICUL/TUHE. 


143 


PRODUCTION  FROM  SINALOA,  SOUTH  OF  THE  FUERTE  VALLEY,  AND  FROM 

NAYARIT. 


Stations. 

River  valleys. 

Toma- 

toes. 

Canta- 

loupes. 

Vegeta- 

bles. 

Sinaloa 

Cars. 

Cars. 

17 

Cars. 

Culiacan 

1 

14 

15 

Culiacan 

90 

4 

Elota 

52 

1 

62 

98 

4 

10 

Rosario 

19 

Rosario,  etc 

16 

San  Pedro  and  Santiago 

161 

24 

513 

51 

24 

TOTALS  FOR  SEASON  OF  1921-22. 


Tomatoes . . . 

Chilis 

Vegetables . . 
Cantaloupes 

Total. 


Classes. 


Cars. 


1,113 

33 

39 

65 


1,250 


ESTIMATED  ACREAGE  OF  THE  ABOVE  CROP,  SEASON  OF  1921-22. 


Districts. 

Toma- 

toes. 

Canta- 

loupes. 

Vegeta- 

bles. 

Chilis. 

Santiago,  Nayarit 

Acres. 

200 

1,000 

200 

200-250 

200 

900 

475-500 

500 

1,250 

250 

250 

400 

400 

500 

2,925 

A cres. 

Acres. 

Acres. 

Tuxpan,  N ayarit 

500 

200 

Esquinapa,  Nayarit 

Villa  Union,  Sinaloa 

La  Cruz,  Sinaloa 

35-40 

60 

Culiacan,  Sinaloa 

30 

Colorada*  Sinaloa 

Navolato,  Sinaloa 

Limoncito,  Sinaloa 

Fuerte  Valley: 

Constancia 

Teroque 

100 

85 

• 

The  conference  of  tomato  growers  of  the  West  Coast  estimated  the 
total  tomato  acreage  planted  in  the  1921-22  season  at  7.600  to  7,800 
acres,  but  this  estimate  was  later  reduced  to  5,500  available  acres  for 
actual  picking  by  February,  1922,  on  account  of  the  ravages  to  the 
crop  by  plant  disease  and  insect  pests  experienced  that  year. 

The  acreage  planted  in  tomatoes  for  export  to  the  American  mar- 
kets in  1919  for  the  1920  shipping  season  was  50  per  cent  greater  than 
the  area  planted  the  preceding  year.  Trial  shipments  were  made  to 
Canada  also. 

RENEWAL  OF  TOMATO  INDUSTRY  IN  GUAYMAS  VALLEY. 

Under  date  of  February  5,  1921,  the  American  consul  at  Guavmas, 
Sonora,  reported  that  tomato  growing  on  a commercial  scale  had 
been  renewed  in  the  region  just  north  of  the  port,  where  depredations 
of  the  Yaqui  Indians  had  caused  the  industry  to  be  suspended  for 
several  years.  Important  truck  farms  near  Guaymas  were  being  reha- 


144 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


bilitated  by  Chinese  farmers,  who  expected  to  be  able  to  ship  8 or  10 
carloads  of  tomatoes  that  season.  (These  lands  belong  to  Sr.  Luis 
A.  Martinez,  of  Guaymas,  Sonora.)  Here  irrigation  is  by  means  of 
shallow  wells. 

DAMAGE  BY  FLOODS. 

The  spring  equinoctial  rains  are,  some  years,  sufficiently  heavy  to 
cause  the  streams  to  rise  and  cause  damage  by  floods  during  the 
critical  time  of  the  tomato-growing  season  on  the  West  Coast.  In 
January,  1919,  floods  in  the  Fuerte  Valley  caused  the  loss  of  about 
10  per  cent  of  the  tomato  crop,  the  loss  being  estimated  at  from  40 
to  50  carloads  of  1,000  lugs  each.  Exceptionally  heavy  rains  in  the 
mountain  region  caused  the  streams  to  overflow  and  destroy  a num- 
ber of  fields  of  tomatoes.  High  water  in  the  early  part  of  the  season 
does  not  occur  annually,  but  only  in  exceptional  years. 

LOSS  BY  FROST. 

Loss  due  to  frost  seldom  occurs  south  of  Los  Mochis  in  the  Fuerte 
Valley,  where,  every  two  or  three  years,  heavy  frosts  are  experienced 
that  damage  about  10  per  cent  of  the  tomato  crop  when  it  is  about 
ready  for  the  first  picking.  In  the  Culiacan  Valley  heavy  rains  and 
frosts  in  January,  1919,  damaged  the  tomato  crop  to  the  extent  of 
15  per  cent. 

TRANSPORTATION  DIFFICULTIES  IN  1920. 

Revolutionary  activities  in  1920  and  the  taking  over  of  the  South- 
ern Pacific  of  Mexico  Railroad  by  the  State  authorities  of  Sonora  that 
year  during  the  tomato  shipping  season  caused  the  Southern  Pacific 
in  the  United  States  not  to  receive  or  deliver  freight  from  or  to  its 
line  in  Mexico  unless  empty  or  loaded  cars  were  received  in  exchange, 
and  this  condition,  together  with  the  strike  of  the  railway  workers  in 
Mexico,  caused  the  tomato  growers  to  seek  an  outlet  for  their  product 
by  water  transportation.  One  of  the  tomato-handling  associations, 
the  Mexico-Arizona  Trading  Co.  (of  Nogales,  Ariz.),  arranged  to  ship 
by  steamer  to  Los  Angeles,  Calif.,  and  the  first  boat  took  40.000  lugs 
to  San  Pedro  in  April.  The  water  trip  took  five  days,  and  only  a 
small  part  of  the  shipment  could  be  refrigerated.  This  shipment 
brought  up  the  total  of  the  1920  shipments  above  those  of  the 
preceding  year. 

RESULTS  OF  1921  TOMATO  CROP. 

Writing  under  date  of  December  1,  1921,  the  American  consul  at 
Nogales,  Sonora,  says  of  the  results  obtained  by  the  growers: 

The  growing  of  winter  vegetables  in  Sinaloa  is  an  industry  already  measured  in 
millions  of  dollars  and  promises  to  become  one  of  the  largest  on  the  West  Coast  of 
Mexico. 

The  prospects  for  the  tomato  crop  for  1922  are  reported  to  be  excellent.  There  is 
a considerable  increase  in  the  acreage  being  planted,  the  estimate  for  the  1922  ship- 
ping season  being  8,546  acres,  against  5,000  acres  in  1921.  During  the  1921  season  923 
carloads  of  tomatoes  were  shipped  from  Sinaloa  to  the  United  States,  and  if  conditions 
are  favorable  a much  larger  number  will  be  offered  in  1922.  Shipments  will  begin 
about  the  first  of  January  and  continue  until  June.  Florida  shipments  begin  about 
March  I,  and  those  from  California  and  Texas  about  May  1. 

It  was  found  last  year  that  there  was  a shrinkage  of  about  10  per  cent  in  tomato 
shipments  after  leaving  Nogales,  so  a cooperative  organization  of  tomato  growers  has 
decided  to  build  a packing  house  in  Nogales  (Sonora)  which  will  cost  about  $18,000 
and  employ  100  hands  during  the  harvest  season.  Overripe  tomatoes  will  be  disposed 
of  locally  or  shipped  to  near-by  markets.  A saving  of  15  cents  per  box  on  the  entire 
pack  is  anticipated  through  repacking. 


AGRICULTURE. 


145 


Writing  under  date  of  July  13,  1921,  the  American  consul  at  Mazat- 
lan,  Sinaloa,  reported  as  follows  on  the  experience  of  the  tomato 
growers  and  shippers  for  the  1921  season: 

Tomato  growers  in  Sinaloa  exported  923  carloads  of  tomatoes  to  the  United  States 
during  the  harvest  season  which  began  in  January  and  ended  the  latter  part  of  May. 
There  was  an  average  of  about  825  lugs  per  carload,  the  crates  averaging  about  28 
pounds  each.  There  was,  therefore,  an  average  of  about  23,300  pounds  of  tomatoes 
per  carload,  or  a total  of  455,900  pounds  of  tomatoes  exported  to  the  United  States 
during  the  season  just  closed. 

The  average  gross  price  per  crate  in  the  United  States  markets  was  $2.62.  The 
cost  of  production,  freight,  etc.,  totaled  about  $1.83  per  crate,  giving  a net  profit  per 
crate  of  $0.79  to  the  growers.  On  the  basis  of  these  figures,  which  have  been  carefully 
obtained  from  the  best  sources  of  information  available  on  the  subject,  it  is  apparent 
that  the  total  net  profits  realized  on  tomatoes  exported  to  the  United  States  during 
the  season  was  $601,565. 

Nearly  all  the  tomatoes  exported  from  the  State  of  Sinaloa  are  marketed  west  of  the 
Mississippi  River,  and  for  that  reason,  as  well  as  because  the  harvest  begins  during  the 
first  days  of  January,  this  crop  is  not  a serious  competitor  of  the  Florida  product  which 
is  sold  in  the  East,  but  it  is  quite  impossible  for  Sinaloa  tomato  producers  to  export  at 
a profit  10  days  after  the  California  and  Texas  crops  begin  to  flow  to  the  markets  west 
of  the  Mississippi.  When  the  harvest  of  these  crops  begins  the  Sinaloa  producers  are 
forced  to  discontinue  operations,  no  matter  what  quantity  or  quality  of  tomatoes 
they  may  have  on  hand,  as  the  freight  and  customs  charges  are  so  high  and  the  selling 
price  so  low  that  they  could  operate  only  at  a loss.  The  94  carloads  of  Sinaloa  tomatoes 
that  were  sold  in  Texas  were  marketed  before  the  crop  in  that  State  matured. 

RESULTS  OF  1922  TOMATO  CROP. 

On  account  of  the  highly  speculative  character  of  the  tomato 
industry,  not  only  from  the  market  standpoint  but  also  from  that 
of  the  very  possible  losses  through  damages  caused  by  plant  disease 
and  insect  pests,  it  is  considered  desirable  to  give  the  yearly  season 
experience  of  the  tomato  growers  of  the  West  Coast. 

In  1921  the  Florida  growers,  whose  tomatoes  reach  the  market 
centers  of  the  United  States  in  advance  of  those  from  either  Cali- 
fornia or  Texas,  experienced  heavy  losses  by  late  frosts,  which  mate- 
rially reduced  their  shipments  and  made  their  crop  poor  in  quality, 
although  the  Florida  industry  is  much  more  highly  developed  and 
more  scientifically  handled  than  that  of  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico, 
where  tomato  and  winter  vegetable  growing  for  the  American  market 
is  comparatively  a new  industry.  Because  of  the  partial  failure  of 
the  Florida  crop,  the  growers  of  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico  were  able 
to  ship  to  the  United  States  as  late  as  May  and  received  extraordi- 
narily high  prices — at  times  as  high  as  $4.25  per  lug  of  28  pounds — 
despite  the  poor  quality  of  the  Mexican  product,  which  is  watery 
and  tends  toward  puffiness,  wrinkling,  etc.  This  success  and  high 
prices  greatly  stimulated  interest  in  the  1922  production,  when  an 
enormous  acreage — estimated  at  more  than  8,000  acres — was  planted 
in  anticipation  of  another  good  season  of  high  prices  in  1922. 

The  Florida  growers  met  with  no  reverse  in  1922,  and  they  enjoy 
the  great  advantages  of  a shorter  rail  haul  to  market  than  the  pro- 
ducers in  Mexico.  Although  the  Mexican  product  reached  the 
American  markets,  such  as  Kansas  City,  fully  a month  earlier  than 
the  first  Florida  shipments,  the  quality  was  so  poor,  because  of  the 
inherent  structural  defects  of  the  Mexican  tomato,  the  careless  pack- 
ing methods  employed,  the  poor  grading  and  selectioii,  etc.,  that 
the  Mexican  tomato  became  discredited  on  the  markets,  so  that 
44807°— 23 11 


146 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


when  the  heavy  Florida  shipments  started  to  reach  these  market 
centers  prices  were  cut  to  such  a low  level  that  the  Mexican  shippers 
faced  a serious  loss. 

The  situation  became  so  acute  that  one  large  cooperative  associa- 
tion which  handles  a large  share  of  the  West  Coast  product  made  a 
survey  of  the  conditions  early  in  April  of  that  year  and  decided, 
after  having  shipped  about  100  carloads  at  a net  loss  of  approxi- 
mately $40,000,  to  stop  shipping  and  let  the  remainder  of  the  crop 
rot  in  the  fields  if  the  market  did  not  show  more  strength  later. 
Independent  growers  who  packed  carefully  with  wrell-selected  fruit 
and  shipped  very  early  in  the  season  reaped  a handsome  profit  that 
season.  It  was  thought  that  this  experience  with  the  1922  crop 
would  tend  to  curtail  the  acreage  to  be  set  out  for  the  1923  shipping 
season,  but  this  was  not  the  case.  On  the  contrary,  the  1923  acreage 
was  in  excess  of  that  planted  in  1922  by  at  least  60  per  cent,  and 
unless  insect  pests  and  plant  disease  again  interfered  with  the  crop 

E reduction,  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico  was  expected  to  ship  the 
eaviest  tomato  crop  in  its  entire  history. 

FIGURES  ON  1923  SHIPPING  SEASON. 

According  to  a report  by  American  Consul  W.  E.  Chapman,  of 
Mazatlan,  Sinaloa,  dated  January  18,  1923,  the  officials  of  the  South- 
ern Pacific  Railroad  of  Mexico  estimated  that  the  tomato  crop  of 
the  1923  shipping  season  (January  1 to  May  1,  1923)  covered  ap- 
proximately 17,243  acres.  Green  peas  covered  approximately  2.320 
additional  acres  on  the  West  Coast  in  Sinaloa  and  Nayarit,  but  as 
this  was  the  first  season  green  peas  have  been  planted  to  any  extent 
in  this  region  no  estimate  of  the  actual  yield  was  ventured  at  that 
time.  Mixed  vegetables  for  the  American  markets  covered  an  addi- 
tional acreage  of  1,559  acres,  with  cantaloupes  planted  on  a total 
estimated  area  of  1,287  acres,  bringing  the  total  area  devoted  to 
tomatoes,  green  peas,  other  vegetables,  including  chilis,  and  canta- 
loupes on  the  West  Coast  for  this  season  to  22.409  acres — all  due 
to  be  shipped  to  the  market  points  in  the  United  States  between 
January  1 and  May  1,  1923.  One  car  of  tomatoes  moved  from  Sinaloa 
to  the  United  States  as  early  as  November  28,  1922,  and  several 
shipments  were  made  in  December,  1922,  which  is  much  earlier  than 
shipments  have  been  made  in  previous  years. 

The  officials  of  the  Southern  Pacific  Railroad  of  Mexico  and  the 
largest  planters  on  the  West  Coast  are  agreed  that  tomato  shipments 
to  the  United  States  from  Sonora,  Sinaloa,  and  Nayarit  this  season 
will  total  approximately  2,000  cars,  averaging  800  crates  or  lugs  per 
car,  and  that  shipments  of  green  vegetables  will  reach  a total  of  500 
cars  additional,  or  possibly  more. 

All  crates  and  lugs  used  come  from  the  United  States  and  are  of 
the  customary  American  standard  for  each  of  the  products  shipped. 

The  demand  for  boxes  and  shooks  for  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico 
comes  during  the  off  season  of  the  demand  in  the  United  States,  and 
therefore  constitutes  a distinct  advantage  to  the  manufacturers  of 
these  products  for  packing.19 

18  For  a discussion  of  the  market  on  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico  for  wooden  boxes,  veneer  boxes,  and  crates, 
the  reader  is  referred  to  the  report  bv  Consul  Chapman,  dated  .Tan.  is.  1923.  This  report  includes  list?  of 
tomato  and  vegetable  planters  of  Sinaloa  and  Nayarit  and  also  of  the  principal  users  of  lugs  and  crates, 
interested  persons  should  address  the  Latin  American  Division,  Bureau  of  Foreign  and  Domestic  Com- 
merce, Washington,  D.  C. 


AGRICULTURE. 


147 


SCIENTIFIC  CONSIDERATIONS  IN  CONNECTION  WITH  WEST  COAST  TOMATOES. 

There  is  reproduced  below  a report  on  the  Mexican  tomato  situa- 
tion by  George  K.  Link,  pathologist  of  the  Office  of  Cotton,  Truck, 
and  Forage  Crop  Diseases,  of  the  United  States  Department  of 
Agriculture.  This  report  gives  a highly  practical  and  scientific 
description  of  the  West  Coast  tomato  industry,  the  plant  diseases 
and  insect  pests  to  which  the  plants  are  subjected  in  that  region, 
and  contains  valuable  recommendations  for  combating  them.  It 
also  gives  a history  of  the  industry  on  the  West  Coast,  with  price 
and  production  data,  discussion  of  proper  packing  methods,  etc.: 

Shortly  after  the  inauguration  of  the  inspection  service  of  the  Bureau  of  Markets 
in  1917  the  attention  of  the  United  States  Department  of  Agriculture  was  called  to 
the  Mexican  tomato  situation  by  the  complaints  of  the  receivers  and  carriers  in  Chicago 
concerning  the  condition  and  quality  of  Mexican  tomatoes  upon  arrival.  It  was 
found  that  frequently  25  to  50  per  cent  of  the  fruit  had  to  be  discarded  because  of 
extreme  softness,  flabbiness,  severe  wrinkling,  and,  to  a lesser  degree,  because  of 
rots. 

Mexican  tomatoes  are  shipped  into  the  markets  of  the  United  States  from  about 
January  15  to  May  5,  inclusive.  During  this  period,  Florida,  Mexico,  Cuba,  the 
Bahama  Islands,  latterly  the  Canary  Islands,  and  hothouses  are  the  only  sources  of 
supply  for  tomatoes  for  the  United  States  market,  and  consequently  the  tomato 
industry  of  Mexico  has  been  expanding  rapidly  since  its  beginning  15  years  ago. 
Its  development,  however,  has  been  retarded,  and  it  has  not  as  yet  established  itself 
in  its  natural  markets,  which  lie  west  of  the  Mississippi  River,  because  a very  high 
percentage  of  the  Mexican  fruit  is  of  poor  quality  or  in  poor  condition,  or  both,  upon 
arrival  in  the  United  States. 

Early  in  the  winter  of  1919  reports  came  from  field  men  of  the  Bureau  of  Crop  Esti- 
mates telling  of  the  very  extensive  planting  of  tomatoes  on  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico. 
Shortly  afterwards  requests  came  with  such  insistence  from  receivers  and  carriers 
for  authoritative  information  concerning  the  causes  of  the  condition  of  the  Mexican 
tomatoes  upon  arrival  that  the  Department  of  Agriculture  decided  to  send  a repre- 
sentative into  Mexico  to  make  a brief  survey  of  the  tomato  situation  there.  In  mak- 
ing this  decision  the  department  acted  on  the  conviction  that  a true  diagnosis  of  the 
condition  of  a fresh  food  product  at  time  of  its  arrival  in  the  market  can  not  be  made 
without  an  understanding  of  field,  cultural,  harvesting,  packing,  and  transportation 
conditions.  The  department  was  further  influenced  by  the  fact  that  the  distributers 
and  growers’  organizations  were  eager  to  help,  since  they  had  become  alarmed  by  the 
increasingly  premature  death  of  the  tomato  vines  with  attendant  reduction  of  yield, 
and  by  the  increased  spotting  of  fruit  in  the  field  with  the  attendant  heavy  culling 
in  the  packing  houses.  The  active  and  sympathetic  cooperation  of  the  shippers, 
growers,  and  the  Southern  Pacific  Railroad  of  Mexico  greatly  facilitated  gathering 
the  field  data  presented  in  this  paper. 

This  report  is  based  on  observation  made  of  Mexican  tomatoes  in  the  markets  in 
the  United  States  during  the  shipping  seasons  of  1918,  1919,  and  1920,  and  a brief 
but  intensive  study  from  March  6 to  March  15,  in  the  field,  of  packing  and  transpor- 
tation conditions  in  the  producing  sections  of  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico.  In  addi- 
tion, tomato  shipments  in  transit  were  examined  at  Nogales,  Sonora  (31  cars),  where 
all  shipments  are  inspected  before  crossing  the  border;  at  Houston,  Tex.  (1  car),  and 
at  New  Orleans,  La.  (2  cars). 

HISTORY  OF  THE  WESTERN  MEXICO  TOMATO  INDUSTRY. 

The  car-lot  tomato  industry  of  western  Mexico  has  developed  during  the  last  15 
years.  Prior  to  1905  tomatoes  were  shipped  from  Mazatlan  to  Los  Angeles  and  San 
Francisco  by  boat,  but  with  poor  success,  since  the  steamers  were  not  equipped  with 
refrigeration  facilities  and  were  slow.  Express  shipments  also  were  sent  from  G uavmas, 
in  Sonora,  and  Los  Mochis,  in  northern  Sinaloa,  through  Nogales,  Ariz.,  into  the  United 
States. 

The  first  car- lot  shipment  was  made  from  Bacum  in  the  Yaqui  Valley  and  Los 
Mochis  in  the  Fuerte  River  Valley.  The  extension  of  the  Southern  Pacific  Rail- 
way into  southern  Sinaloa  between  1910  and  1914  made  shipments  from  Mazatlan 
and  other  southern  points  possible. 

Frosts  destroyed  the  crop  in  the  Yaqui  Valley  in  1910  and  1911,  and  since  then  the 
tomato  industry  has  been  restricted  to  the  State  of  Sinaloa.  In  the  season  of  1915-16, 


148 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


57  cars  were  shipped.  A total  of  300  cars  had  been  expected,  but  the  revolution  of 
1915  caused  a heavy  loss  to  the  growers.  The  record  of  shipments  for  the  following 
seasons  is  as  follows:  1916-17,  308  cars;  1917-18,  444  cars;  1918-19,  587  cars;  1919-20, 
753  cars.  Because  of  the  difficulties  of  the  railroad  during  the  1919-20  season  50  care 
of  tomatoes  were  shipped  by  water  from  Topolobampo,  Sinaloa,  to  San  Francisco. 
The  estimated  crop  for  that  season  was  between  1,000  and  1,500  cars. 

In  1918  there  were  approximately  5,000  to  6,000  acres  planted.  Lured  by  the  high 
prices  ($4.50  per  lug)  which  were  obtained  for  some  of  the  1918-19  crop  because  of 
the  drowning  out  of  most  of  the  Florida  crop,  and  encouraged  by  the  roseate  state- 
ments to  the  effect  that  the  American  markets  could  absorb  10  times  more  tomatoes 
than  they  were  getting,  western  Mexico  literally  went  “tomato  crazy”  in  1919,  and 
about  15,000  acres  were  planted. 

On  the  whole,  this  year  was  not  a very  satisfactory  one  for  the  growers  and  shippers. 
Those  shipping  early  in  the  season  suffered  heavy  losses.  The  first  cars  from  Mexico 
arrived  in  poor  condition,  and  consequently  the  receivers  became  nervous  and  Mexi- 
can tomatoes  started  the  season  with  a bad  reputation.  In  addition  there  was  an  abnor- 
mally large  tomato  crop  in  Florida,  and  consequently  opening  prices  were  not  up  to 
expectations.  In  addition,  it  is  stated  that  field  troubles  took  a large  percentage  and 
exceptionally  heavy  toll  during  the  1919-20  season.  Finally,  shipments  were  sus- 
pended from  April  3 to  April  26  because  of  a strike  on  the  Southern  Pacific  Railroad 
of  Mexico.  This  came  at  a time  when  the  market  had  partly  recovered  and  tomatoes 
of  better  quality  were  coming  out  of  Mexico.  Had  it  not  been  for  the  freezes  the  first 
week  in  January  and  of  the  2d  of  March  in  Florida,  the  losses  to  all  concerned  in  Mexico, 
growers  as  well  as  shippers,  would  have  been  enormous. 

LOCATION  OP  THE  INDUSTEY. 

The  tomato  industry  of  western  Mexico  is  centralized  in  two  main  districts — the 
Frierte  Valley  district  of  northern  Sinaloa  and  various  points  in  the  valleys  of  southern 
Sinaloa.  In  the  Fuerte  River  Valley  the  acreage  is  definitely  localized  in  the  vicinity 
of  Los  Mochis  and  Constancia,  with  Los  Mochis  the  shipping  point.  In  southern 
Sinaloa  the  acreage  is  more  scattered  and  tomatoes  are  shipped  from  Culiaean,  La 
Cruz,  Modesto,  Mazatlan,  Villa  Union,  and  Rosario.  A few  shipments  were  made 
from  Acaponeta  in  the  Territory  of  Tepic  [now  the  State  of  Nayarit], 

SOIL. 

The  soil  of  Sinaloa  is  made  up  of  river  wash  from  the  mountains  and  of  lowlands 
which  are  virtually  tidal  plains.  The  soil  of  the  eastern  part  of  the  State  is  composed 
of  gravels,  some  coarse  sands,  and  clays,  while  that  of  the  western  part  is  composed 
of  fine  silts,  a heavy  adobe,  and  fine  sands.  There  is  practically  no  humus  except 
in  the  low  places  in  the  south  left  by  the  rivers  when  they  have  changed  their  courses. 

In  the  lower  portions  of  the  Fuerte  Valley  tomatoes  are  grown  on  heavy  adobe 
soils,  while  in  the  upper  portions  of  the  valley  and  in  southern  Sinaloa  they  are  grown 
on  a fine  yellowish  brown  silt.  A comparatively  small  acreage  is  grown  in  the  south 
on  black  humus  soil.  As  pointed  out  before,  the  industry  developed  first  near  Los 
Mochis,  which  is  the  adobe-soil  section.  Tomatoes  were  planted  extensively  for  the 
first  time  in  1919  on  the  silt  soils  of  the  Fuerte  Valley.  The  heavier  soils  seem  to  pro- 
duce better  tomatoes  than  the  silt  soils.  It  was  also  noted  that  a wilt,  which  closely 
resembles  the  Fusarium  wilt  of  tomatoes  that  occurs  in  the  United  States,  also  occurs 
extensively  and  severely  in  the  heavy  soils  of  southern  Sinaloa,  but  is  entirely  absent 
in  the  lighter  soils  composed  of  silt. 

There  is  practically  no  fertilizer  used  in  tomato  growing  in  Mexico.  In  some  of 
the  fields  which  were  “running  out”  guano  was  applied  without  results.  Apparently 
there  is  no  nitrogen  deficiency,  since  the  vines  develop  luxuriantly.  The  apparent 
abundance  of  nitrogen  in  the  soils  may  be  due  to  the  rich  legume  flora.  One  field  of 
220  acres  was  seen  which  had  been  in  continuous  tomato  culture  for  eight  years,  but 
from  which  only  300  lugs — that  is,  7,920  pounds  of  tomatoes — were  gathered  in  four 
pickings  in  1920.  There  was  a heavy  blossom  drop  in  this  field,  and  the  fruit  pro- 
duced was  puffy.  In  general,  the  vines  in  all  sections  showed  a very  luxuriant  growth. 
These  conditions  indicate  either  a deficiency  of  essential  nutriments  or  an  unbalanced 
mineral  nutrient  situation. 

EFFECT  OF  CLIMATE. 

The  State  of  Sinaloa  extends  from  latitude  22.5°  to  latitude  28°  and  consists  of  a 
terrace  which  rises  from  the  sea  into  the  mountains.  Consequently  it  has  a tropical 
to  subtropical  climate.  Both  tomato  sections  lie  in  the  so-called  "tierra  caliente  1 


AGRICULTURE. 


149 


belt,  which  has  only  two  seasons,  a hot,  rainy  summer  and  a cooler,  hut  very  dry, 
winter.  Tomatoes  are  grown  in  the  cooler,  dry  winter  months  from  November  to  May. 
According  to  records  kept  for  the  period  of  1913-1919  by  the  United  Sugar  Co.  at  Los 
Mochis,  the  annual  rainfall  at  that  station  ranges  from  20  to  25  inches.  The  average 
maximum  temperature  for  this  period  was  102°  F.,  while  the  minimum  was  40°  F. 

The  average  maximum  and  minimum  temperatures  during  the  growing  seasons  of 
1913-1919  were  as  follows: 


November 
December . 
January. . . 
February. . 

March 

April 

May 


Maximum.  Minimum. 
. . 95  48 

. . 89  41 

. . 88  40 

. . 89  41 

. . 93  41 

. . 95  49 

. . 99  52 


At  Naranjo  station,  which  is  further  inland  from  Los  Mochis,  records  have  been 
kept  by  Mr.  Takahashi.  Here  the  maximum  temperature  during  the  past  four  years 
has  been  109°  F.  in  June  and  the  minimum  31°  F.  in  January  and  February.  The 
average  daily  range  in  temperature  is  55°  F.  The  maximum  and  minimum  tempera- 
tures at  Naranjo  station  during  the  growing  seasons  of  1918  and  1919  were: 

Maximum.  Minimum. 


November. 
December. 
January. . . 
February. . 
March 


95  39 

90  41 

87  31 

90  31 

95  37 


The  rainfall  during  1919  was  32.21  inches,  only  0.58  inch  falling  during  the  period 
from  December  to  May,  inclusive. 

While  the  writer  was  in  the  Fuerte  Valley  he  noted  very  heavy  fogs  at  night.  These 
usually  disappear  very  promptly  shortly  after  sunrise. 

According  to  data  obtained  through  the  courtesy  of  the  United  States  Weather 
Bureau,  the  annual  average  precipitation  at  Mazatlan,  Sinaloa,  during  the  past  35 
years  has  been  30.47  inches.  The  average  precipitation  during  the  growing  season 
has  been  3.26  inches,  and  the  maximum  and  minimum  temperatures  for  this  period 
have  been: 


November. 
December. 
January. . . 
February. . 

March 

April 

May 


Maximum.  Minimum. 

. . 89  51 

. . 86  40 

. . 82  49 

. . 85  49 

. . 83  50 

. . 88  48 

. . 89  55 


The  maximum  temperature  recorded  is  94°  F.  and  the  minimum  48°  F.  The  great 
daily  range  of  temperature  noted  in  every  one  of  the  tables  cited  may  be  a contributory 
factor  to  the  delicate  structure  of  Mexican  tomatoes,  which  is  responsible  for  heavy 
transit  losses  and  which  will  be  discussed  later, 

Since  the  tomato  crop  is  grown  during  the  dry  season  of  the  year,  practically  the 
entire  acreage  is  under  irrigation.  The  fields  usually  are  large,  and  200-acre  fields  are 
not  uncommon.  Because  of  labor  shortage,  irrigation  ditches  usually  are  scarce,  and 
consequently  the  water  is  run  upon  the  fields  in  long  trenches.  As  a result,  a part  of 
each  field  gets  an  overabundance  of  water  and  the  other  part  an  inadequate  supply. 
Heavy  watering  is  responsible  for  a great  deal  of  the  soil  spots  and  Buckeye  rot  found 
in  Mexican  tomatoes.  The  irrigation  factor  also  may  be  contributory  to  the  poor 
quality  of  some  of  the  Mexican  tomatoes. 


VARIETIES  OP  TOMATOES  GROWN  IN  MEXICO. 

The  Stone  is  the  favorite  variety  because  it  has  better  carrying  qualities  than  the 
other  kinds  grown.  The  Globe  ranks  next  in  popularity,  and  the  Bonny  Best  third. 

The  Stone  has  a strong  tendency  to  roughness,  cat-face,  and  puffiness  of  the  fruit, 
and  to  blossom-drop.  The  Globe  seems  to  be  more  susceptible  to  diseases  than  the 
Stone  and  also  to  sun-scald  because  of  the  open  habit  of  growth  of  the  vine.  Bonny 
Best  is  a prolific  bearer,  but  about  60  per  cent  of  the  fruit  is  below  2\  inches  in  diameter 
and  therefore  does  not  give  a good  standard  pack  in  the  standard  Mexican  lug.  The 
Stone  is  a heavier  yielder  than  the  Globe. 


150 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


THE  YIELD. 

The  average  yields  are  not  as  heavy  as  those  that  are  considered  good  yields  in  Cali- 
fornia, although  they  compare  favorably  with  the  Florida  yields.  The  difference 
in  yield  between  the  California  and  Mexican  crops  is  due  to  the  use  of  varieties  not 
suitable  for  the  Mexican  soils  and  climate,  to  the  poor  cultural  methods  employed 
in  Mexico,  and  to  diseases  and  insect  pests. 

According  to  reliable  reports,  the  yield  per  acre  has  been  decreasing  steadily. 
The  writer  has  not  been  able  to  determine  whether  this  applies  to  the  total  yield  per 
acre  as  well  as  to  the  yield  of  marketable  fruit. 

It  is  stated  that  the  yield  of  marketable  fruit  10  years  ago  ranged  from  4 to  51  tons. 
In  1919  the  average  yield  of  marketable  fruit  from  the  best  fields  near  Los  Mochis  was 
a little  over  2 tons.  During  the  1920  season  it  was  averaging  only  1 A tons. 

In  the  season  of  1918-19,  50  per  cent  of  the  picked  fruit  was  discarded  in  the  packing 
houses.  During  the  1919-20  season  the  average  of  the  discarded  fruit  was  about 
60  to  70  per  cent.  In  one  packing  house  only  116  lugs  were  packed  out  of  a total  of 
1,000  lugs  delivered  from  the  fields. 

Such  a high  percentage  of  unmarketable  fruit  is  a serious  matter  for  the  tomato 
industry  in  Mexico,  because  the  culls  can  only  be  used  for  cattle  feed.  There  are 
no  canneries  or  tomato-catchup  factories  in  Mexico. 

Naturally,  the  question  arises:  “What  are  the  reasons  for  this  diminishing  return 
and  the  ever-increasing  percentage  of  unmarketable  fruit?  ’’ 

CAUSES  OF  DECREASING  YIELD. 

The  decreasing  yield  probably  is  mainly  due  to  the  increasing  prevalence  of  fungus 
and  insect  troubles.  As  pointed  out  before,  two  important  diseases  seem  to  have  been 
correlated  with  the  two  types  of  soil  on  which  tomatoes  are  grown  in  Mexico.  The 
main  factor  in  reducing  the  yield  on  the  adobe  soils  near  Los  Mochis  and  on  the  black 
soils  in  the  southern  part  of  the  State  of  Sinaloa  is  a wilt  which  resembles  Fusarium 
wilt,  which  is  caused  by  the  soil  fungus,  Fusarium  lycopici;  while  the  low  yield  on 
the  lighter  soils  is  due  to  Cladosporium  blight  which  is  caused  by  the  fungus  Clado- 
sporium  fulvum.  The  writer  saw  no  wilt  in  the  fields  grown  on  the  silt  soils. 

A field  in  the  Los  Mochis  section  was  pointed  out  to  the  writer  which  had  been 
considered  a banner  field.  Two  pickings  were  made,  and  only  130  lugs,  or  3.432 
pounds,  of  tomatoes  had  been  marketed  when  the  field  had  to  be  abandoned.  This 
field  showed  fully  95  per  cent  wilt.  The  writer  failed  to  find  a single  old  field  on  the 
heavy  soils  that  was  free  of  Fusarium. 

Wilt  was  found  in  fields  that  had  been  in  tomatoes  constantly  for  from  3 to  8 years 
as  well  as  in  fields  that  had  never  been  in  tomatoes  but  which  had  been  cropped. 
A virgin  field,  however,  just  cleared,  in  the  midst  of  the  wilt-infested  region,  showed 
no  wilt  at  all.  It  is  not  at  all  unlikely  that  the  old  cultivated  fields,  even  though  they 
have  never  borne  a crop  of  tomatoes,  have  been  thoroughly  infected  with  Fusarium 
by  cultivation  and  irrigation. 

The  field  referred  to  earlier  in  this  report  which  has  been  in  tomanes  for  eight  con- 
secutive years  and  which  showed  an  abnormal  vine  growth  was  on  silt  soil  and  did 
not  show  a single  wilted  plant  at  the  time  the  writer  saw  it.  The  writer  knows  of  no 
better  example  of  plain  correlation  between  a plant  disease  and  nature  of  the  soil 
than  the  one  just  discussed. 

At  Los  Mochis  one  large  field  was  found  in  which  50  per  cent  of  the  plants  had  been 
killed  by  the  fungus  Sclerotium  rolfaii. 

The  low  yield  on  the  light  soils  of  the  Fuerte  Valley  and  of  southern  Sinaloa  during 
the  1919-20  season  was  due  to  an  exceedingly  severe  attack  of  Cladosporium  blight 
caused  by  the  fungus  Cladosporium  fulvum.  In  some  fields  the  attack  by  this  fungus 
was  so  severe  that' all  leaves  were  killed  before  the  first  picking  of  the  fruit. 

In  the  Mazatlan  section  many  fields  were  overrun  by  an  insect  (a  species  of  flea- 
hopper,  Halticus  spp.,  according  to  F.  H.  Chittenden!  which  seemed  to  cause  severe 
damage  to  the  vines.  Many  fields  so  affected  were  also  overrun  by  the  fungus  Clado- 
sporium  in  such  a manner'that  it  seemed  possible  that  the  insect  attack  weakened 
the  plants  preliminary  to  an  attack  by  the  fungus. 

Early  blight,  caused  by  the  fungus  Macrosporium  tomato , was  responsible  for  only 
a slight  decrease  in  yield  in  all  sections  at  the  time  the  writer  visited  the  fields.  It 
seems  to  be  far  less  severe  in  Mexico  than  in  Florida  and  is  just  getting  well  estab- 
lished. In  one  field  about  one-eighth  of  the  leaves  had  been  dropped  because  of 
earlv  blight. 

Mosaic  was  quite  severe  in  fields  on  the  silt  soils  near  Constancia  in  the  Fuerte 
River  Valley,  and  was  cutting  severely  into  the  yield.  Practically  no  mosaic  was 
noted  in  the  southern  Sinaloa  fields. 


AGRICULTURE. 


151 


In  general  the  cultural  practices  used  by  California  tomato  growers  are  used  (see 
Circular  No.  147,  University  of  California  Experiment  Station).  Because  of  inex- 
perienced labor,  however,  and  poor  equipment,  and  an  attempt  to  grow  too  large 
an  acreage,  cultivation,  irrigation,  setting  out,  and  other  operations  are  carelessly 
and  improperly  done.  As  a result,  the  yield  is  not  as  high  as  it  might  be. 

The  low  yield  in  1920,  therefore,  was  due  to  an  extensive,  rather  than  an  intensive, 
type  of  fanning,  to  a wilt  which  resembles  Fusarium  wilt,  and  to  Cladosporium 
blight. 

CAUSES  OF  HEAVY  CULLING. 

The  heavy  culling  of  fruit  in  the  packing  houses  is  due  to  several  causes.  One  of 
them  is  the  advanced  ripeness  of  some  of  the  fruit.  It  has  been  noticed  that  fruit 
showing  any  color  at  all  will  not  carry  to  the  markets  of  the  United  States.  Since 
the  fields  are  gone  over  only  once  every  eight  days  during  the  crop  season,  there  is 
naturally  a great  deal  of  ripe  or  turning  fruit  delivered  at  the  packing  houses. 

A very  considerable  percentage  of  fruit  is  culled  because  of  puffiness.  The  reasons 
for  this  puffy  condition  are  not  known.  Puffy  fruit  seems  to  be  produced  most  abun- 
dantly on  the  light  soils.  Puffiness  may  be  due  to  several  factors.  Neither  the  great 
daily  range  in  temperatures  nor  irrigation  alone  seems  to  be  responsible  for  it,  since 
puffiness  occurs  in  Florida  tomatoes.  The  fact  that  it  is  worse  on  the  light  soils  might 
indicate  that  its  cause  is  in  some  way  tied  up  with  a deficiency  or  an  underbalanced 
condition  of  soil  mineral  nutrients. 

An  exceedingly  heavy  percentage  of  culls  is  due  to  insect  injuries.  The  heaviest 
losses  are  due  to  the  corn-ear  worm.  In  many  packing  houses  most  of  the  culling  is 
due  to  its  activities.  The  worm  causes  severe  damage  in  all  sections,  but  it  is  most 
destructive  in  southern  Sinaloa.  The  writer  made  a count  and  estimated  that  there 
were  about  150  worms  on  an  average-sized  plant.  The  importance  of  this  worm 
was  not  understood  by  the  growers  and  shippers  and  nothing  was  being  done  to  con- 
trol it.  Worm-eaten  fruit  was  left  in  the  fields  and  piles  of  culls  were  allowed  to 
accumulate  near  the  fields  and  packing  houses,  thus  offering  the  worms  ideal  feeding 
and  pupation  quarters.  Tho  wilt  and  Cladosporium  blight  cut  down  the  yield, 
but  the  corn-ear  worm  is  without  doubt  the  most  important  cause  of  the  heavy  culling 
in  the  packing  houses. 

The  injury  caused  by  the  green  plant  bug  ( Arvelius  albopunctatus) , according  to 
F.  H.  Chittenden,  was  responsible  for  the  heavy  culling  of  the  first  two  pickings 
of  1920.  This  insect  punctures  the  fruit  and  sucks  the  juice,  and  thus  causes  exces- 
sive dry,  pithy  lesions  under  the  skin  of  the  fruit.  In  the  ripened  fruit  these  spots 
have  a yellowish  appearance.  It  is  the  writer's  opinion  that  fruit  which  does  not  show 
many  such  punctures  and  is  not  rough  is  fit  for  marketing.  It  certainly  is  much 
more  attractive  and  of  better  keeping  quality  than  fruit  bearing  several  nail-head 
spots.  Although  growers  consider  this  insect  the  most  important  factor  in  the  reduc- 
tion of  yield  in  Mexico  during  the  1919-20  season,  it  really  was  of  minor  importance 
compared  with  the  corn-ear  worm,  the  wilt,  and  Cladosporium  blight. 

The  culling  due  to  fungus  diseases  is  insignificant  compared  with  that  done  in 
Florida.  Phoma  spots  were  noted  on  the  vines  in  all  of  the  fields  visited,  and  some 
Phoma-infected  fruit  was  seen  in  the  packing  houses.  There  was  only  a slight  sprin- 
kling of  nail-head  spots  on  the  fruit,  though  some  vines  were  quite  severely  affected. 
Both  soil  rot  and  Buckeye  rot  were  noted  in  the  field  and  in  the  packing  houses. 

The  tomato  industry  is  still  so  new  in  Mexico  that  the  diseases  which  cause  the 
heaviest  losses  in  Florida,  such  as  Phoma  rot,  due  to  the  fungus  Phoma  destructive, 
and  early  blight  (nail-head  spots)  probablv  can  be  held  down  if  control  measures 
are  adopted  and  practiced  before  these  diseases  become  thoroughly  established. 
The  heavily  wilt-infested  adobe  soils,  together  with  the  hot  weather,  would  offer  a 
fine  opportunity  to  make  a severe  test  of  the  Fusarium-resistant  tomato  strains  de- 
veloped by  the  Department  of  Agriculture  in  case  the  Mexican  wilt  is  the  same 
Fusarium  wilt  found  in  the  United  States. 

LOSSES  IN  TRANSIT. 

The  losses  in  transit  are  very  heavy,  averaging  33J  to  50  per  cent.  There  are  many 
instances  in  1920  of  whole  cars  being  total  losses,  or  bringing  only  15  cents  per  lug 
at  market  destination.  Transit  losses,  in  the  main,  are  not  due  to  fungus  diseases, 
as  they  are  with  the  Florida  shipments,  although  soil  rot,  Rhizopus  rot,  Fusarium 
rot,  Phoma  rot,  Nacrosporium  rot,  Buckeve  rot,  Sclerotium  rot,  and  nail-head  spot- 
ting do  cause  damage  in  the  order  named. 

The  heaviest  losses  of  Mexican  tomatoes  in  transit  are  caused  by  the  characteristics 
of  the  fruit  itself.  Much  of  the  fruit  arrives  in  a very  soft  condition  with  the  loculi 
full  of  juice  (known  as  “water  bags'’  by  the  trade),  or  badly  wrinkled  and  flabby. 


152 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


It  is  the  general  opinion  of  the  trade  that  these  conditions  indicate  freezing  and 
chilling  injuries,  but  these  are  not  the  cause.  Really  frozen  tomatoes  disintegrate 
upon  thawing  out,  and  chilled  fruit  will  not  shrivel  more  than  non-chilled  fruit  under 
the  same  conditions.  Mexican  tomatoes  are  normally  not  exposed  to  freezing  tem- 
peratures in  the  fields  nor  in  transit  while  in  Mexico  or  enroute  to  Los  Angeles,  yet 
the  writer  observed  the  soft,  watery,  wrinkly,  and  flabby  conditions  of  these  tomatoes 
at  Nogales,  Sonora,  Los  Angeles,  Calif.,  Houston,  Tex'.,  and  New  Orleans  La. 

The  wrinkled,  shriveled  condition  of  the  tomatoes  is  due  to  the  excessive  trans- 
piration or  water  loss.  It  seems  to  be  most  marked  in  the  fruit  which  shows  a tend- 
ency toward  puffiness  and  in  fruit  picked  from  diseased  vines.  It  mar  also  be  corre- 
lated with  the  very  thick  skin  which  is  characteristic  of  the  Mexican  tomato. 

Mexican  tomatoes  have  a much  more  delicate  structure  and  finer  texture  than 
tomatoes  of  the  same  variety  grown  in  Florida  and  in  California  north  of  the  Imperial 
Valley.  Not  only  is  the  epidermis  thinner  but  the  wall  of  the  fruit  and  the  septa 
are  thinner,  the  loculi  are  larger  and,  when  the  fruit  is  ripe,  have  a tendency  to  be 
filled  with  a watery  rather  than  a gelatinous  juice.  Such  fruits  have  a tendency  to 
become  very  soft  and  turgid  as  they  ripen. 

The  causes  of  this  condition  may  be  several.  It  may  be  due  to  irrigation,  though 
this  explanation  does  not  seem  to  be  the  sole  one,  since  irrigated  tomatoes  raised  in 
California  do  not  show  this  condition.  It  may  be  due  to  the  extreme  range  of 
temperature,  but  this  surely  is  not  the  only  cause,  since  the  fruit  grown  near  Mazatlan, 
where  the  temperature  range  is  less  than  at  Los  Angeles  or  Los  Mochis.  shows  as  much 
softness  as  fruit  from  the  Fuert.e  Valley.  Finally,  it  may  be  a matter  of  mineral 
nutrients,  since  the  latter  fruit  grown  on  the  heavy  soils  in  the  Fuerte  Valley  seems 
to  be  least  affected. 

The  real  reason  or  reasons  for  the  delicate  structure  and  puffiness  of  Mexican 
tomatoes  can  only  be  determined  by  carefully  conducted  experiments  and  con- 
tinued close  field  observations.  Possibly  the  varieties  grown  in  Mexico  are  not  best 
adapted  to  the  climate  and  soils  found.  Possibly  it  would  be  better  if  the  seed  used 
in  Mexico  were  locally  produced  and  not  imported  from  the  North. 

Uneven  ripeness  is  an  important  cause  of  loss  in  transit.  Even  at  Nogales.  Sonora, 
practically  all  the  shipments  inspected  by  the  writer  showed  from  one-third  to  one- 
half  of  the  fruit  in  each  lug  to  be  pink  or  soft  ripe,  and  the  remainder  still  green  or 
just  turning.  Consequently,  whatever  treatment  is  given  the  cars,  whether  they 
are  iced  or  sent  under  ventilation,  a part  of  the  load  is  maltreated.  If  the  cars  are 
iced,  the  ripe  fruit  is  kept  from  ripening  or  decaying,  while  the  green  fruit  is  chilled: 
that  is,  they  decay  excessively  and  very  rapidly  when  put  into  the  ripening  rooms. 
If  the  cars  are  not  iced  the  ripe  fruit  becomes  soft  and  leaky  because  of  the  Rhizopus, 
Fusarium,  and  Macrosporini,  respectively,  and  the  sound  tomatoes  become  smeared 
and  wet  and  thus  become  exposed  to  infection. 

The  corn-ear  worm  does  heavy  damage  in  transit.  At  times  very  small  worms 
are  overlooked  by  the  packers,  but  generally  the  damage  is  done  by  the  worms  which 
hatch  out  in  transit  from  the  eggs  laid  in  the  stem  eye  of  the  fruit.  These  worms 
are  not  content  to  eat  one  fruit,  but  usually  eat  into  several  of  them.  Thus  the  writer 
found  as  many  as  6 or  7 fruits  out  of  42  eaten  into  by  one  worm  bv  the  time  the  ship- 
ment arrived  at  Nogales.  Worm-eaten  fruit  readily  becomes  leaky*  and  infected. 

Soil  rot  is  caused  by  the  soil  fungus  Rhizofornia,  which  also  causes  heavy  loss  in 
transit.  There  are  several  records  available  showing  a loss  of  15  to  50  per  cent  due  to 
soil  rot.  This  rot  is  serious  because  the  fungus  is  able  to  pass  through  the  wrapper 
from  one  fruit  to  another.  The  first  car  of  Mexican  tomatoes  to  arrive  in  Chicago 
in  1920  showed  15  per  cent  soil  rot,  and  this  fact  was  to  a \*ery  great  extent  responsible 
for  the  low  prices  paid  for  Mexican  tomatoes. 

It  seems  to  the  writer  that  it  would  be  a great  economy  if  Mexican  tomatoes  were 
re-sorted  either  at  Nogales  before  crossing  the  border,  or  at  Tucson,  Ariz..  so  that  the 
ripe,  soft,  worm-eaten,  and  decayed  fruit  could  be  culled  out  and  then  whole  cars 
of  more  or  less  uniform  ripeness  loaded  for  shipment.  The  transit  time  from  Mazatlan 
to  Nogales  is  about  the  same  as  from  Florida  to  Chicago.  Before  any  Florida  ship- 
ments are  sold  wholesale,  or  reshipped,  all  tomatoes  are  carefully  sorted  and  repacked. 

HARVESTING  AND  MARKETING. 

The  picking  is  done  hv  Mexican  labor,  most  of  which  is  inexperienced,  and  con- 
sequently a great  deal  of  immature  green  fruit  and  fruit  of  uneven  ripeness  is  brought 
to  the  packing  houses.  As  pointed  out  before,  the  latter  condition  is  due  to  the  long 
intervals  between  pickings  (eight  days). 

No  study  has  been  made  of  the  proper  degree  of  maturity  for  picking.  Fruit  which 
is  just  turning  is  too  ripe  for  successful  shipment.  A careful  study  similar  to  the  one 


AGRICULTURE. 


153 


made  in  Florida  should  be  made  in  order  to  determine  the  proper  degree  of  maturity 
for  picking  to  secure  the  best  results  in  transit. 

The  fruit  is  picked  into  the  standard  Mexican  lug  and  carted  to  the  packing  houses. 
The  long  distance  of  most  of  the  fields  from  the  packing  houses,  often  3 to  12  miles, 
the  hot  sun,  the  very  poor  roads,  and  the  springless  wagons  and  carts  used,  all  are 
factors  which  contribute  very  materially  to  the  softness  and  bruising  of  an  excep- 
tionally tender  and  delicate  fruit. 

The  packing  houses  range  from  improvised  shanties  in  the  shade  of  trees  to  dilapi- 
dated thatched  brush  and  reed  huts,  to  substantial  wooden  structures  which  are  equal 
to  the  best  in  the  United  States  for  the  purpose  for  which  they  are  intended. 

The  sorting  is  done  by  native  Mexican  labor  which  is  generally  superintended  by 
foreigners  or  Mexicans  of  foreign  birth  or  ancestry.  It  is  the  writer’s  impression  that 
the  sorting  was  done  efficiently  and  carefully  if  allowance  is  made  for  the  fact  that  the 
proper  stage  of  maturity  has  not  been  determined  as  yet  experimentally,  and  there- 
fore is  not  known,  and  that  the  significance  of  the  corn-ear  worm  and  of  fungus  diseases 
is  not  understood  by  either  the  growers  or  the  shippers  or  even  the  packing-house 
operators.  The  reasons  for  the  troubles  of  Mexican  tomatoes  in  transit  lie  not  in  the 
packing  houses  primarily  but  in  the  field. 

The  sorted  fruit  is  wrapped  and  packed  into  lugs  which  are  stamped  “Not  less  than 
12  kilos.”  In  the  past  complaints  have  been  received  from  the  consignees  that  the 
lugs  did  not  contain  26.4  pounds  upon  arrival  at  the  market  point  in  the  United  States. 
This  shrinkage  is  undoubtedly  due  to  excessive  loss  of  water  content.  As  a result, 
the  writer  found  that  lugs  were  being  packed  with  a bulge  ranging  from  one-half  to 
1 inch.  In  many  cases  fruit  packed  so  tightly  was  carted  several  miles  from  the 
packing  houses  to  the  loading  station  at  the  railway,  and  as  a result  much  of  the  fruit 
is  badly  crowded  and  becomes  bruised  so  that  it  shows  flattened,  wrinkled  surfaces 
even  before  it  is  loaded  for  rail  shipment  Such  bruised  areas  dry  out  rapidly,  wrinkle, 
or  become  soft  and  watery. 

The  fruit  is  packed  in  three  layers  of  6 by  5,  6 by  6,  and  6 by  7,  and  therefore  comes 
in  26.4-pound  lugs  containing  90,  108,  and  126  fruits  each.  A pack  containing  more 
than  126  fruits  is  made  up  of  tomatoes  less  than  2b  inches  in  diameter  and  is  known  as 
a circle.  It  is  the  writer’s  opinion  that  the  Mexican  tomatoes  would  carry  better  if 
they  were  packed  in  a container  such  as  the  basket  Florida  crates. 

The  packing  and  shipping  are  done,  in  the  main,  by  three  organizations — the 
Mexico- Arizona  Trading  Co.,  which  has  shipped  tomatoes  for  seven  years  and  puts  up 
the  “Mateo”  brand;  the  Liga  Agrfcola  de  Sinaloa,  which  puts  up  the  “Liga”  brand; 
and  the  Mexican  Products  Corporation,  which  ships  the  “Mexco”  brand. 

Each  lug  is  stamped  with  the  name  of  the  brand,  the  abbreviated  brand  or  name 
of  the  loading  station,  and  the  number  of  the  grower.  If  the  box  contains  circles,  it 
is  marked  with  a circle. 

The  fruit  is  shipped  in  refrigerator  cars,  which  are  loaded  according  to  circular  No. 
100  of  the  Southern  Pacific  Railroad  of  Mexico.  The  standard  carload  is  800  lugs. 
The  loading  requirements  demand  a better-braced  car  than  is  generally  seen  in  the 
United  States,  and  as  a result  there  is  practically  no  complaint  about  breakage  or 
shifting  of  the  load  in  transit.  The  cars  move  under  ventilation,  at  least  as  far  as 
Empalme,  Sonora,  and  generally  to  Tucson,  Ariz.  All  cars  are  inspected  at  Nogales, 
Sonora,  just  before  crossing  the  border  into  the  United  States. 

The  transit  time  from  Los  Mochis  to  Nogales,  Sonora,  is  from  three  to  four  days,  and 
even  from  four  to  five  days.  The  shipments  from  Los  Mochis  move  over  the  Kansas 
City,  Mexico  & Orient  Railway  to  San  Bias,  Sinaloa,  and  from  there  over  the  Southern 
Pacific  with  the  rest  of  the  Sinaloa  crop  into  the  United  States  through  Nogales,  Ariz. 

SUMMARY  AND  CONCLUSIONS. 

The  outstanding  feature  of  the  Mexican  tomato  industry  is  the  array  of  unsolved 
problems.  These  must  be  studied  in  detail  before  the  industry  can  or  will  be  con- 
ducted as  successfully  for  the  growers  and  shippers  as  it  should  be. 

In  the  first  place,  the  matter  of  suitable  varieties  should  be  studied.  Experiments 
should  be  conducted  to  determine  whether  the  varieties  grown  at  the  present  time  are 
the  best  available  for  the  soil  and  climate  of  western  Mexico  and  whether  they  possess 
the  necessary  carrying  qualities.  Selection  and  breeding  experiments  might  lead  to 
the  discovery  or  development  of  varieties  that  are  better  suited  for  Mexican  conditions 
than  those  now  used. 

The  possibilities  of  home  production  of  seed  also  should  be  investigated.  Better 
results  could  be  obtained  if  intensive  methods  of  agriculture  were  substituted  for  the 
extensive,  inefficient  system  employed  in  the  past.  Better  plowing,  cultivating, 
irrigating,  and  a rational  system  of  rotation  of  crops  will  necessitate  a reduced  acreage 
per  man  employed,  but  would  also  lead  to  a larger  yield  of  marketable  fruit. 


154 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


Investigation  should  be  carried  on  to  determine  the  proper  degree  of  maturitv  for 
the  picking  of  the  fruit  itself,  so  that  it  will  arrive  in  the  market  in  a firm,  marketable 
condition. 

No  diseases  were  found  in  the  Mexican  tomato  fields  which  do  not  occur  in  the 
United  States.  In  fact,  diseases,  even  though  they  are  responsible  for  a heavy  decrease 
in  yield  of  Mexican  tomatoes,  are  in  no  wise  responsible  for  losses  in  the  packing 
houses  and  in  transit  to  the  extent  that  they  are  with  the  Florida  crop.  Several 
diseases  noted,  however,  are  just  getting  a foothold.  It  is  urgent,  therefore,  that  the 
diseases  and  insects  which  affect  the  crop  should  be  studied  ■with  a view  of  deter- 
mining to  what  extent  they  are  identical  with  those  found  in  the  United  States  and 
to  what  extent  the  control  methods  employed  in  the  United  States  are  applicable  to 
Mexican  needs,  with  a view,  if  necessary,  of  working  out  effective  methods  adapted 
to  Mexican  needs. 

In  picking  and  in  the  packing  houses  the  main  trouble  is  with  the 
peculiarities  of  the  labor  employed.  With  the  average  Mexican  farm 
labor  of  the  West  Coast  it  is  impossible  to  secure  a day’s  work  on  the 
time  system,  and  therefore  all  work  is  accomplished  under  the  old 
Spanish  colonial  “ tarea’’  or  task  (piecework)  system.  Plowing  is  not 
done  deep  enough  or  thoroughly  enough  for  intensive  cultivation 
under  this  system,  as  the  ground  under  the  surface  can  not  be  checked 
up  by  the  foremen.  Then,  again,  picking  has  to  be  by  so  much  per 
lug.  All  sorts  of  fruit  is  placed  in  the  lugs  in  the  field  in  order  to 
make  that  much  more  per  day  with  less  work.  This  brings  about 
improper  selection  of  fruit,  it  being  a practical  impossibility  for  the 
field  foremen  to  inspect  every  tomato  that  goes  into  the  crates.  The 
same  is  true  to  a less  extent  in  the  packing  houses,  where  the  work  is 
more  concentrated  under  supervision. 

Improper  and  ineffectual  planting  and  cultivation  are  always  offset 
by  the  wasteful  and  harmful  method  of  giving  too  much  water,  it 
being  easier  to  irrigate  a field  than  to  cultivate  it  properly.  The 
ignorant  Mexican  farmer  or  farm  hand  can  not  understand  the  neces- 
sity for  plant  quarantines,  inspection,  and  methods  of  prevention  of 
disease — attributing  to  “ an  unlucky  year,’’  to  “an  act  of  God,"  etc., 
the  calamities  that  result  from  a lack  of  such  measures.  It  is  the 
opinion  of  the  writer  that  effective  methods  can  not  be  adopted  on 
the  West  Coast  of  Mexico  in  intensive  farming  until  there  are  more 
immigrant  farmers. 

To  combat  insect  pests  and  plant  disease  the  tomato  growers  of  the 
Fuerte  Valley,  in  connection  with  their  marketing  associations'  activ- 
ities, have  obtained  the  services  of  an  American  entomologist,  who 
has  been  engaged  to  start  the  organization  of  the  growers  in  each 
section  and  secure  the  universal  use  of  sprayers  and  spray  material, 
Bordeaux  mixture  and  lead  arsenate  being  mostly  employed  for  this 
purpose  at  the  present  time.  The  native  growers  have  not  had  much 
previous  experience  with  prevention  methods  of  this  nature,  upon  the 
universal  application  of  which  depends  the  future  of  the  winter 
tomato  industry  of  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico,  and  the  ignorance  and 
general  apathy  of  the  native  workmen  make  educational  work  along 
this  line  very  difficult  in  that  region. 

Taking  the  findings  of  Professor  Link’s  report  given  herewith,  it  may 
be  said  that  unless  active  preventive  measures  are  employed  on  the 
West  Coast  the  tomato  industry  will  continue  to  suffer  such  increas- 
ingly heavy  losses  from  plant  disease  and  insect  pests  that  it  will  no 
longer  be  profitable,  and  this  new  and  great  industry  for  that  territory 
will  disappear,  to  the  economic  detriment  of  the  West  Coast  as  well 
as  of  American  commercial  interests. 


AGRICULTURE. 


155 


PLANT-QUARANTINE  REGULATIONS  OF  UNITED  STATES. 

The  United  States  Department  of  Agriculture  maintains  inspection 
of  all  cars  coming  out  of  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico  at  Nogales,  Ariz. 
Car-lot  shipments  are  not  fumigated,  as  the  railway  company  has  pro- 
vided blanket  guaranty  that  all  cars  used  in  the  handling  of  tomatoes 
from  Mexico  are  used  only  for  tomato  traffic,  being  sent  right  back 
again  from  the  United  Stales.  All  other  cars,  whether  empty  or  not, 
crossing  the  American  border  into  the  United  States  are  fumigated  at 
Nogales,  Ariz.,  at  a cost  of  $4  per  car,  plus  switching  charges. 

The  act  of  August  20,  1912,  created  the  Federal  Horticultural 
Board  of  the  United  States  Department  of  Agriculture,  which,  under 
the  provisions  of  ‘'Quarantine  No.  37,”  dated  June  1,  1919,  is  em- 
powered to  exclude  from  the  United  States  plants,  fruits,  and  vege- 
tables for  the  purpose  of  preventing  plant  diseases  and  insect  pests 
in  this  country.  Citrus  fruits  of  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico  have  been 
thereby  excluded  from  the  American  markets  (where  they  could  easily 
compete  with  the  products  of  California  and  Florida  because  of  the 
better  climatic  conditions,  much  earlier  shipment,  and  lower  cost 
of  production)  on  account  of  the  prevalence  of  scale,  apis,  and  other 
diseases  and  insect  pests  throughout  the  West  Coast,  where  little 
or  nothing  has  been  done  to  prevent  their  spread  in  years  past. 
Under  the  provisions  of  this  quarantine,  even  the  border  towns  of 
Nogales,  Douglas,  and  Tucson  could  not  get  Hermosillo  oranges  at 
$0.01  each  delivered  at  the  border  on  the  American  side,  but  were 
buying  California-packed  oranges  at  from  $0.60  to  $0.90  per  dozen  at 
retail. 

On  December  19,  1922,  a meeting  of  the  board  was  held  in  Washing- 
ton to  pass  on  the  exclusion  under  these  quarantine  provisions  of 
certain  products  being  imported  into  the  United  States  from  the 
West  Indies  and  Mexico.  It  was  feared  by  the  growers  of  the  West 
Coast  that  tomatoes  would  also  be  excluded,  and  a great  deal  of  pro- 
test against  any  such  proposed  measure  was  made,  it  being  claimed 
that  no  new  diseases  affecting  tomatoes  had  developed  in  Mexico 
different  from  those  already  known  in  the  United  States  and  that 
tomato  production  in  the  United  States  was  in  no  way  affected  by 
conditions  on  the  West  Coast.  It  is  understood  that  no  action  re- 
garding the  exclusion  of  Mexican  tomatoes  from  the  United  States 
was  taken  by  the  board  at  this  meeting,  which  dealt  only  with  the 
products  of  the  West  Indies,  principally  citrus  fruits.  In  this  con- 
nection it  is  interesting  to  note  that  the  press  of  Mexico  City  even 
went  so  far  as  to  quote  the  Mexican  Minister  of  Finance  as  saying 
that  measures  of  retaliation  would  immediately  be  taken  against 
American  food  products  now  being  shipped  into  Mexico  in  large 
quantities  if  any  such  prohibitive  measures  were  adopted  for  the  ex- 
clusion from  the  American  markets  of  the  Mexican  tomato. 

MEXICAN  EXPORT  DUTY  ON  TOMATOES. 

March  1,  1922,  the  Mexican  Department  of  Finance  removed  the 
export  duty  previously  in  effect  on  the  exportation  of  Mexican  to- 
matoes, amounting  to  0.04  peso  per  kilo  (equal  to  approximately 
$0,009  per  pound),  and  this  product  is  now  free  of  export  tax. 


156 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


AMERICAN  IMPORT  DUTIES. 

Under  the  provisions  of  the  old  American  tariff  the  import  duty 
on  fresh  tomatoes  coming  into  the  United  States  was  15  per  cent  ad 
valorem  on  an  invoice  valuation  of  cents  per  pound.  Under  the 
provisions  of  the  new  tariff  act  of  1922  (Fordney-McCumber  law) 
tomatoes  take  a rate  of  one-half  of  1 cent  per  pound  specific  import 
duty,  constituting  an  increase  of  about  one-eighth  of  1 cent  per  pound 
(the  old  rate  figuring  out  at  about  three-eighths  of  1 cent  per  pound). 
The  original  schedule  proposed  on  tomatoes  in  the  new  tariff  act  was 
1 cent  per  pound,  which  caused  a wide  storm  of  protest,  not  only 
from  growers  themselves  (three-quarters  of  whom  are  Americans 
operating  in  Mexico) , but  also  on  the  part  of  the  American  exporters 
to  Mexico,  represented  by  the  chambers  of  commerce  of  El  Paso,  Tex., 
Nogales  and  Tucson,  Ariz.,  and  Los  Angeles,  Calif. 

When  considering  quarantine  regulations  and  import  duties  on 
products  from  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico,  it  is  interesting  to  note  the 
following  conditions  so  intimately  affecting  the  best  interests  of  the 
United  States: 

Records  show  that  at  least  75  per  cent  of  the  tomatoes  and  winter 
vegetables  produced  on  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico  are  grown  by  Ameri- 
can planters  who  employ  Mexican  labor  in  the  fields,  and  an  investi- 
gation conducted  in  1922  indicated  that  about  90  per  cent  of  the  capi- 
tal invested  in  this  industry  on  the  West  Coast  was  directly  or  indi- 
rectly American. 

Tomatoes  from  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico  reach  the  American  mar- 
ket centers  during  the  months  of  December,  January,  February.  March, 
April,  and  May.  No  American-grown  tomatoes  are  available  for 
market  during  December,  January,  February,  or  March.  Florida 
is  the  earliest  State  to  produce  tomatoes,  but  the  Florida  crop  does 
not  mature  before  April.  The  Imperial  Valley  in  California  follows 
Florida.  Next  comes  Texas.  No  other  American  States  produce 
winter  tomatoes,  and  the  only  other  winter  tomatoes  produced  on 
the  Western  Continent  are  those  of  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico. 

Winter  tomatoes  have  reached  such  a stage  of  popularity  as  to  be 
now  properly  classed  as  a necessity  for  the  American  people.  The 
Mexican  crop  does  not  enter  into  competition  with  the  crops  from 
Florida,  California,  or  Texas.  Florida’s  crop  finds  an  ample  market 
in  the  Atlantic  States,  and  by  the  time  California  and  Texas  crops 
are  ready  for  shipment  the  West  Coast  season  is  over.  Moreover, 
the  cost  of  producing  and  marketing  the  Mexican  tomatoes  is  so  high 
that  they  can  never  successfully  compete  with  the  domestic  product 
when  once  the  latter  reaches  the  market.  The  high  cost  of  the  Mexican 
tomato  placed  at  market  is  due  principally  to  losses  in  picking  and 
selection,  plant  and  insect  troubles,  high  transportation  costs,  and 
import  duty.  As  a protective  measure,  an  increase  in  the  import  duty 
into  the  United  States  is  unwarranted. 

The  only  other  reason  for  increasing  the  import  duty  would  be 
for  the  increase  in  revenue.  During  the  last  tomato  season  there 
were  imported  into  the  United  States  from  Mexico  24,272,000 
pounds  of  tomatoes,  on  which  the  L’nited  States  collected  S91.020 
in  duties.  One  of  the  largest  and  most  economically  managed  tomato 
farms  on  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico  is  “La  Louisiana,”  at  Los  Mochis, 
Sinaloa  (Fuerte  Valley),  owned  by  Americans  and  comprising  610 


AGRICULTURE. 


157 


acres.  The  following  is  a statement  of  the  production  and  marketing 
costs  per  pound  for  this  farm  for  the  season  of  1922 : 


Cost  of  growing,  including  rent,  interest,  seed,  labor,  etc $0.  03550 

Cost  of  packing  materials  and  labor  of  packing 01361 

Cost  of  transportation,  duties,  and  commissions 03622 


Total  cost  per  pound 08533 

Gross  selling  price 08984 


Net  profit  to  grower 0.00451 


From  the  above  it  is  seen  that  in  a had  season  the  net  profit  to  the 
grower  is  less  than  one -half  of  1 cent  per  pound  and  that  a slight 
increase  in  the  import  duty  into  the  United  States  would  be  sufficient 
to  kill  the  industry,  since  the  margin  of  profit,  on  an  average,  is  too 
small. 

The  above  figures  yield  the  following  total  results,  as  set  forth 
in  a signed  statement  of  the  manager  of  “La  Louisiana”  farm: 


Operating  costs,  610  acres  tomatoes 525,  283.  28 

Production  cost,  labor 30,  975.  80 

Tomato  seed 334.  92 

Irrigation  water 3,  605.  71 


60,  199.  71 


Net  returns  on  52,989  lugs 63,  357. 48 

Net  profit  to  grower 3, 157.  77 


Figures  compiled  by  the  Liga  Agricola  de  Sinaloa,  one  of  the  largest 
shipping  associations  handling  West  Coast  tomatoes,  show  that  the 
average  net  price  to  the  grower  per  box  (lug)  during  the  1922  shipping 
season,  on  shipments  from  Los  Mochis  in  February  totaling  13  cars, 
ranged  between  $1.32  and  $1.90,  the  average  price  being  $1.61  per 
box.  On  the  71  cars  shipped  in  March  the  average  price  to  the  grower 
was  $1.32;  115  cars  shipped  during  April  netted  an  average  price  to 
the  grower  of  $1.25  per  lug;  and  44  cars  shipped  during  the  first  20 
days  in  May  netted  only  $0,894  per  lug  to  the  grower.  In  April  and 
May,  5 cars  showed  losses  of  from  $0.03  to  $0.33  per  box. 

The  following  table,  prepared  by  the  same  association,  gives  the 
results  of  preceding  years,  as  follows : 


Yeare. 

Average 
net  price 
to 

grower  of 
tomatoes 
delivered 
at  pack- 
ing douse. 

Average 
gross  sale 
price  in 
American 
market. 

1917 

$0.73 
1. 35 

1. 27 
.79 

1.28 

$1.39 
2. 14 
2.47 
2. 06 
2.87 

1918 

1919 

1920 

1921 

1.  OS 

2.19 

The  1921  cost  of  freight,  duties,  and  commissions  was  $1.59  per 
box  of  28  pounds  (lug).  The  average  cost  of  packing  in  1920  was 
$0.3737  per  box,  and  in  1921  $0.4305  per  box. 


158 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


AVERAGE  PRODUCTION  PER  ACRE. 

Careful  records  kept  by  the  shipping  and  packing  associations 
show  the  average  production  of  tomatoes  per  acre  on  the  West 
Coast  of  Mexico  to  be  111  lugs  of  28  pounds  each,  net  weight  of 
fruit,  this  record  and  average  covering  a period  of  five  seasons. 

FREIGHT-RATE  NOTES. 

Late  in  1922  the  Southern  Pacific  Railroad  of  Mexico  secured  the 
permission  of  the  Mexican  Ministry  of  Communications  and  Public 
Works  to  increase  freight  rates  on  tomato  shipments  by  20  per  cent 
over  the  former  rates  on  carload  lots  requiring  ice.  "According  to 
the  new  tariff,  2,000  kilos  of  ice  were  to  be  transported  free  of  charge, 
but  additional  ice  was  to  be  charged  for  at  the  same  rate  as  the  con- 
tents of  the  cars  carrying  ice.  The  railway  gives  express  freight 
service  on  all  iced  cars.  The  ice  is  furnished  by  the  shippers  and  is 
supplied  from  either  Mazatlan  or  Nogales  and  Tucson,  according  to 
the  district  of  the  shipment  of  tomatoes. 

MELONS,  WINTER  VEGETABLES,  ETC. 

Experimental  shipments  of  green  vegetables  from  the  West  Coast 
to  the  American  markets  have  met  with  excellent  results,  and,  on 
account  of  the  more  perishable  nature  of  tomatoes,  this  line  was 
receiving  greatly  increased  attention  from  growers  in  1920.  One 
San  Diego,  Calif.,  produce  firm  is  planting  700  acres  of  peas  and 
other  vegetables  on  the  Ocoroni  Arroyo,  in  the  Mocorito  River  Valiev. 
The  total  acreage  in  winter  produce  on  the  West  Coast  for  early 
shipment  in  1923  may  be  said  to  be  about  four  times  that  of  the 
preceding  season.  The  varieties  raised  include  green  peas,  green 
table  corn,  chilis,  eggplant,  string  beans,  etc.  During  the  1921-22 
season  there  were  shipped  to  the  American  markets  33  carloads  of 
chili,  39  cars  of  green  vegetables,  and  65  cars  of  cantaloupes. 

In  the  1922  shipping  season  the  first  cantaloupes  from  Sinaloa 
were  received  at  Nogales  on  April  5,  a special  fast  freight  train  being 
run  by  the  Southern  Pacific  from  below  Mazatlan  for  their  transporta- 
tion to  market.  The  quality  was  said  to  be  excellent.  These 
Mexican  melons  are  marketed  before  the  Imperial  Valley  in  California 
begins  to  ship.  Estimates  earlier  in  the  season,  based  on  actual 
acreage  planted,  placed  the  probable  total  shipments  of  cantaloupes 
from  Mexico  at  250  to  300  cars,  but  insect  pests,  improper  cultiva- 
tion, irrigation  and  care,  poor  selection  for  packing,  etc.,  greatly 
diminished  actual  shipments  and  the  bulk  of  the  crop  was  lost. 
Cantaloupe  shipments  from  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico  can  be  made  as 
early  as  February  20.  The  acreage  planted  in  Sinaloa  and  Nayarit 
for  the  1922  shipping  season  was  estimated  at  1,035  acres.  After  the 
California  product  starts  moving  the  West  Coast  can  not  compete 
in  the  American  markets. 

The  following  table  shows  acreage  during  the' 1921-22  season: 


Districts. 

Canta- 

loupes. 

Chili. 

Cucum- 

bers. 

Acres. 

250 

60 

75 

700 

Acres. 

100 



Acres. 

50 

50 

1,0S5 

150 

50 

Note.— Villa  Union,  south  of  Mazatlan,  anticipated  shipping  about  30  cars  of  mixed  vegetables  in  addi- 
tion to  tomatoes. 


AGRICULTURE. 


159 


The  Hermosillo  district  in  Sonora  is  very  suitable  for  the  produc- 
tion of  melons  and  shipped  about  30  cars  to  the  United  States  in  the 
1922  season.  The  expected  production  that  year  was  100  carloads. 

As  in  the  case  of  tomatoes,  the  great  advantage  of  the  West  Coast 
lies  in  the  possibility  of  shipping  to  the  American  market  centers  a 
month  or  more  in  advance  of  the  movement  to  market  of  the  Califor- 
nia and  Florida  production.  As  with  tomatoes,  also,  handsome 
profits  were  realized  from  the  early  shipments  beginning  in  February, 
and  then  prices  scaled  downward  as  the  season  advanced.  The  fu- 
ture of  the  industry  on  the  West  Coast  depends  entirely  upon  the 
ability  of  the  growers  to  develop  a native  seed  and  combat  insect 
pests  and  plant  diseases  in  a scientific  and  practical  manner.  Cali- 
fornia capital  has  been  extensively  interested  in  the  industry,  and 
the  benefit  of  trained  and  experienced  supervision  is  being  given  the 
industry  as  never  before.  Southern  California  produce  houses  are 
investing  heavily  on  the  West  Coast  this  year,  and  it  may  be  said 
again  that  about  90  per  cent  of  the  capital  invested  in  tomato  and 
winter-vegetable  growing  in  this  region  is  American. 

The  development  of  this  new  industry  is  very  vital  to  the  interests 
of  the  West  Coast  as  a whole,  because  the  market  for  other  products 
such  as  garbanzos  and  rice  is  limited  at  present  and  winter  vegetables 
are  the  only  sources  of  a quick  return  and  influx  of  money  with  which 
to  balance  the  purchases  of  merchandise  from  the  United  States. 

FRUITS. 

CITRUS  FRUITS. 

Grapefruit  does  very  well  in  the  Hermosillo  and  Yaqui  Valley  dis- 
tricts of  Sonora,  where  conditions  are  very  much  like  those  of  Cali- 
fornia, but  there  is  no  market  for  this  product  in  Mexico,  where  it  is 
practically  unknown  to  the  people,  and  it  can  not  be  sent  into  the 
United  States  on  account  of  plant-quarantine  regulations.  A for- 
eign market,  other  than  that  of  the  United  States,  would  have  to  be 
developed  by  water  transportation.  The  growing  of  citrus  fruits  on 
the  West  Coast  of  Mexico  holds  out  great  possibilities  for  the  future. 

The  Hermosillo  district  in  Sonora  ships  about  40,000  boxes  of  excel- 
lent oranges  per  year,  the  season  being  from  October  to  May  of  each 
year.  Shipments  over  the  Southern  Pacific,  via  Nogales,  to  the 
northern  central  part  of  Mexico  average  about  60  carloads  per  year. 
The  Martinez  property  near  Guaymas  produces  about  30,000  boxes 
of  oranges  per  season.  -Some  oranges  have  been  shipped  to  British 
Columbia,  but  this  trade  has  not  been  well  organized  as  yet. 

DATES,  FIGS,  ETC.,  FROM  LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 

Dates,  figs,  etc.,  are  produced  on  the  gulf  side  of  the  peninsula  of 
Lower  California,  where  climatic  conditions  are  ideal  for  date  and  fig 
culture,  and  the  industry  has  been  long  established  on  a small  scale 
for  the  market  on  the  mainland  of  Mexico.  These  products  are  dried 
and  packed  in  rawhide  cylindrical  containers  called  “surones,”  weigh- 
ing 60  kilos  each. 

The  annual  production  for  export  to  the  mainland  from  the  gulf 
port  of  Mulege  is  300,000  kilos  of  dates  and  30,000  kilos  of  figs  (1 
kilo  = 2.2046  pounds).  Santa  Rosalia,  Loreto,  and  the  interior  back 
of  Mulege  produce  an  annual  average  of  400,000  kilos  of  dried  dates 
and  30,000  kilos  of  dried  figs.  Receipts  of  the  two  products  from 


160 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


Lower  California  at  the  various  ports  of  the  West  Coast  for  local  con- 
sumption are  estimated  at  10,000  “surones”  (of  60  kilos  each)  of  figs 
and  from  3,000  to  4,000  “surones”  of  dates  annually. 

The  production  of  fruits  in  the  Purisima  and  Comondu  districts 
(farther  south  than  Mulege)  in  Lower  California  for  1921  are  as 


follows : 

Purisima  district:  Kilos. 

Dates 40,000 

Figs 89,  500 

Raisins 80,  800 

Comondu  district: 

Dates 66.  500 

Figs 60,828 

Raisins 49,  357 


Another  estimate,  based  on  Government  reports,  shows  that  the 
Mulege  district  has  an  annual  average  production  of  1,540,000  pounds 
of  dried  dates,  of  which  660,000  pounds  are  produced  in  the  immediate 
neighborhood  of  Mulege  and  the  remainder  in  the  interior,  while  the 
figure  for  fig  production  is  placed  at  a total  annual  average  of  66,000 
pounds. 

These  dried  fruits  are  rarely  shipped  to  the  United  States,  as 
they  are  not  well  graded  and  packed  for  the  American  market  and 
do  not  present  a satisfactory  appearance.  Dates  are  packed  in 
October  and  the  figs  throughout  the  summer  months.  It  is  thought 
that  if  interested  American  importers  would  give  the  growers  instruc- 
tion and  assistance  regarding  proper  selection  and  packing  methods, 
labels,  etc.,  the  industry  could  be  greatly  increased.  At  present 
very  little  of  the  available  good  fig  and  date  land  has  been  developed, 
on  account  of  the  lack  of  population  in  these  districts  of  Lower 
California,  the  general  scarcity  of  water  for  irrigation,  and  the  need 
of  capital  for  the  improvement  and  development  of  the  industry 
on  a large  scale.  Irrigation  at  Mulege  is  by  means  of  windmills,  as 
a rule.  Soil  and  climatic  conditions  in  many  parts  of  Lower  Cali- 
fornia are  ideal  for  fig  and  date  culture. 

ALLIGATOR  PEARS.  OR  “AVOCADOS.” 

Several  excellent  varieties  of  the  alligator  pear,  or  “avocado,”  are 
produced  on  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico,  and  the  fruit  forms  a staple 
article  of  diet  of  the  people.  There  is  a constantly  increasing  demand 
for  this  product  in  the  United  States  at  very  high  prices — frequently 
$0.75  each  in  Los  Angeles — but  the  Mexican  product  is  excluded 
from  the  United  States  by  existing  quarantine  regulations.  The 
tree  has  been  introduced  into  California  in  recent  years,  and  the 
first  domestic  product  is  now  coming  on  to  the  market  there,  where 
it  is  doing  very  well  after  years  of  experimentation. 

Limes,  pineapples,  and  the  “melon  zapote,”  or  papayo,  also  do 
very  well  on  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico,  particularly  in  southern 
Sinaloa  and  Nayarit,  although  none  are  exported.  It  is  thought 
that  there  is  a very  good  opportunity  for  pineapple  growing  on  a 
large  scale  in  the  State  of  Nayarit,  and  also  in  the  production  of  the 
well-known  “Acapulco”  lime  for  the  manufacture  of  lime  juice. 
The  papayo  is  a quick-growing  plant,  produces  prolifically,  and  is 
one  of  the  sources  of  pepsin,  although  present  existing  plantations 
are  too  small  and  scattered  to  make  the  establishment  of  a pepsin- 
extraction  factory  practical  on  the  West  Coast  at  present. 


AGRICULTURE. 


161 


BANANAS. 

The  banana  is  grown  all  over  the  West  Coast  south  of  theYaqui 
Valley  and  does  very  well,  this  fruit  forming  another  of  the  staples 
of  the  people  of  the  region.  Several  varieties  are  grown,  hut  only 
in  the  southern  part  of  Nayarit  does  the  variety  so  well  known  in 
the  United  States  exist  at  present;  the  original  plants  were  brought 
in  from  Port  Limon  in  Costa  Rica  in  1910  and  1911  by  Americans 
who  planned  the  growing  of  this  product  on  a large  scale  along 
the  coast  south  of  the  port  of  San  Bias,  Nayarit,  some  200  hectares 
of  imported  plants  being  the  nucleus  of  the  proposed  plantation, 
which  was  made  impossible  by  revolutions.  The  plantation  was 
abandoned  by  its  original  owners,  and  the  place  has  been  successively 
in  the  hands  of  several  small  operators  without  adequate  capital  for 
the  enterprise. 

Some  25,000  hectares  of  good  banana  lands  are  known  to  exist 
in  the  State  of  Nayarit  south  of  the  port  of  San  Bias  and  lying  along 
the  coast,  where  there  are  several  small,  shallow*  harbors,  principally 
that  of  La  Palma,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Rio  Santa  Cruz,  which  was 
the  location  of  the  proposed  banana  plantation  mentioned  above. 
The  “Roatan”  variety  of  banana  also  does  very  well  in  southern 
Nayarit  along  the  coast  and  in  the  immediate  river  valleys  where 
irrigation  can  be  supplied  by  gravity  from  the  numerous  small 
streams  found  in  this  region.  The  “Roatan”  banana  is  the  variety 
shipped  to  New  Orleans  from  Tabasco  on  the  Gulf  coast  of  Mexico. 

The  small  roadsteads  mentioned  are  those  of  Miramar  (La  Palma), 
Aticama,  and  Matanchil,  which  have  8 fathoms  of  water  close  off- 
shore, though  the  anchorage  is  not  well  protected.  Trial  shipments 
have  been  made  recently  from  San  Bias  by  steamer  to  Los  Angeles 
and  sold  for  $3  per  stem  on  the  open  market.  No  refrigeration  was 
provided,  and  it  was  15  days  from  the  time  of  cutting  until  the 
bananas  were  sold  at  the  market,  showing  that  this  fruit  ships  well. 
The  Tropical  Fruit  Co.  of  San  Francisco,  Calif.,  is  interested  in 
rehabilitating  the  old  plantation  at  La  Palma  and  is  planning  to 
ship  by  small  vessel  to  Mazatlan  and  thence  in  iced  cars  to  the  Ameri- 
can border  over  the  railway. 

As  a rule  the  plants  are  set  out  4.5  meters  apart  (1  meter  = 3.28 
feet)  in  rows  6 meters  wide,  showing  an  average  planting  of  350 

Slants  per  hectare,  and  the  production  averages  250  stems  per 
ectare  (1  hectare  = 2.47  acres). 

In  the  more  favored  regions  of  Central  America  and  Colombia 
bananas  produce  one  stem  from  every  clump  of  plants  every  five  to 
seven  months,  the  latter  being  the  more  conservative  average  of 
production.  In  Nayarit,  on  account  of  the  low  temperatures  in  the 
winter  months,  rapid  growth  is  more  retarded  and  the  production  is 
limited  to  one  stem,  for  cutting,  every  11  months  per  plant  stand. 
Sufficient  labor  is  available,  and,  if  necessary,  more  could  be  drawn 
from  Sinaloa. 

An  excellent  market  exists  on  the  Pacific  coast  of  the  United 
States,  which  is  now  getting  its  bananas  from  New  Orleans  over  a 
long  rail  haul.  It  is  thought  that  a plantation  of  from  6,000  to  10,000 
acres,  served  b}^  two  medium-sized  steamers  equipped  with  refrigera- 
tion, would  prove  a good  investment  now  if  it  wrere  not  for  the  present 
44807° — 23 12 


162 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


land-title  features  of  the  Mexican  constitution.  The  principal  land- 
owners  of  the  banana  region  would  gladly  entertain  any  reasonable 
proposal  for  the  development  of  their  properties  in  this  manner. 

Near  the  port  of  San  Bias  there  is  a small  plantation  (other  than 
the  one  mentioned  above),  but  the  owners  are  handicapped  by  la'.k 
of  capital  and  means  to  provide  adequate  water  transportation  to 
the  markets  of  the  Pacific  coast.  Those  markets  would  include  San 
Diego,  Los  Angeles,  San  Francisco,  Portland,  and  Seattle,  as  well  as 
Vancouver,  British  Columbia,  and  fruit  could  be  distributed  inland 
as  far  as  Salt  Lake  City.  It  is  understood  that  powerful  American 
fruit  interests  are  very  much  interested  in  the  development  of  banana 
lands  on  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico  but  fear  the  effect  of  the  present 
land-title  and  ownership  provisions  of  the  Mexican  constitution, 
which  affords  no  guaranties  of  ownership  of  property  at  present. 

GRAPES. 

Mission  grapes  have  been  successfully  grown  in  the  Fuerte  Valley 
at  Los  Mochis  for  many  years,  the  product  being  sold  principally  as 
fresh  fruit  up  and  down  the  coast.  Recently  30,000  vines  have  been 
planted  in  the  valley  of  the  Presidio  River  just  south  of  Mazatlan, 
near  Villa  Union,  by  a Spaniard,  as  an  experiment  looking  forward  to 
the  exportation  of  grapes  to  the  United.  States.  Tha  vines  were  im- 
ported from  France  and  Spain.  It  was  thought  that  certain  Cali- 
fornia varieties  would  be  more  suitable  to  the  climate  and  soil  condi- 
tions of  the  West  Coast,  and  experiments  with  different  vines  were 
being  conducted,  it  being  planned  to  set  out  200,000  or  300,000  more 
vines  of  successful  California  varieties. 

There  is  an  excellent  demand  for  dried  raisins  in  Mexico,  and  the 
local  consumption  would  be  greatly  increased  if  retail  prices  could  be 
lowered  below  present  levels  charged  for  imported  brands. 

The  principal  difficulty  in  grape  culture  on  the  West  Coast  seems  to 
lie  in  the  fact  that  the  excessive  moisture  at  the  time  the  fruit  is  be- 
ginning to  reach  full  size,  but  is  still  green,  causes  it  to  rot  at  the  stem 
and  fall  to  the  ground.  Certain  suitable  lands  farther  north  in  Sonora 
where  the  rainfall  is  light  and  irrigation  available  are  thought  to  be 
more  suitable  than  lands  farther  south  where  the  rainfall  and  humidity 
are  greater.  California  gets  its  rains  in  the  winter,  while  the  Mexican 
West  Coast  has  its  heaviest  precipitation  in  the  summer  months. 

MARJORAM. 

Mazatlan  is  now  shipping  a well-known  local  product  of  the  West 
Coast  to  California  ports.  This  vegetable  product  is  an  aromatic  herb 
called  “oregano ” in  Mexico, Spain,  and  the  countries  of  Latin  America, 
which  is  much  used  as  a condiment  with  meats,  etc.  The  plant  is  a 
perennial  shrub  1 to  3 feet  high  and  grows  practically  wild  throughout 
the  West  Coast,  although  it  is  cultivated  on  a small  scale  by  the  people 
of  the  farms  and  countryside.  It  belongs  to  the  botanical  genus 
Origanum,  natural  order  Labiata?..  Tire  tops  are  cut  as  the  plant 
begins  to  flower,  and  the  stems  and  leaves  are  dried  slowly  in  the 
shade,  after  which  the  product  is  sacked  for  shipment  and  also  sold 
locally  on  the  public  market  in  tiny  quantities.  It  is  used  as  a com- 
mon culinary  savor  for  meats,  etc.,  in  Mexico,  Spain,  etc. 

The  first  shipment  to  the  United  States  in  recent  years  was  made 
from  Mazatlan  in  September,  1922,  when  4,400  pounds  were  shipped 
by  steamer  to  Los  Angeles. 


AGRICULTURE. 


163 


FIBERS. 

Nearly  all  of  the  foothill  areas  close  to  the  river  valleys  of  the  West 
Coast  of  Mexico  are  suitable  for  the  production  of  fibrous  plants  such 
as  henequen,  sisal,  etc.,  all  species  of  the  agave.  This  plant  does  best 
on  hilly,  well-drained  lands  that  have  a high  lime  content.  The  Mo- 
corito  region  is  especially  well  adapted  to  the  production  of  this  species 
of  fiber.  In  1905  Mexico  produced  100,484,323  kilos  of  henequen 
fiber  (1  kilo  = 2.2046  pounds),  principally  in  Yucatan,  and  this  pro- 
duction has  greatly  increased  in  subsequent  years.  On  the  West 
Coast,  Sinaloa  exports  some  8,000  tons  annually  of  the  fiber  from  the 
blue  “mescal,”  another  species  of  the  agave,  the  product  going  to  the 
cordage  factories  of  the  Pacific  coast  of  the  United  States.  Unlike 
the  henequen  of  Yucatan,  the  blue  mescal  plant  is  allowed  to  mature 
at  the  age  of  seven  years;  the  head  is  baked  in  kilns,  then  macerated 
and  fermented,  and  the  common  liquor  of  the  country  variously 
known  as  “mescal”  and  “tequila”  is  distilled  from  this  product. 
The  drink  is  highly  alcoholic,  and  in  color,  general  taste,  and  proper- 
ties is  very  much  like  raw  corn  whisky  of  high  proof. 

At  the  time  the  plant  flowers  the  leaves  are  cut  off  from  the  head  and 
put  through  a decorticating  machine.  The  resulting  fiber  is  handled 
very  much  like  the  henequen  of  Yucatan,  which  it  very  closely  re- 
sembles in  length,  tensile  strength,  etc.  The  henequen  and  sisal 
leaves  are  cut  every  year,  beginning  the  fourth  or  fifth  year,  and  the 
maturity  of  the  plant  (when  it  dies)  is  retarded  from  9 to  14  years 
thereby,  the  plantations  being  handled  in  rotation. 

The  largest  plantations,  and  the  only  ones  of  any  importance  on 
the  West  Coast,  are  both  in  Sinaloa,  about  30  miles  north  of  Culiacan. 
The  largest  is  that  of  the  Petes  family  at  Pericos,  where  12  machines 
each  have  a capacity  of  1,500  pounds  of  fiber  per  day.  The  next 
largest  mescal  plantation  is  that  of  the  De  la  Vega  family  of  Culiacan, 
called  “Jesus  Maria,”  30  miles  north  of  Culiacan  on  the  Badiraguato 
Road.  The  principal  production  is  that  of  the  liquor  mentioned,  the 
fiber  being  a by-product.  Both  plantations  have  a large  acreage  in 
sugar  cane,  from  which  the  native  brown  sugar  of  the  country  is  made, 
as  well  as  alcohol.  The  blue  mescal  variety  of  the  agave  produces 
a smaller  percentage  of  fiber  per  unit  of  weight  of  the  leaf  than 
henequen  or  sisal,  the  leaves  being  much  larger  and  having  more 
watery  pulp  than  the  dry  henequen. 

On  account  of  the  excess  production  of  henequen  fiber  in  Yucatan 
and  the  low  prices  prevailing  since  the  war  for  this  product,  it  is  not 
thought  that  the  industry  of  fiber  production  can  be  increased 
profitably  at  the  present  time  on  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico. 

SESAME  SEED. 

Sesame  seed,  known  in  Florida  as  “benny”  seed  and  in  Mexico  as 
“ajonjoli”  seed,  is  not  grown  in  any  of  the  three  West  Coast  States 
covered  by  this  report.  The  States  of  Guerrero  and  Michoacan  are 
the  largest  producers  of  this  oilseed  in  Mexico,  the  estimated  j&mual 
production  prior  to  the  revolutionary  period  being  about  3,000,000 
bushels.  Production  has  decreased  greatly  in  Michoacan  during  the 
past  10  years.  In  1913  Mexico  exported  2,500  tons  of  sesame  seed, 
valued  at  345,601  pesos,  about  50  per  cent  of  which  went  to  Germany. 
Since  that  time  domestic  manufacturers  of  soap  have  taken  most  of 


164 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


the  available  supply,  which  is  shipped  by  way  of  Manzanillo  to 
Mexico  City,  Guadalajara,  and  other  points  of  the  interior.  The 
crop  is  harvested  in  the  months  of  October  and  November.  Small 
quantities  were  formerly  shipped  to  the  United  States  but  were 
discontinued  in  1921.  During  the  shipping  season  about  10  cars  per 
month  can  be  obtained  from  dealers — with  the  domestic  soap  manu- 
facturers of  Mexico  keen  competitors  for  the  crop  output. 

MEXICAN  LAND  LAWS. 

For  the  information  and  guidance  of  those  interested  in  lands  on 
the  West  Coast  of  Mexico  there  is  reproduced  herewith  a transla- 
tion of  subdivision  1 of  Article  27  of  the  Constitution  of  1917,  which 
now  forms  the  fundamental  law  of  the  Republic  of  Mexico : 

Only  Mexicans  by  birth  or  naturalization  and  Mexican  companies  have  the  right  to 
acquire  ownership  of  lands,  waters,  or  their  appurtenances,  or  to  obtain  concessions 
to  develop  mines,  waters,  or  mineral  fuels  in  the  Republic  of  Mexico.  The  Nation 
may  grant  the  same  right  to  foreigners,  provided  they  agree  before  the  Department 
of  Foreign  Affairs  to  be  considered  Mexicans  in  respect  to  such  property,  and  accord- 
ingly not  to  invoke  the  protection  of  their  Governments  in  respect  to  same,  under 
penalty  of  forfeiture  to  the  Nation  of  the  property  so  acquired.  Within  a zone  of 
100  kilometers  (62.13)  miles  from  the  frontiers,  and  of  50  kilometers  from  the  sea- 
coasts,  no  foreigner  shall  under  any  conditions  acquire  direct  ownership  of  lands 
and  waters. 

The  Constitution  also  grants  the  right  to  the  various  States  to  fix 
a maximum  area  of  land  that  may  be  acquired  and  held  by  any  one 
individual  or  concern.  For  the  State  of  Sonora  the  legislature,  by 
law  passed  on  June  23,  1919,  made  the  following  limitations: 

Article  14.  The  maximum  area  of  land  that  may  be  owned  by  one  person  or  com- 
pany legally  organized  is  as  follows: 

Fifty  hectares  in  privately  owned  lands  located  in  the  zone  that  was  originally 
surveyed  as  public  land. 

Outside  of  the  zone  above  mentioned,  the  maximum  area  shall  be: 

A.  Irrigable  agricultural  lands,  100  hectares. 

B.  Dry  farming  lands,  300  hectares. 

C.  Grazing  lands,  10,000  hectares. 

Art.  15.  In  the  areas  fixed  by  the  foregoing  article  may  be  included  one  lot  or 
several  lots  belonging  to  the  same  proprietor,  be  they  located  together  or  on  different 
lots  belonging  to  the  same  proprietor,  in  different  municipalities. 

The  agrarian  provisions  of  the  Mexican  Constitution  of  1917  are 
for  the  express  purpose  of  forcing  the  subdivision  of  the  large  landed 
estates  for  which  the  country  was  famous,  and  it  is  the  avowed  policy 
of  the  Government  to  assist  individuals  to  acquire  and  develop  small 
farms  without  the  intervention  of  large  companies  which  buy  great 
tracts  of  raw  land,  provide  water  for  irrigation,  and  then  sell  the  land 
in  small  farms  to  individual  farmers,  as  is  the  practice  in  the  United 
States  and  as  was  the  tendency  on  the  West  Coast  before  the  revolu- 
tions stopped  such  development. 

The  National  Government  even  went  so  far  as  to  purchase  large 
amounts  of  agricultural  equipment  which  it  tried  to  sell  to  the  small 
farmers,  or  prospective  farmers,  at  cost,  plus  5 per  cent,  on  the 
installment  plan.  Many  thousands  of  acres  of  choice  lands  in  each 
State  have  been  alloted  to  individuals  under  the  new  Agrarian  Law 
of  the  country,  but  the  provisions  of  the  law  have  been  almost 
universally  defeated  by  the  lack  of  ambition  and  education  and  the 
general  apathy  and  indifference  on  the  part  of  the  average  indi- 
vidual affected.  The  law  states  that  payment  shall  be  made  for 


AGRICULTURE. 


165 


lands  so  “expropriated”  for  the  benefit  of  the  Nation,  hut  no  real 
provision  for  such  payment  has  yet  been  made  by  the  Mexican 
Government,  except  that  it  is  planned  to  issue  land  script  for  this 
purpose  at  some  time  in  the  future. 

LANDS  TAKEN  UNDER  AGRARIAN  LAW  IN  WEST  COAST  TERRITORY. 

Up  to  the  end  of  1922,  a total  of  120  villages  had  received  lands 
and  a total  of  119,749  individuals  had  been  benefited — the  extent 
of  land  covering  a total  of  886,949  hectares  (1  hectare  = 2.47  acres) 
since  the  inauguration  of  the  Obregon  administration.  For  the 
regions  discussed  in  this  report  the  figures  are  as  follows : 

Lower  California. — ' Three  thousand  four  hundred  and  fifty-four  individuals  belong- 
ing to  4 villages,  received  lands  totaling  3,511  hectares  taken  from  national  lands. 

Nayarit.— Three  thousand  one  hundred  and  twenty-one  individuals,  belonging  to 
10  villages,  received  a total  of  28,703  hectares,  of  which  14,475  were  already  owned  by 
the  people  affected,  and  14,276  hectares,  of  which  4,100  were  national  lands,  were 
divided,  a total  of  32  estates  being  affected. 

Sinaloa. — Two  thousand  six  hundred  and  fifty-seven  individuals,  belonging  to  10 
villages,  received  lands,  19,936  hectares  being  expropriated,  and  the  total  area  now 
possessed  by  the  people  of  the  villages  affected  being  44,650  hectares. 

Sonora. — One  thousand  six  hundred  and  thirteen  people  were  given  lands  in 
Sonora,  a total  of  18,100  hectares  being  expropriated  for  this  purpose,  of  which  16,752 
hectares  were  national  lands. 

There  is  no  agrarian  problem  on  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico.  The 
people  of  the  country  districts  have  always  held  more  than  sufficient 
lands  around  their  “pueblos”  for  their  needs,  and  the  problem  of  the 
West  Coast  is  not  one  of  land  for  the  people  in  order  that  they  may 
be  self-sustaining,  but  rather  one  of  the  lack  of  sufficient  labor  to  work 
the  existing  lands.  The  average  individual  of  the  West  Coast  prefers 
to  plant  a small  amount  of  corn  on  some  hillside  (where  he  can  use 
his  only  tool,  the  machete,  and  where  he  does  not  have  to  plow  or 
cultivate  after  burning  off  the  brush)  and,  during  the  rest  of  the  year, 
to  work  for  some  proprietor,  or  at  some  mine,  or  on  the  railway,  or 
about  town. 

In  California,  under  the  American  system  of  purchase  and  cutting 
up  of  the  old,  large  landed  estates,  prosperous  and  self-sustaining 
new  communities  have  been  created  in  less  than  10  years,  the  towns 
being  modern,  with  fine  schools,  churches,  streets,  complete  public 
utilities,  etc.,  and  having  a high  production  record.  On  the  West 
Coast  of  Mexico  the  character  and  racial  peculiarities  of  the  people 
are  such  that  this  system  does  not  work  out  as  it  does  in  the  United 
States.  It  is  a matter  either  of  an  age-long  program  of  popular 
education,  or  of  letting  the  foreigner  do  it;  and  the  national  attitude 
of  Mexico  toward  foreign  enterprise  seems,  at  present,  definitely 
unresponsive. 

FARMING  CONDITIONS  FOR  FOREIGNERS  ON  WEST  COAST. 

Sonora  is  a desert  country  in  which  conditions  are  very  much  like 
those  of  Arizona  and  New  Mexico.  In  Sinaloa  the  good  land  lies  in 
the  several  river  valleys  described  herein,  and  conditions  are  more 
tropical,  so  far  as  heat  and  moisture  are  concerned,  than  in  Sonora, 
which  is  a dry  country.  The  great  attraction  for  the  American  farmer 
of  moderate  means  is  the  cheap  first  cost  of  the  land.  Land  tracts, 
containing  both  good  and  poor  lands,  can  be  purchased  from  the 
original  Mexican  owners  of  these  large  estates  for  from  $0.50  to  $5 


166 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


per  acre,  depending  upon  the  amount  and  proportion  of  arable  land 
contained  in  the  tract,  the  water  possibilities,  the  location,  etc. 
Choice  river-valley  lands  with  water  by  irrigation  can  be  secured  for 
from  $15  to  $30  per  acre  in  colonization  communities  already  started 
by  Americans.  When  titles  are  considered,  however,  there  are  al- 
ways the  present  provisions  of  the  Mexican  land  laws  to  be  faced. 

The  small  farmer  with  a family  contemplating  the  purchase  of 
land  on  the  West  Coast  to-day  faces  a pioneering  undertaking,  with 
the  complications  of  an  unresponsive  native  population  and  the  fear 
of  unjustifiable  acts  on  the  part  of  local  officials. 

The  West  Coast  is  a hot  country  where  climatic  conditions  are 
trying  and  where  few  white  men  can  work  all  day  in  the  sun.  Malaria 
and  other  tropical  diseases  are  rife,  but  not  in  a very  virulent  form, 
as  a rule. 

Away  from  the  railway  there  are  no  roads  as  such  are  known  in 
the  developed  districts  of  the  United  States — merely  dirt  tracks 
impassable  for  wheeled  traffic  during  the  rainy  season  of  each  summer. 

One  of  the  attractions  held  out  by  persons  interested  in  selling 
West  Coast  lands  to  Americans  and  foreigners  is  that  of  cheap  labor, 
wages  for  farm  work  now  averaging  1 Mexican  peso  per  day.  How- 
ever, this  labor  is  not  very  efficient,  it  can  not  be  depended  upon,  and 
the  supply  under  normal  conditions  is  not  sufficient.  American 
farmers  putting  in  crops  have  learned  that,  at  the  end  of  the  season, 
costs  have  been  materially  reduced  by  the  use  of  tractors  and 
modern  machinery  handled  by  skilled  men  from  the  United  States — 
the  element  of  time  for  the  short  crop  season  being  the  fundamental 
factor  to  be  considered  in  this  connection,  together  with  the  money 
investment  involved. 

Except  in  the  case  of  winter  tomatoes,  there  is  the  very  important 
question  of  markets  to  be  considered.  The  American  farmer  can 
not  compete  with  the  native  in  the  production  of  corn  and  beans, 
the  two  great  staples  of  the  country,  and  in  a year  of  overproduction 
of  these  crops,  the  surplus  can  not  be  shipped  to  other  markets  to 
any  extent. 

COLONIZATION  AND  INVESTMENT. 

The  two  largest  agricultural  colonies  of  the  West  Coast  are  those 
of  the  Yaqui  and  Fuerte  Valleys,  the  latter  located  at  Los  Mochis, 
where  the  United  Sugar  Co.  has  encouraged  planters  in  the  production 
of  sugar  cane  for  the  company’s  mill,  and  where  other  crops  are  also 
produced  by  about  75  American  farmers.  The  number  of  Americans 
engaged  in  farming  in  the  Yaqui  Valley  is  approximately  100. 
There  are  about  5 Americans  engaged  in  agriculture  in  the  Culiaean 
Valley  permanently,  although  a number  of  new  people  have  come  in 
on  leased  land  for  winter-tomato  production  this  last  year.  This  is 
also  true  of  the  Sinaloa  River  Valley  farther  north,  where  a very 
large  acreage  is  being  put  in  for  the  1923  season  of  winter  tomatoes 
and  vegetables,  Americans  being  sent  down  to  supervise  the  crops 
and  the  packing  and  shipping. 

A recent  very  conservative  estimate  of  the  total  investment  by 
Americans  in  land  in  the  West  Coast  States  of  Sinaloa  and  Navarit 
placed  the  sum  at  $11,495,000  United  States  currency.  The  total 
investment  in  mines  was  placed  at  $13,760,000;  that  of  the  Southern 


AGRICULTURE. 


167 


Pacific  Railroad  Co.  of  Mexico  at  $15,000,000:  that  of  the  Kansas 
City,  Mexico  & Orient  Railway  at  $2,000,000;  and  the  investment 
in  business  and  industries  of  other  nature  at  $387,000. 

Most  of  the  land  originally  purchased  by  Americans  on  the  West 
Coast  was  obtained  in  very  large  tracts  from  the  original  Mexican 
owners  for  investment  purposes,  it  being  the  plan  of  the  new  owners 
to  subdivide  and  sell  off  their  tracts  in  small  lots  with  water  for 
irrigation.  This  colonization  plan  has  been  suspended  by  conditions 
in  the  country  and  by  the  new  agrarian  laws  of  Mexico,  as  previously 
pointed  out  herein. 

Japanese  colonization  interests  were  supporting  the  development 
of  irrigation  by  the  Compahia  Agricola  Tepiquena  in  the  Santiago 
Valley  in  Nayarit  during  1910  and  1911,  hut  this  scheme  for  Japanese 
colonization  failed  on  account  of-  the  conditions  brought  about  by 
the  various  revolutions  in  Mexico  since  then,  the  Japanese  Govern- 
ment refusing  to  vise  passports  for  its  citizens  to  go  to  Mexico. 

The  Japanese  of  California  have  been  active  in  the  Sinaloa  Valley 
north  of  Culiacan  during  the  past  few  years,  but  have  failed  to 
establish  a permanent  agricultural  colony  on  account  of  the  lack  of 
water  for  irrigation  and  their  lack  of  sufficient  capital  to  provide  the 
necessary  water  by  means  of  reservoir  dams  and  canals.  Early  in 
1912  a group  of  Japanese  of  Los  Angeles  (Nichi-Boku,  105  East  First 
Street,  Los  Angeles) , interested  in  selling  lands  to  their  own  country- 
men who  had  made  money  in  California  in  agriculture,  made  a contract 
with  the  Mexican  owners  of  the  “Tetamecha”  hacienda  situated  on 
the  Ocoroni  Arroyo,  an  affluent  of  the  Rio  Sinaloa,  the  lands  being 
located  near  Bamoa  at  Naranjo  Station  on  the  Southern  Pacific  line. 
Eighty-five  thousand  acres  were  contained  in  this  tract,  which  was 
held  under  a selling  contract  providing  for  release  of  title  as  the  lands 
were  sold  in  small  allotment  to  the  Japanese  colonists  to  be  obtained 
by  the  selling  agents  in  California.  During  1915  some  75  to  100 
Japanese  were  attracted  to  this  land  by  the  selling  company  but 
failed  to  make  a success  of  their  efforts  on  account  of  the  lack  of 
water  for  irrigation,  and  the  colony  is  now  abandoned.  The  purchase 
price  of  the  land  was  $2  an  acre,  and  the  selling  agents  secured  enough 
money  from  their  buyers  to  clear  title  to  about  20,000  acres,  which 
have  been  released  to  them  by  the  owners  under  the  terms  of  the 
original  sales  contract.  The  total  investment  is  between  $50,000  and 
$60,000  United  States  currency. 

The  Japanese  farmers  must  have  water  for  irrigation,  and  they  are 
being  attracted  to  Los  Mochis  and  to  the  Culiacan  Valley,  where 
conditions  are  better  than  on  undeveloped  land  without  water.  In 
the  Culiacan  Valley  there  are  now  two  Japanese  families,  and  10 
Japanese  in  all  are  located  at  San  Pedro  and  La  Colorada.  A 
Japanese  engineer  has  114  acres  of  highly  improved  land  in  the  La 
Colorada  tract.  Culiacan  has  two  Japanese  doctors,  two  Japanese 
dentists,  and  four  or  five  others  engaged  in  various  minor  pursuits. 
The  Japanese  refuse  to  pay  high  subdivision  prices  for  land  and  prefer 
to  purchase  in  small  lots  directly  from  Mexican  owners. 

No  capital  is  coming  to  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico  from  Japan 
for  investment  in  Mexican  lands,  and  all  recent  effort  at  Japanese 
colonization  in  this  region  seems  to  have  depended  upon  the  support 
of  Japanese  from  California. 


168 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


The  United  Sugar  Co.  at  Los  Mochis,  in  the  Fuerte  Valley,  is  very 
much  interested  in  securing  Japanese  colonists  for  sugar-cane  pro- 
duction, and  has  had  an  agent  for  this  purpose  in  Japan  for  some 
time  past.  Six  families  have  been  induced  to  come  thus  far,  and 
the  company  expects  to  have  25  families  more  by  the  middle  of  1923. 
The  plan  is  to  attract  Japanese  farmers  from  Japan  for  cane  pro- 
duction, the  company  assisting  them  to  obtain  mules  and  imple- 
ments and  selling  them  the  land  on  easy  payments  in  order  to  develop 
a dependable  supply  of  cane  for  the  mill.  It  is  desired  to  enlarge 
this  mill  and  increase  its  grinding  capacity.  Under  this  plan  the 
Japanese  immigrants  would  eventually  own  the  land.  The  sugar 
company  can  not  depend  upon  the  native  Mexican  labor,  and  the 
American  colonists  want  to  own  their  land  and  farm  independently, 
raising  more  profitable  crops  of  winter  vegetables,  tomatoes,  etc., 
for  themselves.  The  American  colony  at  Los  Mochis  and  in  other 
parts  of  the  Fuerte  Valley  now  numbers  about  150  individuals. 

From  time  to  time  foreigners  interested  in  the  promotion  of  land 
colonies  in  Mexico  have  been  attracted  to  the  Sonora  River  Valley 
in  the  region  north  of  Hermosillo,  where  there  is  a possibility  of  the 
development  of  a water  supply  for  irrigation  by  means  of  storage 
dams.  In  the  early  part  of  1919  Japanese  engineers  made  a pre- 
liminary survey  of  the  region  and  two  proposed  storage  dams  of  the 
submerged  type,  and  negotiations  were  undertaken  with  the  State 
government  officials  toward  the  necessary  concession,  etc.,  the  invest- 
ment being  estimated  at  about  $6,000,000  Unites  States  currency. 
Latterly,  this  project  for  the  Sonora  River  has  been  variously  sur- 
veyed by  the  Mexican  Government,  but  funds  are  not  available  for 
the  work  at  present. 

LAND  TAXATION. 

Under  the  new  taxation  regulations  of  the  Mexican  Government 
land  taxes  have  been  heavily  increased.  These  are  collected  by  the 
State  governments,  the  rate  being  10  per  1,000  ad  valorem  of  the 
appraisement  valuation,  plus  25  per  cent  for  Federal  Government 
tax,  which  is  paid  in  revenue  stamps  affixed  to  the  tax  receipt  from 
the  State.  Real  property  taxes  are  payable  three  times  a year, 
during  the  first  10  legal  business  days  of  January,  if  ay.  and  September. 
The  legal  valuation  of  the  land  is  fixed  by  the  State  assessor,  who 
sometimes  takes  the  owner’s  valuation  and  at  other  times  is  gov- 
erned by  his  own  idea  in  the  matter;  this  leads  to  many  abuses  in  the 
way  of  evasion  of  legitimate  taxation  and  also  excessive  rates  for 
those  least  able  to  pay.  In  1922  the  Sonora  State  government 
reduced  land  taxes  by  50  per  cent  in  an  effort  to  collect  revenue  due 
from  back  and  unpaid  land  taxes;  it  received,  however,  but  little 
immediate  response,  most  of  the  large  landowners  holding  back  for 
a better  definition  and  clarification  of  the  land  taxation  laws.  As 
a general  rule,  land  taxes  can  not  be  said  to  be  exorbitant  in  the 
West  Coast  States  of  Mexico  at  the  present  time. 

RENTAL  RATES  AND  CONDITIONS. 

Raw  land  can  be  rented  or  leased  at  very  reasonable  rates  from 
native  landowners  who  own  large  tracts,  but  little  of  such  land  is 
provided  with  water  for  the  necessary  irrigation,  and  the  present 


AGRICULTURE. 


169 


interest  is  in  the  production  of  winter  tomatoes  and  vegetables  for 
the  American  market,  requiring  choice  and  developed  land  with  a 
sure  and  plentiful  water  supply.  In  any  case,  land  rentals  depend 
upon  the  stage  of  improvement  of  the  land  itself,  the  wrater  pro- 
vision, the  location  as  regards  transportation,  etc. 

As  an  example  of  rental  lands  the  improved  lands  of  the  Fuerte 
Valley  can  be  cited.  One  form  of  land  rental  contract  is  on  the 
basis  of  50  per  cent  of  the  crop  to  the  renter  and  50  per  cent  to  the 
owner,  the  latter  furnishing  the  land,  water,  mules,  and  equipment 
for  the  season,  including  also  the  necessary  seed  for  planting.  Other 
forms  of  rental  contract  give  40  per  cent  of  the  crop  to  the  landowner 
who  furnishes  the  land  and  water  only.  Both  forms  of  contract  are 
varied  to  suit  individual  conditions  and  agreement.  Good  tomato 
land  is  also  rented  on  a cash  basis,  the  rent  being  paid  in  advance 
and  ranging  between  $10  and  $20  per  acre  per  year,  depending  upon 
location,  condition  of  the  land,  etc.,  with  the  renter  paying  for  every- 
thing but  land  taxes. 

In  a number  of  recent  cases  American  produce  houses  interested 
in  securing  large  supplies  of  winter  tomatoes  and  vegetables  have 
made  arrangements  with  native  landowners  to  assist  them  in  financ- 
ing the  crop,  the  produce  houses  having  their  own  men  supervise 
the  work  on  the  ground. 

First-class,  well-located  river  bottom  land  under  the  new  Culiacan 
canal  can  be  purchased  for  $15  an  acre.  This  land  is  not  cleared  or 
ditched  for  irrigation,  but  is  very  close  to  railway  transportation  and 
within  15  miles  of  the  city  of  'Culiacan.  The  cost  of  clearing  and 
stumping,  fencing,  leveling,  and  ditching  for  irrigation  would  run 
about  $60  United  States  currency  per  acre  the  first  year. 

CONCLUSIONS. 

The  future  of  agricultural  products  on  the  West  Coast  depends 
upon  three  conditions — the  development  of  export  markets;  the 
introduction  of  more  modern  and  scientific  methods  (in  which  the 
education  of  the  people  is  involved) ; and  immigration  to  the  coast 
of  an  agricultural  class  of  people.  The  West  Coast  people  themselves 
will  progress  in  agriculture  in  direct  ratio  as  the  example  is  set  for 
them  by  people  from  the  outside.  The  solution  is,  of  course,  in- 
volved in  the  social  and  political  problems  of  the  country  as  a whole 
and  the  attitude  and  policy  of  the  Government  toward  foreign  im- 
migration and  development  of  resources  by  foreigners.  Present 
legislation  is  not  favorable  to  this  development  by  foreigners  (Ameri- 
cans), despite  the  very  great  interest  manifested  in  the  West  Coast 
by  the  people  (especially  the  investors)  of  California  and  of  the 
United  States  as  a whole;  and  the  general  attitude  of  the  Government 
seems  to  point  toward  the  policy  of  exclusion  of  foreign  interest  or 
penetration. 

On  account  of  topographical  barriers  and  geographical  location, 
the  interests  of  the  West  Coast  are  more  closely  bound  up  with  those 
of  the  Pacific  Coast  and  western  part  of  the  United  States  than  with 
the  central  part  of  Mexico  itself;  these  mutual  interests  are  being 
developed  and  rapidly  cemented  as  time  goes  on  and  the  problems 
of  relationship  of  the  two  peoples  should  be  worked  out  to  mutual 
satisfaction  on  the  basis  of  mutual  advantage  and  help.  In  spite 
of  the  great  difference  in  racial  characteristics,  the  younger  men  of 


170 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


the  West  Coast  of  Mexico  are  beginning  to  get  the  American  view- 
point and  thought,  and  this  influence  is  beginning  to  make  itself 
felt  throughout  the  region  under  discussion.  The  younger  generation 
of  the  educated  class  on  the  West  Coast  are  now  only  too  glad  to 
associate  themselves  with  Americans  for  the  development  of  the  re- 
sources of  their  region  of  Mexico.  The  development  of  the  formerly 
arid  waste  of  the  Imperial  Valley  in  southern  California  and  of 
irrigation  and  highly  (developed  agriculture  in  California  as  a whole 
has  been  to  them  a great  educational  example  which  they  have 
studied  and  are  eager  to  take  advantage  of. 


IRRIGATION  AND  POWER  PROJECTS. 


Nearly  all  the  rivers  of  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico  have  more  or  less 
suitable  and  advantageous  storage-dam  and  power  sites  above  the 
railway  and  in  the  regions  of  the  first  narrow  passes  into  the  higher 
mountains. 

FUERTE  RIVER  STORAGE-DAM  PROJECT. 

The  annual  run-off  of  the  Fuerte  River  has  been  calculated  at 
4,480,000  acre-feet  of  water.  There  are  two  proposed  storage-dam 
sites,  both  of  which  have  been  recently  surveyed  for  the  account  of  the 
United  Sugar  Co.  at  Los  Mochis,  with  the  idea  of  providing  gravity 
irrigation  for  the  sugar  and  agricultural  lands  in  the  lower  valley, 
where  water  in  the  dry  season  is  now  being  supplied  by  means  of  large 
pumps.  One  dam  site  is  located  near  the  mining  town  of  Choix  and 
the  other  at  a point  called  Yecarati.  Early  estimates  showed  that  a 
total  of  96,000  acre-feet  of  irrigation  water  could  be  provided  at  a cost 
of  $570,000  United  States  currency.  However,  it  is  doubtful  whether 
the  plans  of  the  company  will  be  carried  out  for  some  time  to  come,  on 
account  of  the  recent  action  of  the  Mexican  Government  through  its 
agrarian  commission  toward  the  confiscation  and  pareeling  of  the 
lands  of  the  valley,  including  the  water  rights  held  by  the  company 
under  an  old  concession. 

BACUBIRITO  POWER  SITE. 

The  Bacubirito  power-site  proposition  consists  in  cutting  through  a 
rocky  ridge,  which  would  mean  a cut-off  on  a 10.5-mile  loop  of  the 
river.  The  cut  is  832  feet  long  between  portals  and  would  give  an  81- 
foot  fall.  The  location  is  on  the  Sinaloa  River,  about  50  kilometers 
(1  kilometer  = 0.62  mile)  above  the  railway,  near  Bacubirito.  In 
connection  with  this  power  site  there  is  the  possibility  of  a storage 
dam  that  would  increase  the  fall  and  double  the  possible  electric 
horsepower  to  be  developed.  The  dam  for  this  reservoir  would  be 
located  between  rocky  hills  with  the  bedrock  beneath  the  stream  at 
not  more  than  25  feet.  The  dam  would  be  some  650  feet  long.  There 
are  90  feet  of  the  cut  completed  through  the  ridge  now  (executed  by 
the  old  concessionaires,  Felton  Bros.,  of  Mazatlan)  in  the  form  of  a 
tunnel.  The  minimum  horsepower  from  the  stream  during  the  eight 
months  would  be  2,000  and  for  four  months  of  the  extreme  dry  season 
700.  The  cost,  without  storage  dam,  was  estimated  at  $200,000. 

FLOW  VARIATIONS  IN  RIVERS. 

In  considering  irrigation  or  power  projects  on  the  West  Coast  it  is 
very  necessary  to  bear  in  mind  the  great  variation  of  flow  of  the  rivers 
between  flood  and  dry  periods  of  the  year.  A striking  example  is  that 
of  the  Rio  San  Lorenzo  south  of  the  Culiacan  Valley.  Its  flood  flows 
are  8 to  10  times  as  great  as  the  greatest  flow  in  normal  times.  The 
extreme  low-water  stage  of  this  river  below  the  region  where  it  receives 
the  waters  of  the  Rio  Nuestra  Senora,  the  Rio  Camarones,  and  the 

171 


172 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


San  Gregorio  is  only  64  cubic  feet  per  second.  Below  Casa  Blanca 
the  flow  is  only  100  cubic  feet  per  second.  At  San  Lorenzo,  lower 
down,  the  combined  flow  is  only  14.09  cubic  feet  and  17.99  cubic  feet 
per  second  in  the  two  channels.  The  annual  average  discharge  of 
this  river  is  1,920,000  acre-feet  of  water. 

SAN  DIMAS  POWER-DEVELOPMENT  PROJECT. 

American  mining  interests  and  San  Francisco  capital  have  recently 
been  actively  engaged  in  the  survey  and  investigation  of  a proposed 
power  development  near  the  mining  town  of  San  Dimas  just  over  the 
Sinaloa  State  line  in  Durango  northeast  of  Mazatlan.  The  following 
account  is  taken  from  a report  by  American  Consul  W.  E.  Chapman, 
of  Mazatlan,  dated  December  4,  1922: 

The  project  as  it  now  stands  contemplates  the  installation  of  one  high-head  electric 
generating  unit  of  25,000  horsepower,  transmission  being  over  about  275  miles  of  power 
and  lighting  current  line.  This  mileage  includes  present  estimates  of  all  numerous 
branch  distributing  lines  radiating  to  points  of  consumption  extending  over  the  greater 
part  of  the  State  of  Sinaloa  as  far  north  as  Culiacan,  the  capital. 

The  water  race  for  this  unit  will  have  a fall  of  2,360  feet  to  the  generating  machinery, 
making  it  one  of  the  most  unique  high-head  plants  of  the  world. 

There  is  also  planned  an  auxiliary  unit  of  1,500  horsepower,  operated  on  a rela- 
tively low  water  head  with  a fall  of  about  500  feet.  This  auxiliary  unit  will  be 
installed  in  advance,  according  to  present  plans,  as  the  current  from  it  can  be  utilized 
to  great  advantage  in  driving  the  long  tunnel  which  it  is  necessary  to  cut  through 
the  mountain  for  a distance  of  about  14,000  feet,  above  the  head  of  the  water  race  of 
the  larger  unit.  Arrangements  are  now  being  made,  it  is  reported,  to  commence  the 
work  of  installing  this  smaller  plant,  actual  operations  being  intended  to  start  in 
February  or  March,  1923,  for  completion  by  August  of  the  same  year,  when  the  power 
thus  developed  will  be  immediately  available  for  the  tunnel  construction  work. 

It  is  also  planned  to  commence  work  within  three  or  four  months  on  a large  dam 
for  storage  reservoir  capacity,  the  dam  being  at  first  80  feet  high  and  to  be  constructed 
in  such  a manner  as  to  be  easily  enlarged  later.  At  80  feet  height  the  dam  will  form 
a lake  7 miles  in  length.  Irrigation  water  for  the  lands  lower  down  toward  the  coast 
will  also  be  made  available. 

SANTIAGO  RIVER  IRRIGATION  PROJECT. 

Prior  to  1910  the  Compania  Agricola  Tepiquena  secured  a con- 
cession from  the  Mexican  Government  for  the  use  of  the  waters  of 
the  Santiago  River  in  what  is  now  the  State  of  Nayarit,  then  the 
Territory  of  Tepic,  at  the  same  time  making  a contract  of  purchase 
with  the  owners  of  the  Hacienda  San  Lorenzo,  which  extends  from 
the  Pacific  Ocean  north  of  the  mouth  of  the  Santiago  River  inland 
along  the  north  bank  for  a distance  of  some  60  kilometers  to  a point 
just  east  of  the  town  of  Santiago  Ixquintla,  which  is  on  the  river. 
This  property  contains  24,240  hectares  (1  hectare  = 2.47  acres),  and 
it  was  planned  to  subdivide  and  furnish  water  for  20,000  hectares  of 
the  choicest  lands  for  a large  Japanese  agricultural  colony,  this  tract 
being  located  between  the  arroyo  of  Laguna  de  la  Punt  a and  the 
boundaries  of  the  property,  west  to  the  ocean. 

The  lands  in  question  were  subdivided  into  lots  of  5 hectares  each, 
with  main  and  lateral  roads  of  20  and  10  meters  width  in  between, 
with  a town  site  of  200  hectares  reserved  near  Santiago  Ixquintla. 
In  1910  the  canal  work  for  irrigation  was  well  under  way.  and  it  was 
hoped  to  have  5,200  hectares  of  land  under  cultivation  by  Japanese 
the  following  year.  In  order  to  provide  water  immediately  a pump- 
ing plant  with  a capacity  of  1,000  liters  per  second  was  installed  at 
a point  on  the  river  just  below  the  town  of  Santiago  Ixquintla.  This 


IRRIGATION  AND  POWER  PROJECTS.  173 

plant  was  badly  installed,  without  proper  foundations,  and  has  been 
practically  ruined  by  the  flood  waters  of  the  river  since  then. 

SOIL  CONDITIONS. 

Some  of  the  lands  selected  for  the  Japanese  colony  were  located 
on  an  elevation  surrounded  by  a depression  and  could  not  be  reached 
by  the  waters  of  the  main  canal  as  planned,  water  service  to  this 
portion  of  the  tract  being  provided  by  means  of  the  pumping  plant 
mentioned,  although  the  canal  would  bring  the  elevation  down  to 
2 meters  from  4 meters  (1  meter  = 3.28  feet)  if  taken  from  the  main 
river  channel  below  Santiago.  In  general,  all  the  lands  subdivided 
were  level  lands  with  a slight  incline  toward  the  river  and  ocean, 
with  tide  land  at  “El  Puente"  and  “Los  Sauces.”  The  uniformity 
of  the  tract  is  broken  by  small  arroyos,  tidal  inlets,  and  ponds  formed 
during  the  rainy  season  of  the  year.  The  greater  part  of  the  tract 
is  covered  with  brush  and  some  good  hardwood  timber,  but  the 
Compania  Agricola  Tepiquena  had  contracted  with  the  Japanese 
colonization  agent  to  deliver  these  lands  clear  of  brush  and  trees  and 
ready  for  cultivation. 

The  lands  are  mostly  composed  of  a sandy  clay  soil,  reddish-yellow 
in  color  and  very  deep,  the  average  depth  of  the  alluvial  fill  being 
between  2 and  3 meters  (1  meter  = 3.28  teet).  Under  the  cap  of  the 
humus  soil  there  has  been  found,  in  many  places  where  tests  have 
been  made,  a stratum  of  kaolin  and  feldspar  probably  sufficiently 
abundant  to  be  used  in  ceramic  industries.  The  elevation  ranges  from 
sea  level  to  about  50  meters  at  the  eastern  end  of  the  property  and 
toward  its  northern  boundary. 

During  the  periods  of  heaviest  floods  of  the  Santiago  waters  of 
the  river  invade  this  property  in  various  places,  inundating  the  lands 
for  considerable  areas;  and  the  irrigation  project  included  levee 
construction  to  prevent  this  condition. 

FINANCES. 

Under  the  provisions  of  the  act  that  created  the  Agricultural  Loan 
Bank  of  Mexico,  known  as  the  Caja  de  Prestamos,  during  the  Diaz 
regime,  the  Compania  Agricola  Tepiquena  secured  a loan  of  1,000,000 
pesos  with  which  to  develop  and  improve  this  property,  which,  after 
most  of  the  money  was  spent  in  the  irrigation  canal,  levees  for  flood- 
water  control,  etc.,  has  reverted  to  the  ownership  of  the  Caja  de 
Prestamos  of  the  Mexican  Government,  because  the  succeeding 
years  of  revolution  in  Mexico  put  a stop  to  its  development  by  the 
Japanese  colony  which  was  planned. 

VALUATION  OF  PROPERTY. 

According  to  a report  made  in  March,  1911,  by  the  engineer  acting 
for  the  Caja  de  Prestamos,  it  was  shown  that  the  lands  were  for  the 
most  part  lying  idle  but  were  capable  of  a high  production  if  pro- 
vided with  a water  supply  under  control  and  if  properly  worked.  A 
valuation  of  less  than  5 pesos  per  hectare  was  placed  on  the  lands  in 
their  natural  state  and  1 peso  per  year  as  the  grazing  value  of  lands 
not  subject  to  irrigation.  Of  the  total  extension  of  the  property, 
30,000  hectares  were  declared  to  be  subject  to  irrigation,  when  their 
value  would  be  33  pesos  per  hectare,  and  the  average  mean  flow  of 
the  river  was  declared  to  be  sufficient  to  irrigate  this  tract  without 


174 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


the  provision  of  storage  dams  for  impounding  water  for  use  during 
the  dry  season  of  the  year  when  the  water  would  be  most  needed. 
The  preliminary  cost  of  the  main  irrigation  system  as  planned  by 
the  engineers  of  the  agricultural  company  was  placed  at  37  pesos 
per  hectare.  It  is  stated  that  the  average  cost  of  irrigation  sys- 
tems per  hectare  in  the  Punjab,  Madras,  and  Bombay,  British  India, 
is  40.40  pesos. 

The  initial  cost  of  the  irrigation  system  sufficient  to  water  a total 
of  16,000  hectares  by  gravity  flow  at  the  dry  season  was  estimated 
at  600,000  pesos,  and  the  value  of  the  lands  with  water  at  2,400,000 
pesos,  or  150  pesos  per  hectare,  the  raw  land  value  without  water  for 
the  16,000  hectares  being  less  than  500,000  pesos. 

COLONIZATION  PLANS. 

The  original  plan  of  the  Com  pan!  a Agricola  was  to  provide  water 
for  these  lands,  subdivide  them,  and  sell  them  to  settlers  on  the  in- 
stallment plan,  Asiatic  colonists  being  preferred  to  American  or 
European  because  the  former  were  thought  to  demand  less  and  to 
be  more  efficient  workers  in  the  hot  and  somewhat  unhealtliful 
climate. 

CANAL  CONSTRUCTION. 

In  1911  the  main  supply  canal  was  completed  for  a distance  of  50 
kilometers  (1  kilometer  = 0.62  mile),  and  64.5  kilometers  of  lateral 
canals  were  finished,  as  well  as  the  pumping  plant  to  irrigate  a total  of 

2.000  hectares,  or  4,942  acres,  of  land,  just  below  Santiago  Ixquintla. 
The  entire  system  has  been  allowed  to  fall  into  decay;  canals  have 
filled  up  by  erosion  during  the  10  years  of  disturbed  conditions  in 
Mexico,  the  Santiago  River  levee  has  been  repeatedly  washed  away 
in  several  places  by  the  floods  during  the  rainy  season,  and  the  whole 
system  is  wrecked  for  all  practical  purposes  at  the  present  time. 

The  main  water-supply  canal  has  a capacity  of  10,000  liters  per 
second,  and  in  June,  1913,  was  completed  as  far  as  station  25,  to  kilo- 
meter 14.5.  Secondary  canals  Nos.  1,  2,  and  3 were  completed,  as 
well  as  No.  4 from  kilometer  12.  All  the  ditches  for  the  pumping 
station  were  completed.  The  main  canal  was  estimated  to  cost 

240.000  pesos  and  actually  cost  364,630  pesos.  The  pumping  plant 
alone,  without  ditches,  cost  70,282  pesos,  installed.  It  was  reported 
that  100,000  pesos  more  were  needed  to  complete  the  main  canal 
and  reinforce  damaged  parts  of  the  river  levee.  This  expenditure 
would,  according  to  the  estimate  made  in  1913,  place  5,000  hectares 
under  irrigation,  of  which  2,000  hectares  would  get  water  from  the 
pumping  station. 

Colonization  was  thought  absolutely  necessary  to  the  develop- 
ment of  this  property  on  account  of  the  prevailing  shortage  of  labor 
in  that  district  of  the  West  Coast.  Powerful  Japanese  interests 
were  concerned  in  this  project  in  the  Santiago  Valiev,  which  is  one  of 
the  richest  on  the  entire  West  Coast,  and  where  abundant  water  is 
available  for  irrigation  at  the  lowest  stage  of  the  river  during  the  dry 
season.  The  project  is  now  in  the  hands  of  the  Caja  de  Prestamos, 
or  National  Agricultural  Loan  Bank,  of  the  Mexican  Government, 
and  its  rehabilitation  depends,  like  the  future  development  of  the 
other  river  valleys  of  the  West  Coast,  upon  foreign  immigration 
and  colonization. 


IRRIGATION  AND  POWER  PROJECTS. 


175 


The  title  of  the  land  is  also  involved  by  reason  of  the  claims  of  the 
original  owners  against  the  Compama  Agricola  Tepiquena,  which 
is  now  insolvent;  but  the  claim  to  the  property  by  the  original 
owners  (family  property)  can  not  be  made  valid  on  account  of  the 
interest  of  the  Caja  de  Prestamos. 

SAN  PEDRO  RIVER  PROJECT,  NAYARIT. 

The  Tepic  Agricultural  Co.  also  held  a concession  from  the  Mexican 
Government  for  the  use  of  the  waters  of  the  San  Pedro  River  in 
Nayarit  just  north  of  the  valley  of  the  Santiago.  Plans  called  for 
the  construction  of  a canal  to  carry  3 cubic  meters  of  water  per 
second  through  a main  canal  7 kilometers  long,  with  various  sec- 
ondary canals  for  the  irrigation  of  about  2,000  hectares  of  lands  in 
the  San  Pedro  Valley.  The  valley  of  the  San  Pedro  is  more  rolling 
in  character  than  that  of  the  great  Santiago  delta,  and  some  heavy 
cuts  for  the  main  canal  were  necessary.  The  intake  was  planned  at 
a point  some  30  kilometers  up  the  stream  from  the  town  of  San  Pedro, 
called  Vado  (“ford”)  de  San  Pedro.  In  connection  with  this  project 
electrical  power  totaling  330  horsepower  was  to  be  developed  The 
revolutions  in  Mexico  interfered  with  these  plans  also,  and  the  water- 
right  concession  has  since  lapsed. 

Winter  tomatoes  and  cantaloupes  are  now  being  grown  in  the  San 
Pedro  Valley,  without  irrigation  water,  for  shipment  to  the  United 
States  in  February  and  March. 

CANAL  “ROSALES,”  CULIACAN  VALLEY. 

The  irrigation  systems  of  the  Yaqui  and  Fuerte  Valleys  have 
been  described  previously  in  this  report.  Both  systems  were  con- 
structed by  American  companies.  The  latest  irrigation  system  is 
that  of  the  Culiacan  Valley,  constructed  by  the  Mexican  Government 
entirely  with  Mexican  technical  talent.  This  new  canal  is  designed 
to  irrigate  a total  of  60,000  hectares  of  land  (1  hectare  = 2.47  acres) 
in  the  Culiacan  River  Valley  below  the  city  of  the  same  name,  the 
intake  being  at  the  edge  of  the  town,  just  below  the  junction  of  the 
Tamazula  and  Humaya  Rivers,  and  right  at  the  Southern  Pacific 
Railway  bridge  which  crosses  the  river  just  below  the  town. 

The  Canal  “Rosales,”  as  it  is  called,  was  constructed  with  money 
advanced  by  the  Mexican  Central  Government  to  the  State  of 
Sinaloa  through  the  initiative  of  Gen.  Angel  Flores,  governor  of  the 
State  and  military  chief  of  the  West  Coast  Zone.  From  the  time  the 
work  started,  in  1920,  up  to  the  completion  of  the  headgate  and 
intake,  the  main  canal,  and  its  principal  southern  and  northern 
branches,  a total  of  2,200,000  pesos  ($1,100,000)  had  been  expended 
in  its  construction,  and  there  still  remained,  in  October,  1922,  some- 
thing like  800,000  pesos  more  to  be  expended  in  the  construction  of 
secondary  canals,  structures,  etc.,  bringing  the  total  cost  up  to 
3,000,000  pesos  or  $1,500,000  United  States  currency.  The  sum  still 
needed  is  to  be  contributed  by  the  State  of  Sinaloa  from  current 
revenues  of  the  State  as  the  money  may  be  needed. 

For  the  adminstration  of  this  canal,  a Mexican  corporation  in  the 
form  of  a mutual  water  company  has  been  formed,  having  a total 
capitalization  of  3,000,000  pesos.  The  State  of  Sinaloa  will  receive 
shares  for  2,200,000  pesos,  representing  the  actual  cash  outlay  for  the 


176 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


canal  to  date,  and  an  additional  amount  of  shares  of  800,000  pesos 
as  installments  on  this  sum  may  be  contributed  toward  the  comple- 
tion of  the  work,  the  maintenance  of  the  canal  itself,  etc. 

The  landowners  of  the  valley  are  expected,  in  time,  to  take  up 
these  shares  in  the  mutual  water  company  from  the  State  at  the  rate 
of  50  pesos  ($25  at  par)  per  share,  each  share  representing  the  water 
right  for  1 hectare  (1  hectare  = 2.  47  acres)  of  land  under  the  irrigation 
system  of  the  canal.  The  shares  representing  this  water  right  are 
inalienable  separately  and  can  be  disposed  of  only  with  the  land 
itself.  In  this  manner  it  is  expected  that  the  landowners  will  gradu- 
ally absorb  the  water  company  and  eventually  own  the  canal  system. 
Water  shares  can  be  purchased  by  the  landowners  in  small  payments — 
10  per  cent  for  the  first  payment  and  the  balance  in  20  annual  install- 
ments. After  one  year,  6 per  cent  interest  will  be  charged  on  install- 
ment payments  for  water  stock  due. 

WATER  PROVISION  AND  ALLOWANCES. 

The  engineers  in  charge  of  this  canal  work  estimated  that  this 
land  requires  a total  of  5,000  cubic  meters  of  water  per  year  (crop 
season)  per  hectare,  and  this  figure  is  being  used  as  a basis  for  the 
calculation  of  water  comsumption  under  the  w*ell-known  “bolsa. 
or  pocket,  system.  (1  acre  = 4,046.87  square  meters;  1 hectare  = 
10,000  square  meters.)  This  means  that  every  hectare  of  land  irrigated 
will  receive  a total  of  50  centimeters,  or  1.66  feet  depth,  of  water 
during  the  irrigation  period  of  the  year.  This  figure  may  later  be 
increased  to  60  centimeters  depth,  but  it  is  thought  that,  given  the 
natural  moisture  of  the  soil  of  this  valley  and  the  relatively  shallow 
depth  of  the  clay  subsoil,  this  amount  of  water  per  hectare  will  be 
enough  with  the  adoption  of  the  “bolsa”  system  of  irrigation,  whereby 
the  land  is  flooded  in  small  banked  areas,  the  sod  retaining  the 
maximum  benefit  of  the  moisture  thus  applied.  In  this  connection 
it  is  interesting  to  note  that  the  cotton  lands  of  the  Imperial  Valley 
in  southern  California  take  a miminum  average  of  7.3  acre-feet  of 
water  per  season,  but  that  in  this  latter  region  the  mean  annual  rain- 
fall is  only  about  2 inches,  whereas  in  the  Culiacan  Valley  the  rainfall 
averages  16  inches  at  Culiacan  at  the  apex  of  the  valley  and  about  10 
inches  in  the  region  farther  toward  the  coast. 

WATER  BATES  AND  CHARGES. 

The  charge  for  water  from  this  canal  for  irrigation  purposes  is 
placed  at  1.50  pesos  ($0.75)  per  1,000  cubic  meters  of  water  at  intake 
From  the  canal  laterals.  The  water  charge  in  the  Imperial  Valley  is 
$0.85  per  acre-foot  of  water  used.  At  the  minimum  figure  of  50 
centimeters  of  water  surface  depth  per  hectare  per  season  for  this 
land,  it  will  take  2,034.4  cubic  meters  of  water  per  acre,  for  which  the 
charge  would  be  at  the  above  rate  of  $0.75  United  States  currency 
per  1,000  cubic  meters. 

OWNERSHIP  OF  LAND  IN  CULIACAN  VALLEY  BY  .AMERICANS. 

A survey  of  the  land  owned  by  foreigners  in  the  Culiacan  Valley 
shows  that  a total  of  approximately  150,000  acres  are  owned  by 
Americans,  in  parcels  running  from  19,000  acres  down  to  90  acres. 
With  the  exception  of  some  19,000  acres,  all  this  land  comes  under 


Special  Agents  Series  No,  220. 


FIG.  11.— FIVE  UNDERGROUND  TUBES  7 FEET  IN  DIAMETER  FROM  INTAKE 
AT  RIVER  TO  WATER  CURTAIN  OF  CANAL  ” ROSALES,”  CU  LI  AC  AN  VALLEY. 


FIG.  12.— HEAD  GATE  AND  UNDERGROUND  TUBES  WITH  AIR  VENTS, 
CANAL  “ ROSALES.” 


Special  Agents  Series  No.  220. 


FIG.  13.— NEW  GOVERNMENT  BUILDING,  MEXICALI. 


FIG.  14.— MAIN  IRRIGATION  DITCHES  NEAR  MEXICALI. 


IRRIGATION  AND  POWER  PROJECTS. 


177 


this  new  irrigation  system  which  has  been  paid  for  by  the  Mexican 
Government  for  the  people  of  the  district.  In  fact,  American 
investors  own  about  one-half  of  the  best  arable  alluvial  lands  of  this 
valley  and  (including  two  fairly  large  tracts)  75  per  cent  of  the  lands 
coming  under  this  new  irrigation  system. 

This  land  was  acquired  by  American  investors,  principally  from 
southern  California,  prior  to  1910,  at  the  time  the  railway  was  being 
constructed  down  the  coast  from  Guaymas.  With  the  exception  of 
a few  small  tracts,  all  of  this  land  was  purchased  in  large  lots  for 
speculative  purposes,  it  being  the  intention  of  the  buyers  to  sub- 
divide it  and  resell  it  to  small  investors  and  American  farmers  inter- 
ested in  getting  lands  of  high  quality  more  cheaply  than  they  could 
be  secured  in  the  United  States  under  similar  conditions.  Up  to  the 
Madero  revolution  in  1911  the  work  of  subdivision  and  sale  was  well 
under  way  in  the  Culiacan  Valley,  and  it  was  only  a question  of  time 
until  this  valley  would  have  had  a large  American  agricultural  colony. 
The  series  of  revolutions  in  Mexico  since  then  has  put  a stop  to  this 
development,  and  to-day  there  are  not  more  than  two  or  three 
American  farmers  in  this  valley. 

LEGAL  STATUS  OF  LAND  TITLES  IN  CULIACAN  VALLEY. 

The  problem  faced  by  the  American  owners  of  the  lands  in  the 
Culiacan  Valley,  as  well  as  in  the  other  potentially  rich  valleys  of  the 
West  Coast,  may  be  said  to  be  one  of  nonresident  ownership  and  also 
that  of  overcoming  the  effect  of  11  years  of  disturbed  conditions  in 
the  country.  Subdivision  1 of  Article  27  of  the  Mexican  Constitution 
of  1917  (Carranza  Constitution)  contains  wording  of  so  positive  and 
vigorous  a nature  that  no  doubt  can  be  entertained  as  to  its  meaning 
or  interpretation.  Foreigners  are  prohibited  from  owning  land  (real 
property)  within  a zone  of  50  kilometers  from  the  seacoast,  the  zone 
constituting  a strip  of  territory  approximately  31  miles  wide  along 
the  coast  and  embracing  the  bulk  of  the  best  lands  in  the  various 
river  valleys,  in  nearly  all  of  which  Americans  have  been  heavy 
investors  in  lands.  As  the  Culiacan  Valley  is  about  37  miles  long 
from  its  apex  to  the  seacoast,  nearly  all  of  the  American  land  holdings 
come  within  this  prohibitory  provision.  No  attempt  has  yet  been 
made  in  this  district  by  the  Mexican  Government  to  make  this  pro- 
vision retroactive,  nor  have  the  provisions  of  the  new  agrarian  law 
been  applied  in  any  case  in  the  Culiacan  Valley  to  the  property  of 
either  natives  or  foreigners  since  Gen.  Angel  Flores  has  been  governor 
of  Sinaloa.  However,  titles  of  lands  resold  to  small  investors  can  not 
be  given  under  the  new  Constitution.  Long-term  leases  can  be  given 
to  foreigners  or  title  can  be  held  by  foreigners  without  renouncing 
their  citizenship  if  it  is  held  under  the  name  of  a Mexican  company 
duly  incorporated  in  Mexico. 

The  situation  presented  for  both  natives  and  foreigners  alike  is  one 
of  impossibilities.  The  natives  can  not  purchase  the  lands  from 
the  Americans,  because  they  lack  sufficient  capital.  There  is  not 
enough  labor  in  the  region  to  work  all  the  lands  that  can  be  put 
under  irrigation.  The  American  landowners  can  not  realize  their 
original  plans  to  subdivide  and  sell  these  lands  in  small  allotments  to 
immigrant  farmers  on  account  of  the  provisions  of  the  Constitution 
of  1917  which  prohibit  ownership  of  these  lands  by  foreigners.  In 
44807°— 23 13 


178 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


the  meantime  it  is  fully  realized  by  the  constructors  of  the  Canal 
Rosales  that  it  will  take  many  years  to  bring  the  valley’s  irrigable 
lands  under  intensive  cultivation,  with  the  present  means  at  hand, 
without  foreign  agricultural  immigration  of  some  kind. 

TECHNICAL  DATA  ON  CANAL  “ROSALES.” 

The  main  canal  has  a water-supply  capacity  of  33  cubic  meters  (1  cubic 
meter  =1.3  cubic  yards)  of  water  per  second  during  120  days  of  the 
year  from  July  until  October,  and  of  15  cubic  meters  per  second  flow 
during  the  period  from  November  to  February.  The  total  annual 
capacity  is  estimated  at  497,664,000  cubic  meters,  from  which  is 
deducted  25  per  cent  for  absorption  and  evaporation,  leaving  a total 
of  373,248,000  cubic  meters  for  the  year’s  water  supply  for  the  land, 
sufficient  to  cover  a total  surface  of  62,000  hectares  at  the  rate  of 
6,000  cubic  meters  per  hectare. 

The  main  canal  is  13  kilometers  long,  running  from  Culiacan  to  near 
the  town  of  Culiacancito  on  the  railway,  where  it  divides  into  two 
main  branches — the  South  Canal,  which  turns  to  the  south  following 
the  general  course  of  the  Culiacan  River,  and  the  North  Canal,  which 
turns  slightly  to  the  northwest  after  leaving  the  point  of  bifurcation. 

The  excavation  record  for  the  main  canal  was  904,000  cubic  meters 
of  earth  and  30,000  cubic  meters  of  rock  at  a total  cost  of  667,000 
pesos.  The  South  Canal  required  776,800  cubic  meters  of  excavation, 
at  a cost  of  372,800  pesos.  The  North  Canal  required  647.900  cubic 
meters  of  excavation,  at  a cost  of  305,400  pesos.  The  auxiliary  canal 
required  420,000  meters  of  excavation,  at  a cost  of  201,600  pesos. 

The  main  canal  is  15  meters  in  width  at  the  top,  with  a slope  in  the 
proportion  of  1^  to  1.  The  intake  is  of  concrete  on  bedrock  at  the 
river,  and  the  valves  discharge  the  river  water  into  a battery  of  five 
underground  tubes  of  reinforced  concrete  7 feet  in  diameter,  which 
carry  the  water  under  a low  depression  near  the  river  for  a distance  of 
700  meters  in  two  slight  curves,  these  tubes  having  a combined  capac- 
ity of  31.5  cubic  meters  of  water  per  second  with  the  water  level  of  the 
river  to  the  top  of  the  intake  valve  doors,  of  which  there  are  two  for 
each  tube,  whereby  the  flow  of  water  in  the  canal  from  the  river 
can  be  easily  and  adequately  regulated  and  controlled  at  all  times. 
The  intake  head-gate  structure  is  so  designed  and  constructed  that 
the  river,  in  heavy  flood,  can  completely  cover  the  gate  structure 
without  causing  damage  or  disturbing  the  functioning  of  the  canal. 
The  tubes  connect  with  a water  curtain  of  brick,  where  the  main  canal 
begins ; this  also  prevents  flooding  of  the  main  canal  during  high  water. 

One  of  the  main  features  of  this  canal  designed  and  constructed  by 
native  Mexican  engineers  is  a desilting  chamber  located  about  halfway 
down  the  main  canal.  This  chamber  is  so  designed  as  to  take  the 
water  against  a curtain  having  a fall  of  4 meters  on  the  lower  side  of 
discharge  into  the  canal  again,  breaking  the  flow  current  of  the  water 
and  causing  settlement  of  the  silt,  which  would  eventually  make  fre- 
quent cleaning  of  the  canal  necessary.  As  settlement  occurs  in  the 
chamber,  the  mud  is  collected  by  a series  of  large  “riffles”  in  the  bot- 
tom— placed  at  angles  and  on  an  incline  like  the  riffles  in  a concen- 
trating appliance  used  in  mining  practice — which  lead  into  an  under- 
ground chamber  from  which  an  overflow  current  washes  it  out  into 
the  canal  discharging  back  into  the  river,  this  cleaning  canal  being 
designed  with  a heavy  incline  for  flushing  purposes. 


IRRIGATION  AND  POWER  PROJECTS. 


179 


At  Culiacancito  the  South  Canal  has  a large  underground  siphon 
which  takes  the  water  over  a low  depression  formed  by  an  old  flood 
channel  of  the  river.  This  piece  of  work  has  not  yet  been  completed. 

The  diversion  dam  just  above  the  intake  and  just  below  the  junc- 
tion of  the  Tamazula  and  Humaya  rivers,  1 kilometer  from  the  in- 
take, also  has  not  been  constructed  yet.  Considerable  work  still  had 
to  be  done  on  structures  such  as  water  chambers  (for  discharging  into 
lateral  canals),  bridges,  roadways,  etc.,  and  it  was  very  doubtful 
whether  the  canal  could  be  used  in  time  to  be  of  service  for  the  irriga- 
tion of  tomatoes  during  the  1922-23  season,  since  transplanting  to  the 
fields  from  seedboxes  takes  place  late  in  October  and  early  in  Novem- 
ber. Several  of  the  tomato  growers  of  the  Culiacan  Valley  had  al- 
ready provided  means  of  irrigation  by  pumping,  as  a precaution  in 
case  the  canal  should  not  be  finished  in  time  for  use  for  that  season. 

POLICY  OF  AMERICAN  LANDOWNERS  IN  CULIACAN  VALLEY. 

At  present  owners  of  large  tracts  of  land  in  the  Culiacan  Valley  com- 
ing under  the  new  irrigation  system  of  the  Canal  Rosales  show  indif- 
ference to  the  important  matter  of  supporting  the  canal,  when,  for 
their  own  best  interest,  their  policy  should  be  one  of  hearty  support 
and  cooperation,  manifested  by  taking  up  their  proportion  of  the 
water  company’s  shares. 


FOREST  PRODUCTS. 


The  forest  products  of  the  West  Coast  include  hardwoods,  dye- 
woods,  the  coquito,  or  “cohune,”  oil  nut,  candalilla  wax,  and  several 
minor  products  which  are  not  exported  and  which  have  no  organized 
industry. 

COQUITO  NUTS. 

The  coquito  is  the  same  variety  of  palm  oil  nut  called  “cohune” 
in  Central  America.  It  contains  a very  high  percentage  of  vegetable 
oil  of  high  grade.  Experiments  have  fixed  the  percentage  of  oil 
extraction  from  this  product  at  60  to  65  per  cent  of  pure  oil  by  weight, 
but,  with  the  present  crude  methods  of  extraction,  only  50  to  55  per 
cent  is  actually  obtained  from  the  raw  nuts.  The  oil  is  principally 
used  for  the  manufacture  of  soap  in  Mexico,  for  candle  making,  and, 
in  some  regions,  for  oil  lamps. 

In  the  southern  part  of  the  State  of  Jalisco,  district  of  Purificacion, 
about  200,000  kilos  of  coquito  nuts  (1  kilo  = 2.246  pounds),  valued 
at  0.20  peso  per  kilo,  are  produced  in  a zone  about  20  kilometers 
square  (1  kilometer  = 0.62  mile)  without  cultivation  or  a systematic 
method  of  gathering  and  oil  extraction.  The  resulting  oil  is  estimated 
at  116,667  kilos.  The  district  of  Coalcoman,  in  the  State  of  Michoa- 
can,  contains  some  900,000  coquito-nut  palms,  but,  on  account  of 
the  lack  of  an  organized  system  for  harvesting  and  marketing  this 
natural  crop  product,  only  about  8,000  kilos  of  the  nuts  are  obtained 
annually.  It  is  reported  that  129,600  kilos  of  coquito  nuts  are 
produced  annually  in  the  district  of  Tabares  in  the  State  of  Guerrero, 
this  trade  being  handled  through  the  port  of  Acapulco. 

The  State  of  Nayarit  also  possesses  large  natural  plantations  of  the 
coquito  palm,  the  heaviest  growth  being  found  near  the  coast  north 
and  south  of  the  port  of  San  Bias,  where  they  are  gathered  by  the 
natives  and  Indians  who  inhabit  this  section  and  with  whom  there 
has  been  recent  trouble  growing  out  of  the  agrarian  law  in  Mexico, 
the  Indians  claiming  possession  of  the  land  on  which  these  palms 
grow  wild.  Late  in  1922  large  areas  wTere  destroyed,  or  badly 
damaged,  through  these  Indians  setting  fire  to  the  forests  in  retalia- 
tion for  the  refusal  of  the  local  State  government  to  turn  over  to 
them,  as  community  property,  the  lands  containing  these  natural 
plantations. 

The  nuts  are  not  exported  to  the  United  States  but  are  used  locally 
for  soap  making,  there  being  a number  of  local  soap  factories  that  pay 
a higher  price  for  the  oil,  or  the  nuts,  than  can  now  be  obtained  in 
any  export  market.  Prices  for  the  year  1922  fluctuated  between 
$0,085  and  $0,325  United  States  currency  per  kilo  for  the  kernels 
at  Mazatlan,  Acapulco,  and  Tepic,  where  soap  factories  are  located. 

The  method  employed  in  the  extraction  of  the  kernel  from  the  hard 
and  fibrous  nut  is  extremely  crude,  consisting  of  abrasion  between 
two  rocks.  Machinery  for  this  purpose,  especially  if  designed  for 
hand  power  or  draft-animal  power,  would  enjoy  a fair  demand  in  the 
Nayarit  district. 

ISO 


FOREST  PRODUCTS. 


181 


The  entire  production  of  coquito  nuts  throughout  the  West  Coast  in 
the  States  of  Nayarit,  Jalisco,  Michoacan,  and  Guerrero  is  estimated 
at  about  5,000  tons  annually,  valued,  at  present  rates,  at  from  $150 
to  $250  per  metric  ton,  delivered  at  railway  or  seaport.  Ten  years 
ago,  before  the  value  of  the  oil  was  recognized  by  soap  makers,  the 
price  was  as  low  as  $40  per  ton. 

The  Indians  of  the  coast  region  of  Nayarit  gather  only  sufficient 
quantities  of  the  nuts  in  season  to  supply  their  small  necessities  of  life, 
and  local  soap  makers  can  not,  at  times,  get  enough  of  the  kernels  to 
meet  their  demands  for  the  oil.  The  organization  of  this  natural 
industry  and  the  application  of  modern  methods  of  forestation  would 
undoubtedly  result  in  an  increased,  uniform,  and  permanent  supply 
of  this  valuable  vegetable  oil,  which  could  be  exported  at  excellent 
prices  to  the  United  States. 

Following  is  a list  (with  location)  of  coquito  oil  producers  in  Nayarit: 


[1  kilo=2.204G  pounds.] 


Name  of  proprietor. 

Hacienda. 

Annual 

average 

production. 

Gonzalez,  Constancio 

Sta.  Cruz  and  Teacapan 

Kilos. 

150.000 

100.000 
100,000 
100,000 

150.000 

200.000 

150.000 
60,000 

350.000 

Menchaca,  Jos6  O 

Los  Sauces  (oil  mill)" 

Cfa.  Agricola  de  Barnett 

Romano  (Leopoldo)  & Cfa 

Delius  y Cla 

Leo,  Alejandro  de 

San  Lorenzo  (Canada  Hacienda) 

(Navarette 

\La  Palma 

Ixtapa  (oil  and  soap  factory  at  Miramar,  La 
Palma). 

Maisterrena,  F.  6 Hijos 

Romero,  Eduardo..." 

Note. — 250  kilos  of  the  raw  nuts  produce  138  kilos  of  oil  by  hydraulic,  pressing  in  extraction,  or  55  per 
cent  by  weight.  Total  annual  production  of  900,000  kilos  of  oil  in  Nayarit,  valued  at  $225,000  United  States 
currency. 


COCONUTS. 

Coconuts  are  not  produced  in  sufficient  commercial  quantities  on 
the  West  Coast  of  Mexico  to  permit  the  exportation  of  copra.  Small 
plantations  exist  near  Mazatlan,  in  Nayarit,  in  Colima,  and  in  the 
neighborhood  of  Acapulco  (State  of  Guerrero),  where  the  local  soap 
factory  has  had  to  import  copra  from  the  United  States  (San  Fran- 
cisco) in  recent  years  to  take  care  of  its  needs  for  soap  making,  the 
local  production  not  being  sufficient.  There  undoubtedly  exists  an 
opportunity  in  coconut  production  on  the  West  Coast. 

HARDWOODS. 

Very  little  lumber  is  cut  anywhere  on  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico, 
and  only  for  local  use,  the  demand  being  very  small.  Small  stands 
of  pine  and  oak  exist  in  Sonora,  but  they  are  far  removed  from  trans- 
portation, and  the  large  mining  companies  all  import  their  materials 
tor  timbers,  mine  support,  construction  work,  etc.,  as  do  also  the 
varibus  railways,  although  the  Southern  Pacific  has  been  using 
native  hardwood  ties  in  Sinaloa  and  Tepic.  Recent  tie  contracts  in 
Sinaloa  for  the  railway  totaled  400,000,  at  prices  ranging  from  1.30 
pesos  for  third  class  to  2.50  pesos  each  for  first  class.  The  cost  of 
native  woods  has  increased  by  20  to  25  per  cent  within  the  last  few 


182 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


years  on  account  of  the  increased  distance  of  the  cut  from  the  railway 
and  centers  of  population.  At  Mazatlan  there  is  one  firm  importing 
California  redwood  and  fir.  Mazatlan  imported  a total  of  341,195 
board  feet  in  1918  and  278,482  board  feet  in  1919,  and  since  then 
imports  have  increased.  The  native  lumber  production  for  the 
States  of  Sinaloa  and  Nayarit  is  estimated  to  be  about  65,000  board 
feet  for  the  domestic  demand,  used  principally  in  house  construction, 
for  rafters,  doors,  windows,  etc.,  and  for  furniture  making.  At 
Quila,  on  the  San  Lorenzo  River,  there  is  one  small  sawmill  operated 
by  a traction  engine,  which  turns  out  a small  quantity  of  native  cedar 
boards  for  furniture  making. 

Some  two  years  ago  an  American  firm  of  Nogales,  Ariz.,  began 
importing  Mexican  cedar  and  mahogany  logs  from  the  northern  part 
of  Nayarit,  where  good  stands  of  these  woods,  especially  cedar,  are 
found.  The  logs  are  manufactured  into  cigar-box  material,  interior 
finish,  trim,  etc.,  and  an  excellent  demand  has  been  found  for  the  mill 
output.  Sufficient  logs  have  to  be  imported  and  stored  during  the 
dry  season,  because  labor  is  engaged  in  corn  planting  during  the  rainy 
season  in  the  region  from  which  the  logs  come,  and,  also,  transporta- 
tion to  the  railway  would  be  impossible  in  the  wet  season,  as  there 
are  no  roads. 

The  ministry  of  agriculture  and  fomento  (development)  of  the 
Mexican  Government,  through  the  offices  of  the  general  agents,  are 
empowered  to  issue  special  permits  for  lumbering  operations  under 
the  Government’s  new  policy  of  forest  conservation.  The  following 
translation  of  such  a permit  (dated  at  Mazatlan,  September  21,  1922) 
is  given  below: 

PERMIT  FOR  LUMBERING  EXPLOITATION. 

The  owner  of  the  land  will  make  use  of  only  the  woods  most  suitable  for  the  manu- 
facture of  railway  ties,  which  in  the  region  are  known  as  "cuate,”  ‘'tepeguaje.” 
“mesquite,”  “tepemesquite.”  “cacaguananche,”  “guinolo,”  etc.,  preserving  the 
forest  species  applicable  to  other  more  remunerative  uses,  such  as  ebony,  mahogany, 
cedar,  “mora,”  brazil  wood,  “primavera,”  “trucha,”  ‘'guayacan.”  etc.,  which  are 
considered  as  precious  woods. 

The  proprietor  will  also  preserve,  among  the  species  suitable  for  crossties,  25  trees 
per  each  hectare  (2.47  acres)  of  the  most  vigorous  and  better-formed  trees,  to  be 
marked  with  chalk,  with  the  object  that  these  trees  shall  serve  as  a means  of  propa- 
gation and  conservation  of  these  varieties. 

The  proprietor  of  the  land  will  proceed  to  classify  all  precious  woods  before  starting 
the  cut,  marking  each  tree  with  chalk,  in  order  to  prevent  their  being  cut  down 
during  the  exploitation  of  the  area  in  question. 

All  trees  which  measure  less  than  25  centimeters  (0.82  foot)  in  diameter  at  the 
height  of  a man  should  be  preserved  and  not  cut  down,  as  these  have  not  yet  reached 
a merchantable  age. 

This  authorization  will  be  valid  only  until  December  31,  1922. 

The  permissionaire  is  obligated  to  show  the  forest  inspector  designated  by  this 
office  the  area  of  the  cut  in  order  that  the  latter  may  assure  himself  that  the  work  is 
being  carried  out  in  accordance  with  the  provisions  of  this  permit. 

The  interested  party  will  make  to  this  agency  at  the  termination  of  this  permit  a 
report  which  will  contain  the  amount  of  the  product  cut  and  the  value  realized 
therefrom. 

This  lumbering  permit  may  be  revoked  or  canceled  at  any  time  by  the  Secretary 
of  Agriculture  and  Fomento  (Development),  and  also  by  the  agent  issuing  it.  in  the 
case  of  the  failure  of  fulfillment  of  these  conditions,  or  on  account  of  the  issuance  of 
any  new  regulations  which  may  further  govern  forest  exploitation. 

Consul  W.  E.  Chapman,  of  Mazatlan,  has  furnished  a report  on  the 
commercial  woods  of  his  consular  district,  which  comprises  the 
States  of  Sinaloa  and  Nayarit,  embracing  some  25,000  square  miles. 


FOREST  PRODUCTS. 


183 


Many  varieties  of  both  hard  and  soft  woods  are  found  in  large 
quantities  in  the  mountainous  regions,  but  the  lack  of  transportation 
prevents  the  profitable  marketing  of  this  timber  except  in  a few  sec- 
tions. On  the  seacoast  plains  and  the  foothills  of  the  mountain 
ranges  parallel  to  the  coast  line  the  timber  is  rather  small  and  sparse. 
In  recent  years  large  shipments  of  dyewoods  have  been  sent  from 
Sinaloa  to  New  York,  but  most  of  these  woods  that  were  easily  ac- 
cessible to  railways  and  seaports  have  been  cut  away,  and  wood  cut 
in  the  interior  must  be  transported  on  the  backs  of  burros,  reducing 
the  profits  on  this  trade.  Considerable  quantities  of  dyewoods,  as 
well  as  ebony  and  other  hardwoods  used  for  furniture,  are  now  being 
cut  and  used  for  fuel  at  mines  and  plantations  where  other  fuel  is 
scarce. 

Local  authorities  believe  that  success  in  the  lumber  industry  can 
be  obtained  only  by  the  operation  of  a small,  portable  sawmill,  which 
could  be  moved  about  to  the  different  sources  of  supply  within  the 
limits  of  reasonable  transportation  facilities.  Fancy  hardwoods  have 
never  existed  in  dense  forests  in  the  Mazatlan  section.  Several  firms 
have  failed  in  the  business  of  cutting  and  exporting  hardwood  logs 
from  the  Mexican  West  Coast,  and  the  principal  cause  assigned  for 
their  failure  was  overinvestment  of  capital  in  stationary  machinery 
and  other  equipment. 

One  of  the  possibilities  in  this  connection  is  the  establishment  of 
a plant  to  produce  common  lumber  for  the  local  demand.  A native 
wood  much  used  is  the  amapa  boba,  which  is  employed  for  wheel 
spokes  and  axles  for  carts  and  wagons,  as  well  as  for  shovel  handles 
and  similar  purposes.  The  Mexican  Government,  through  the 
department  known  as  Agencia  General  de  Agricultura  y Fomento,  at 
Mazatlan,  had  undertaken  some  interesting  research  work  on  the 
native  woods.  The  results  of  this  study  have  been  embodied  in  a 
series  of  bulletins. 

A promising  tract  of  timber,  chiefly  Spanish  cedar,  was  reported 
a few  miles  from  the  coast  line  below  San  Bias,  Nayarit,  the  timber 
extending  southward  into  the  State  of  Jalisco.  Another  tract  was 
found  in  Tepic  City,  where  the  altitude  is  about  4,000  feet.  This  tract 
contains  several  species  of  trees,  including  pine,  oak,  spruce,  and 
cedar.  The  construction  of  the  Southern  Pacific  Railroad  through 
the  Mazatlan  consular  district  absorbed  a large  part  of  the  timber 
on  either  side  of  the  line.  Moreover,  the  railway  opened  up  the 
country  to  local  industries  with  incidental  lumber  requirements  and 
provided  transportation  for  the  timber  cut  within  reach  of  its  stations. 

Two  specimens  of  each  of  the  31  common  varieties  of  woods  found 
in  the  Mazatlan  consular  district  were  sent  in  1918  from  the  American 
consulate  at  Mazatlan  to  the  Bureau  of  Standards  at  Washington  for 
technical  tests.  The  results  of  the  bureau’s  analysis  of  the  first  12 
of  these  species  of  seasoned  timber  are  shown  in  the  table  below,  the 
technical  data  on  the  remainder  having  been  omitted  because  of  the 
comparatively  small  quantities  available  of  the  other  19  varieties. 
However,  the  tests  of  the  entire  series  are  on  file  at  the  Mazatlan 
consulate.  It  will  be  noted  that  certain  variations  exist  in  specimens 
of  the  same  variety  of  wood.  They  were  subjected  to  identical  tests, 
but  the  Bureau  of  Standards  points  out  that  specimens  of  the  same 
species  often  vary  through  a considerable  range,  because  of  imperfec- 
tions in  the  wood  or  conditions  under  which  the  tree  was  grown. 


184 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST, 


Weight 

Static  bending. 

Specimens. 

Kings 

per 

inch. 

Moisture 
content . 

per 

cubic 

foot, 

Fiber 

stress 

Modulus 

Modulus 

air  dry. 

at  elastic 
limit. 

of  rupture. 

ticity. 

Num- 

Lbs.  per 

Lbs.  per 

Lbs.  per 

ber. 

Per  cent. 

Pounds. 

sq.  in. 

sq.  in. 

sq.  in. 

Amapa 

j I3 

10. 35 

53.63 

10, 920 

16,242 

1, 710, 000 

1 13 

10.  79 

50.  39 

10,680 

16,027 

1,686,000 

Arrayan 

/ 24 

12.56 

62.80 

7,300 

12,055 

1,595,000 

l 24 

12.  48 

57.  47 

6,410 

12,300 

1,713,000 

Cedro  Colorado 

/ 21 

l 21 

11.02 

11.00 

29.  69 
26.93 

6,270 

4,350 

10,444 

6,949 

1,082,000 

1,252,000 

Ebano 

I 20 

13.37 

76.  78 

13,400 

20,000 

2, 240,000 

1 20 

13.  51 

77. 10 

5,180 

5,642 

1,190,000 

Guanacastle 

/ 7 

l 7 

9.37 

9.41 

18.  40 
18.22 

2,080 

2,360 

4,580 

4,696 

345.000 

394.000 

Haba 

/ 42 

9.319 

24.84 

2,717 

5,780 

1,145.000 

1 12 

10.724 

22.66 

4, 155 

6,942 

1,082,000 

Mauto 

i I4 

10.  51 

58.  92 

9,420 

11,752 

1,774,000 

1 14 

11.58 

58.33 

9,  570 

14,000 

1, 995, 000 

Mesquite 

1 8 

9.  60 

61.60 

8,800 

11,930 

1,243,000 

1 10 

10.22 

56.  22 

8,000 

12,685 

1,422,000 

Mora 

/ 10 

10.02 

52.87 

15, 750 

24,300 

2, 060, 000 

1 10 

9.  68 

58.  28 

13,750 

17,045 

1,827,000 

Palo  Colorado 

J 22 

\ 22 

10.64 
10.  65 

59.  76 
61.31 

10, 930 
10, 130 

15,944 
14, 478 

2,002,000 

1,775,000 

Palo  Fierro 

J 25 

13.25 

63.85 

8,060 

21,300 

1,410,000 

1 25 

13.  45 

64.56 

8,  670 

15,606 

2,379,000 

Venadillo  (Ocaoxa) 

1 20 
\ 20 

10.67 

10.73 

42.  52 

45.  72 

9,760 

9,000 

12,305 

8,969 

1.535.000 

1. 450. 000 

Compression  parallel  to  grain. 


Hardness.1 


Specimens. 

Rings 

per 

inch. 

Fiber 
stress  at 
elastic 
limit. 

Modulus 
of  elas- 
ticity. 

Maximum 

crushing 

strength. 

End. 

Side. 

Num- 

Lbs.  per 

Lbs.  per 

Lbs.  per 

ber. 

sq.  in. 

sq.  in. 

sq.  in. 

Pounds. 

Pounds. 

Amapa 

I 13 

4,790 

1, 320, 000 

8, 575 

2, 4S0 

3,140 

1 13 

4,850 

1,174,000 

8,940 

2, 185 

3,040 

Arrayan 

/ 24 

2,462 

692, 500 

7,580 

2,800 

2,800 

1 24 

2, 650 

616,000 

6,000 

3,000 

2,700 

Cedro  Colorado 

i 21 

1 21 

4,700 
4, 190 

945,000 

945,000 

6,392 
6, 165 

770 

725 

730 

790 

Ebano 

/ 20 

7,990 

2, 040, 000 

13,580 

2, 540 

3,900 

\ 20 

9, 985 

2, 190,  000 

14,350 

3,400 

3,530 

Guanacastle 

J 7 

l 7 

1,480 

1,315 

3S8, 000 
3, 215, 000 

3,555 

3,310 

350 

430 

390 

390 

Haba 

/ 12 

2,435 

634,000 

4,545 

840 

630 

1 12 

2, 500 

604, 000 

4, 595 

570 

470 

Mauto 

/ 14 

6,  700 

1,325,000 

9,970 

3,670 

3,000 

1 I4 

6,  410 

1, 315, 000 

10,910 

3,320 

3,370 

Mesquite 

1 8 

5,  330 

1,109,000 

9,600 

2,360 

3.220 

1 10 

5,  S00 

1,197,500 

8,640 

2, 350 

2,660 

Mora 

J 10 

7,820 

1,  906,000 

14, 620 

2,600 

3,100 

l 1° 

10,810 

1,786,000 

14,470 

3,300 

3,560 

Palo  Colorado 

J 22 

1 22 

3, 845 
5, 8S0 

1. 027. 500 

1.656.500 

5,780 

9,140 

2,930 
2, 720 

2,590 

3,020 

Palo  Fierro 

/ 25 

7,  010 

1,764,000 

11,630 

2,  780 

\ 25 

6,666 

1, 606,  000 

11,600 

2,  S40 

3,700 

Venadillo  (Ocaova) 

/ 20 
\ 20 

5,670 

4,950 

1.343.000 

1. 505. 000 

8,360 

8,415 

1,390 

1,580 

1,340 

1,400 

1 Load  required  to  embed  an  0.444-inch  ball  to  one-half  its  diameter. 


An  abundance  of  oak  firewood  is  reported  by  Consul  F.  J.  Dyer, 
of  Nogales,  in  the  State  of  Sonora,  at  a place  called  Vigia,  formerly 
known  as  Cos,  55  miles  south  of  Agua  Prieta.  This  oak  timber 
covers  a hilly  region  3 or  4 miles  wide  by  30  miles  long,  extending 
from  Calabasas  to  Fronteras.  Notwithstanding  the  large  amounts 
of  oak  wood  already  cut  and  shipped,  quantities  still  remain  in  the 


FOREST  PRODUCTS. 


185 


Vigia  region,  though  it  can  no  longer  be  found  within  5 miles  of  the 
railway.  Some  cedar  and  pine  are  found  also  on  the  mountain  slopes 
around  Vigia.  Considerable  quantities  of  these  woods  are  shipped 
from  Agua  Prieta,  Cananea,  and  Nogales  to  the  United  States. 

DYEWOODS. 

The  dyewoods  found  on  the  West  Coast  include  “mora”  (which 
produces  the  yellow  vegetable  dye  of  commerce),  brazil  wood,  and 
fustic.  Small  quantities  have  been  cut  and  exported  for  many  years 
during  the  dry  season,  the  largest  exports  formerly  going  to  Germany 
and  latterly  to  the  United  States. 

During  the  early  months  of  1918  a considerable  amount  of  brazil 
wood  and  mora  wood  for  dye  purposes  was  exported  from  the  West 
Coast  to  the  United  States,  but  since  that  time  very  little  attention 
has  been  given  to  cutting  and  exporting  these  woods  for  commercial 
purposes.  It  is  reported  that  it  is  now  very  difficult  to  secure  con- 
tracts for  the  delivery  of  these  woods  at  the  railway  or  port  of  call  for 
steamships  at  a price  that  will  permit  a profit,  on  account  of  the  fact 
that  nearly  all  of  these  woods  that  were  easily  accessible  to  the  rail- 
way or  seaports  have  been  cut  away  in  past  years. 

A considerable  amount  of  both  brazil  and  mora  wood  may  be  found 
in  widely  scattered  localities  in  the  foothill  areas  of  the  interior, 
but  transportation  is  lacking.  Much  of  these  valuable  woods,  to- 
gether with  even  ebony  and  mahogany,  has  been  used  in  the  past 
for  fuel  at  the  various  mines  in  the  district. 

An  American  citizen  residing  at  Culiacan  has  installed  a small 
experimental  plant  at  La  Cruz,  Sinaloa,  for  the  extraction  of  brazil 
and  mora  dye  material  and  also  for  the  preparation  of  the  wood  in 
granulated  form  for  shipment  to  New  York.  The  machinery  of  this 
new  plant  has  a capacity  of  about  1,500  tons  per  month. 

Fustic  is  found  almost  everywhere  on  the  West  Coast,  but  the 
“palo  brazil”  is  becoming  rather  scarce  in  recent  years,  as  it  is 
much  used  locally  for  fuel. 

In  1920  the  Southern  Pacific  Railroad  of  Mexico  made  a rate  of 
$1.20  per  100  pounds  (with  a carload  minimum  of  40,000  pounds) 
for  the  exportation  of  dyewoods  from  the  West  Coast  to  New  York 
via  New  Orleans.  The  steamer  rate  to  New  York  was  $28  per  ton 
measurement.  New  York  and  Penns}Tlvania  market  quotations, 
f.  o.  b.  cars  New  York,  or  Pennsylvania  points,  were  recently  as 
follows:  From  $32  to  $36  per  ton  for  mora;  $42  to  $46  per  ton  for 
campeche  wood;  and  $45  to  $50  per  ton  for  palo  brazil.  Mexican 
export  duties  amount  to  0.50  peso  per  100  kilos  of  gross  weight 
(1  kilo  = 2.2046  pounds).  The  expenses  of  each  carload,  exclusive  of 
freight,  amounts  to  about  $26  United  States  currency. 

Fustic  is  the  trunk  wood  of  Morus  tinctori,  indigenous  to  the 
West  Indies,  Mexico,  and  South  America,  and  found  chiefly  in 
Central  America  and  on  the  coasts  of  Mexico.  It  contains  two 
coloring  principles,  morin  and  moric  acid,  which  occur  in  the  wood 
combined  with  lime  and  maclurin  or  moritannic  acid,  both  of  which 
are  yellow  dyes  and  are  contained  in  the  commercial  extract.  While 
fustic  has  been  largely  replaced  by  azo  and  anthracitic  colors,  it  is 
still  used  for  wood  dyeing. 

During  the  calendar  year  1921  a total  of  581  tons  of  brazil  dye- 
wood,  the  declared  value  of  which  was  $10,766,  was  exported  to  the 


186 


MEXICAN"  WEST  COAST. 


United  States  through  Nogales,  Ariz.  In  1920  the  corresponding 
amount  was  1,783  tons,  valued  at  $36,661.  Mora  dyewood  sent  to 
the  United  States  through  the  same  port  in  1921  amounted  to  380 
tons,  valued  at  $9,288,  while  in  1920  the  amount  was  37  tons.  Dur- 
ing the  first  six  months  of  1922,  Nogales  imported  from  the  West 
Coast  of  Mexico  a total  of  1,210  tons  of  brazil  dyewood,  valued  at 
$20,738.  Mora  dyewood  sent  to  the  United  States  from  the  West 
Coast  region  through  the  same  port  during  the  same  period  amounted 
to  1,675  tons,  valued  at  $30,414. 

There  were  no  declared  exports  of  dyewoods  to  the  United  States 
from  Mazatlan,  the  commodity  going  to  eastern  markets  via  Nogales 
and  New  Orleans. 

For  figures  on  the  exportation  of  forest  products,  the  reader  is 
referred  to  the  tables  of  exports  in  Supplement  to  Commerce  Reports 
No.  20,  Trade  and  Economic  Review  for  1921,  Mexico. 


FISHING  INDUSTRY. 


Various  investigations  and  surveys  in  the  past  have  shown  that  the 
waters  of  the  Gnlf  of  California  abound  in  several  valuable  varieties 
of  food  fish.  It  is  also  a fact  that  the  fishing  banks  off  the  Pacific 
coast  of  the  peninsula  of  Lower  California  furnish  90  per  cent  of  the 
fish  used  in  the  canneries  located  at  San  Diego  and  San  Pedro  (the 
port  of  Los  Angeles).  Shrimp  fishing  has  long  been  one  of  the  es- 
tablished industries  at  Topolobampo  and  south  of  Mazatlan  at  Es- 
quinapa  and  San  Bias.  Oyster  beds  are  found  at  Guaymas  and  on 
Altamura  Island  near  the  port  of  Altata,  near  Culiacan.  Several 
attempts  have  been  made  to  establish  canneries  for  fish  packing,  one 
at  Guaymas,  another  at  Topolobampo,  and  two  on  the  Pacific  side  of 
Lower  California,  where  one  factory  has  recently  been  moved  to  a new 
location,  from  San  Quentin  Bay,  south  of  Ensenada,  to  Cedros  Island, 
lying  offshore.  Pearl  fishing  has  been  conducted  for  many  years  at 
La  Paz,  Lower  California,  under  exclusive  concessions  from  the  Mexi- 
can Government,  but  these  concessions  have  now  been  declared  void 
and  fishing  is  free  for  all  who  may  engage  in  the  industry,  all  that  is 
required  by  the  authorities  being  a permit,  or  fishing  license,  for  which 
a reasonable  fee  is  paid. 

There  is  a very  small  market  on  the  West  Coast  for  fish  and  fish 
products  on  account  of  the  small  population,  but  the  more  densely 
populated  centers  of  the  interior  of  Mexico  are  taking  increasingly 
large  amounts  of  canned  and  dried  fish,  and,  in  view  of  the  heavy  im- 
port duty  into  Mexico,  a domestic  cannery  and  drying  plant  ought  to 
prove  a profitable  investment  and  industry,  although,  for  various 
reasons,  efforts  in  this  direction  on  a small  scale  have  failed  so  far. 

It  is  also  claimed  by  fish  canners  that  the  fish  from  the  Gulf  of  Cali- 
fornia contain  too  much  phosphate,  causing  the  bones  to  harden  and 
the  flesh  to  soften  in  the  process  of  canning. 

Guaymas  ships  about  100  pounds  of  fresh  fish  per  day  to  the  border 
at  Nogales  for  local  consumption  there.  In  the  gulf,  climatic  condi- 
tions are  not  considered  favorable  for  fishing  operations,  as  periods  of 
calms  and  extreme  heat  affect  the  runs  of  the  fish  in  season.  Through- 
out the  northern  half  of  the  gulf  the  coasts  on  both  sides  are  very  arid, 
fresh  water  is  scarce,  and  there  are  few  good  small  harbors,  the  waters 
of  the  gulf  being  considered  unsafe  for  boats  of  less  than  50  tons. 
Also,  there  are  no  supply  stations  for  fuel  for  motors,  food  for  crews, 
or  tackle  needed,  all  of  which  would  have  to  be  brought  down  from 
the  United  States,  although  gasoline  can  be  had  at  Guaymas,  and  No.  1 
engine  distillate,  most  used  in  fish-boat  engines,  would  be  carried  by 
dealers  if  there  was  a demand  for  it. 

COMMERCIAL  FISHES  OF  WEST  COAST. 

In  1921  San  Francisco  fish-packing  interests  sent  two  specially 
equipped  seine  boats  to  the  Gulf  of  California  to  make  a complete  and 
scientific  survey  of  the  fishing  possibilities  of  the  waters  of  the  gulf 

187 


188 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


from  Mazatlan  and  La  Paz  to  the  mouth  of  the  Colorado  River,  so  the 
fishing  possibilities  of  the  West  Coast  are  well  known  to  American 
packers  interested  in  this  development  of  industry.  The  survey 
mentioned  has  not  as  yet  resulted  in  the  establishment  of  canneries 
anywhere  on  the  West  Coast,  such  attempts  having  been  made  by 
individuals  with  small  capital  and  limited  resources. 

A.  Russell  Crowell  (now  deceased) , who  was  an  American  resident  of 
Mazatlan  and  an  authority  on  fish,  particularly  those  in  local  waters, 
prepared  a report  entitled  “Commercial  fishes  on  the  Mexican  West 
Coast.”  The  report  sets  forth  many  salient  facts  of  value  to  those, 
interested  in  fish  products. 

For  some  time  prior  to  the  late  revolution  in  Mexico,  says  Consul 
W.  E.  Chapman,  a fish  cannery  of  fair  importance  operated  to  the 
south  of  Mazatlan,  where  several  varieties  of  fish  were  preserved  and 
considerable  oil  and  fertilizer  realized  from  other  varieties  and  the 
by-products. 

Fish  are  so  plentiful  in  these  waters  that  it  is  a common  sight  to  see 
men  catching  them  with  loose  lines  in  the  surf  across  the  street  200 
feet  from  the  Mazatlan  consulate  windows,  or  to  see  sardines  flipping 
out  of  the  water  by  the  hundreds  in  their  efforts  to  escape  the  larger 
fish  that  prey  upon  them;  sea  birds  gather  at  the  scene  of  the  dis- 
turbance and  in  a few  minutes  each  morning  catch  as  many  of  the 
little  fish  as  they  want.  Mr.  Crowell's  report  follows,  in  part: 

MULLET  MOST  ABUNDANT. 

More  than  100  species  and  subspecies  of  fish  exist  within  a radius 
of  60  miles  from  the  city  of  Mazatlan,  exclusive  of  shellfish  and  crus- 
taceans, though  only  about  40  of  them  are  of  any  great  commercial 
value  and  not  more  than  20  can  be  shipped  or  canned  in  any  large 
quantity.  The  most  abundant  is  the  mullet,  locally  known  as  lisa, 
and  in  Hawaii  as  ama-ama.  There  are  two  varieties  of  mullet,  the 
striped  mullet  ( Mugil  cephalus)  and  the  white  mullet  ( Mugil  curema), 
known  here  as  bolaina.  The  striped  variety  grows  to  27  inches  in 
length,  inches  across  the  back,  7 inches  deep,  and  weighs  7 pounds, 
but  fish  of  this  size  are  rare.  They  vary  greatly  in  color,  and  a single 
school  has  been  seen  with  lemon-yellow,  black,  blue,  and  green  backs, 
sides  silvery.  They  enter  the  lagoons  and  esteros  (fillets)  from  the  sea 
in  July  and  August,  or  as  soon  as  the  rains  have  swollen  the  rivers. 
They  spawn  in  December  and  January  and  feed  on  a fine  moss  called 
lama,  and  consequently  do  not  take  the  hook.  They  are  caught  in 
seines,  traps,  and  with  a native  casting  net  called  a tarraya,  but  they 
are  difficult  to  catch  in  seines,  as  they  jump  over  the  cork  line.  In 
Mexico  the  natives  place  canoes  around  the  seine  for  the  fish  to  jump 
into,  and  in  Hawaii  the  fishermen  are  very  expert  in  catching  them  in 
hand  nets  as  they  jump  over.  They  are  excellent  eating  when  fat, 
can  well,  and  are  very  palatable  either  smoked  or  dried.  They  are 
unknown  commercially  in  the  western  waters  of  the  United  States, 
except  to  a limited  extent  at  San  Diego,  Calif.,  where  schools  of  small 
white  mullet  are  sometimes  seen. 

The  white  mullet  or  bolaina  is  even  more  abundant  than  the 
striped  variety,  but  is  a much  inferior  fish  and  rarely  grows  to  more 
than  16  inches  in  length.  They  spawn  in  April  and  May  and  again 
in  September.  The  roe  is  delicious,  greatly  resembling  shad  roe. 
It  is  marketed  at  Mazatlan,  salted  and  dried. 


FISHING  INDUSTRY. 


189 


MILKFISH— FOUR  VARIETIES  OF  ROBALO. 

The  robalo  or  milkfish  ( Chanos  chanos),  known  in  Hawaii  as  the 
awa,  is  also  very  abundant,  but,  unlike  the  case  of  the  lisa,  the  runs 
are  very  erratic.  In  some  years  they  are  very  numerous,  in  others 
very  scarce.  In  some  seasons  a 24-inch  fish  is  a big  one,  while  in 
others  50  to  60  inch  fish  are  common.  They  are  a beautiful,  extremely 
active,  delicate  fish.  Some  writers  call  them  the  Pacific  shad,  but 
this  is  a misnomer,  as  the  lateral  line  is  well  defined.  The  natives 
eat  them  only  when  dried,  and  they  are  of  excellent  flavor  but  bony. 
Like  the  mullet,  they  are  vegetarians  and  often  run  in  the  same 
school.  They  spawn  in  July  and  should  prove  a valuable  fish  for 
export,  either  smoked  or  dried. 

The  robalo  (family  of  Oxylabracidae)  is  one  of  the  most  common 
fish  on  this  coast  and  one  of  the  most  valuable.  Four  distinct  speci- 
mens are  known  locally  as:  Robalo  neto,  robalo  garivato,  robalo 
peleto,  and  constantino.  The  robalo  neto  is  the  largest  of  the 
family,  growing  to  50  pounds  weight,  and  is  more  heavily  built  and 
darker  in  color  than  the  other  varieties.  The  garivato  is  similar, 
but  lighter  in  color  and  more  slender.  Both  have  white,  firm  flesh 
and  when  dried  are  very  similar  to  codfish — in  fact,  when  they  are 
properly  cured,  only  an  expert  can  distinguish  them  from  codfish. 
When  canned  they  are  not  very  attractive,  but  either  fresh  or  dried 
should  find  a good  sale  in  the  United  States.  The  peleto  is  a much 
smaller  fish,  not  often  exceeding  24  inches  in  length  and  with  much 
softer  meat.  If  cured  in  the  Chinese  method  they  are  preferred  by 
the  Chinese  and  bring  from  8 to  14  cents  per  pound  wholesale  in  the 
San  Francisco  (Calif  j market.  The  constantino  is  a delicious  pan 
fish,  not  often  more  than  14  inches  long.  They  are  very  numerous 
in  the  esteros  (creeks)  south  of  Mazatlan.  All  of  the  family  are 
voracious  feeders,  devouring  all  small  fish,  shrimp,  sardines,  etc. 
They  do  not  run  in  schools  like  mackerel  or  herring,  but  are  suffi- 
ciently numerous  to  catch,  and  it  is  not  uncommon  to  get  100  or 
more  at  a cast  of  a small  seine. 

FIVE  VARIETIES  OF  CORBINA  (WEAKFISH). 

The  corbina  ranks  next  to  the  robalo  in  commercial  value.  This 
fish  is  a branch  of  the  family  of  croakers  (Sciaenidae,  genus  Cynos- 
cion,  weakfishes).  There  are  five  species  on  the  West  Coast:  Yellow 
corbina  ( Cynoscion  reticvlatus ) ; Gulf  of  California  white  sea  bass  or 
tortuava  ( Cynoscion  macdonaldi) ; California  bluefish,  known  locally 
as  chalangandina  ( Cynoscion  paroipinnis) ; white  corbina  or  Cali- 
fornia sea  trout;  and  the  corbina  prieta  or  gray  corbina,  not  classified. 

The  entire  family  is  very  similar  in  appearance  and  habits;  only  a 
scientist  can  tell  the  difference  in  some  species.  They  enter  the 
creeks  from  the  sea  in  July  and  August  to  spawn,  and,  with  the 
exception  of  the  tortuava,  they  run  in  immense  schools.  Two  men  in 
a canoe  will  often  catch  from  200  to  300  at  a time  with  hand  lines 
and  several  thousands  in  a few  casts  of  a small  seine. 

The  tortuava  grows  to  172  pounds  (the  record  catch),  but  the 
other  varieties  average  2 or  3 feet  in  length.  The  first  runs  are  gen- 
erally about  18-inch  fish.  They  are  rather  light  for  frying  in  the 
American  style,  but  are  the  favorite  fish  of  the  Chinese  and  bring 
about  the  same  price  in  the  San  Francisco  market  as  the  robalo  when 
cured  by  the  native  Chinese  method. 


190 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


Of  the  other  members  of  the  croaker  family,  the  yellow-fin  roncador 
or  berrugate  ( Umbrina  sinaloae ) and  the  boca  dulce  (genus  Bairdiella) 
are  very  numerous.  They  are  excellent  pan  fish  and  would  be  of 
great  value  in  any  market,  fresh  or  iced,  but  are  too  small  for  frying. 
The  kingfish  or  whiting  ( Menticirrhus  elongatus),  frequently  called 
berrugate  by  the  natives,  run  with  the  corbina.  They  are  soft- 
meated  and  when  dried  are  very  thin. 

PARGOS  (SNAPPERS),  CABRILLA  (SEA  BASS),  AND  MERO  (SPOTTED  JEWFISH). 

The  pargos  or  snappers  are  nearly  as  numerous  as  the  corbina  and, 
not  being  as  migratory,  can  be  secured  almost  any  month  in  the  year. 
The  pargo  Colorado  ( Lutianus  Colorado)  is  well  known  in  the  United 
States  as  the  red  snapper  and  on  the  east  coast  of  Mexico  as  the 
guachinango.  This  is  a very  superior  table  fish  and  cans  splendidly, 
the  meat  being  white  and  firm.  They  can  be  found  in  the  ocean 
all  along  the  coast,  but  are  more  numerous  in  the  esteros  (creeks) 
in  January  and  June.  They  are  fine  game  fish,  as  well  as  valuable 
fish  commercially,  taking  the  trolling  spoon  or  live  bait.  The  same 
description  applies  to  the  other  species  of  the  snappers  found  on  the 
West  Coast,  of  which  there  are  six,  five  being  known  to  science. 

The  gray  snapper,  pargo  prieto  ( Lutianus  griseus) , is  almost  as 
common  as  the  red  variety  and  grows  to  50  pounds  weight.  The 
yellow  or  rock  snapper,  the  pargo  flamenco  or  calandria  ( Lutianus 
gutatus),  and  the  pargo  raicero  ( Lutianus  aratus ) are  smaller  species, 
not  often  more  than  a foot  in  length. 

One  of  the  most  popular  fishes  in  the  market  is  the  cabrilla  ( Para - 
labrax  maculatofascmtus) , one  of  the  sea  basses.  They  range  from 
Guaymas  to  the  State  of  Nayarit,  being  more  plentiful  about  Guajunas 
than  at  Mazatlan.  They  grow  to  32  inches  and  are  fine-flavored  and 
very  game.  Another  of  the  bass  family  of  great  commercial  value 
is  the  mero  or  spotted  jewfish  ( Promicrops  itaiara),  a golden-brown 
fish  with  black  spots — the  older  fish  being  of  a solid  gray.  Unlike 
the  jewfish  of  California,  they  are  excellent  eating.  The  meat  is 
white  and  firm  though  slightly  flaky.  They  are  caught  principally 
by  the  hook  and  line — also  often  in  the  seines  when  set  for  robalo 
or  corbina.  They  can  be  found  among  the  rocks,  and  enter  the 
esteros  to  spawn  in  early  summer.  Their  weight  is  up  to  400  pounds, 
and  150-pound  fishes  are  common. 

SALT-WATER  BREAM,  POMPANOS,  AND  BUTTERFISH. 

There  are  two  varieties  of  the  rudder  fish  in  these  waters,  but  the 
chopa  or  salt-water  bream  ( Eyphosus  elegans ) is  the  only  one  worthy 
of  note.  It  grows  to  a length  of  18  inches  and  to  a weight  of  5 pounds. 
These  fish  are  well  flavored  but  not  very  plentiful. 

The  pompanos  are  well  represented  here  by  10  species,  not  in- 
cluding two  species  of  butterfisn.  Some  are  new  to  science,  and  some, 
according  to  Professors  Jordan  and  Evermann,  belong  to  the  Atlantic  a 
only  and  must  have  come  through  the  Panama  Canal;  others  are  well 
known.  Among  them  are  the  cavella  or  toro  (Carangus  hippos), 
to  30  pounds;  the  yellow-tail  or  amber  fish,  to  40  pounds:  the  Pacific 
moonfish  or  caballo  ( Selene  aerstedii),  to  12  inches;  the  common  moon- 
fish  or  jorobado  ( Vomer  septipinnis) , to  12  inches;  the  round  pompano 
or  palometa  ( Trachinotus  Kennedy),  to  27  inches;  the  silvery  pompano 


FISHING  INDUSTRY. 


191 


(Trachinotusargenteus),  to  7 inches;  the  gaff-topsail  pompano  or  paloma 
( Trachinotus  palometa),  to  7 inches;  and  the  big-eyed  scad,  known 
in  Hawaii  as  akule,  in  Samoa  as  atule,  and  in  Mexico  as  the  cocinero 
( Trachurops  crumenopthalmus) , to  7 inches. 

Of  the  butterfish  or  fiatolas  there  are  two  species — the  poppy 
fish  or  California  pompano  ( Palometa  simillima),  and  another  that 
is  probably  Palometa  media.  With  the  exception  of  the  toro,  which 
is  dark-meated  and  not  very  choice,  all  the  above  fish  are  delicious, 
delicately  flavored  pan  fish. 

MOJARRAS— CHIKO— SPANISH  MACKEREL. 

Among  the  smaller  or  pan  fish  one  of  the  most  popular  (and,  to 
the  taste  of  many,  equal  to  the  pompano)  is  the  mojarra.  There 
are  five  distinct  species:  White  mojarra  or  broad  shad  ( Xystaema 
cinereum );  mojarra  China  ( Gerres  lineatus) ; mojarra  prieta  or  gray 
mojarra;  mojarra  Turca;  and  mojarra  jorobada.  They  range  from 
6 to  18  inches  in  length,  and  are  all  delicately  flavored,  superior  pan 
fish  that  would  bring  fancy  prices  in  the  United  States,  either  fresh 
or  iced. 

The  halfbeak,  balao,  or  pajarito  ( Hyporamphus  roberti)  is  a smeltlike 
fish  that  grows  to  about  a foot  in  length.  They  are  excellent  eating 
and  should  can  well.  Continuous  schools  of  them  miles  in  extent 
have  been  seen.  When  they  enter  the  esteros  to  spawn  in  June,  a 
seine  could  not  be  hauled  by  hand  without  first  emptying  out  a part 
of  the  catch. 

Another  very  valuable  fish  found  in  these  waters  is  the  chiro  or 
big-eyed  herring,  otherwise  known  as  the  piojo,  Francesca,  matajuelo 
real,  or  John-Mariggle  ( Elops  saurus ).  They  have  been  caught  up 
to  24  inches  in  length.  The  small  ones  make  fine  kippered  herring, 
and  the  large  ones  can  he  dried  or  smoked  to  good  profit.  They  are 
very  numerous,  following  up  the  immense  schools  of  anchovies, 
shrimp,  etc. 

The  Spanish  mackerel  is  also  plentiful.  It  is  called  here  cero  or 
sierra.  The  two  principal  species  are  Scomberomorus  nacvlatm  and 
Scomberomorus  sierra.  They  range  on  both  sides  of  the  peninsula 
of  Lower  California  and  from  Mazatlan  south.  They  have  been 
caught  to  34  inches  in  length  and  are  palatable  but  dry  in  comparison 
with  good  Atlantic  mackerel. 

SARDINES  AND  ANCHOVIES. 

Also,  countless  millions  of  true  sardines  thrive  in  Mazatlan  waters. 
The  principal  one  here  is  the  silverside  (SardineUa  Jcowala).  In 
seven  years’  fishing  a few  4-inch  fishes  have  been  seen,  but  they  will 
average  3 inches  when  matured.  The  blue  sardine  or  thread  herring 
(. Sardinella  episthonema ) is  second  only  in  numbers,  and  it  is  needless 
to  say  that  here  is  superb  canning  material. 

Anchovies  are  also  abundant  and  bring  good  prices,  salted  and  dried, 
dry  salted  in  half  barrels,  or  pickled  in  brine.  Two  species  are  found — 
the  big  white  anchovy  or  sardina  bocona  ( Anchovia  macrolepidota) , 
to  8 inches  in  length,  and  the  little  western  anchovy  ( Anchovia 
delicalissima) , from  3 to  4 inches  in  length.  Both  enter  the  esteros 
(creeks)  and  lagoons  in  immense  schools  in  December,  January,  and 
February,  and  again  in  April,  May,  and  June. 


192 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


SHARKS. 

Sharks  are  very  abundant;  seven  species  are  common.  The  natives 
catch  a great  many  on  hand  lines  and  with  harpoons  for  the  livers  and 
fins.  The  livers  are  used  for  shark-liver  oil,  while  the  fins  are  dried 
for  the  Chinese  trade  and  always  bring  good  prices.  The  bodies 
could  be  used  for  fertilizing  material  to  good  profit.  They  are  suf- 
ficiently plentiful,  16  having  been  taken  in  two  hauls  of  a net  in 
fishing  in  the  surf  for  robalo.  The  hammer-head  is  probably  the  most 
plentiful. 

SHRIMP  FISHING. 

During  the  past  few  years  shrimp  fishing  at  Guaymas  and  Topolo- 
bampo  on  a commercial  scale  has  been  attempted  by  several  con- 
cerns, but  all  these  efforts  have  resulted  in  failure.  The  chief  dif- 
ficulty seems  to  be  the  lack  of  a steady  supply  of  fresh  shrimps  for 
the  packing  plant,  the  runs  being  very  irregular  and  the  season 
very  short. 

In  late  1921  a temporary  shrimp-packing  plant  was  installed  at 
Guaymas  by  a California  company,  but  before  the  plant  was  com- 
pleted it  was  discovered  that  shrimps  were  not  available  in  sufficient 
quantities  in  the  waters  near  the  port.  The  plant  was  then  moved 
to  Topolobampo,  near  the  mouth  of  the  Fuerte  River,  where  it  was 
operated  for  a few  months,  without  success,  although  shrimps  are 
much  more  plentiful  in  those  waters  than  near  Guaymas.  The 
Mexican  customs  officials  insisted  upon  collecting  an  export  duty  of  2 
cents  per  kilo  (1  kilo=2.2046  pounds),  not  only  on  the  shrimps,  but 
also  on  the  wooden  containers  in  which  the  5-gallon  cans  were  placed 
and  the  ice  in  which  they  were  packed,  40  pounds  of  fresh  shrimps 
requiring  about  100  pounds  of  ice  for  railway  shipment  to  the  border. 

Experiments  were  made  with  power  boats  dragging  nets,  but  the 
waters  in  which  the  shrimps  were  found  proved  to  be  too  shallow,  and 
the  only  practical  method  appeared  to  be  that  of  the  natives,  who 
employ  dugout  canoes  and  small  casting  nets,  there  being  about  80 
canoes,  with  from  two  to  three  men  in  each,  employed  in  the  industry 
during  the  summer  shrimp  runs  in  Topolobampo  Bay  and  adjacent 
waters.  This  port  exports  from  200  to  300  tons  of  dried  shrimps 
annually. 

Fishermen  at  Topolobampo  receive  about  $0.06  per  kilo  (2.2046 
pounds)  for  their  catch  after  boiling  and  drying,  the  bulk  of  the  catch 
being  taken  by  the  Chinese  merchants. 

The  shrimps  of  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico  are  not  the  true  shrimps 
but  rather  a species  of  prawn. 

Following  are  extracts  from  a report  by  A.  Russell  Crowell,  of 
Mazatlan: 

Shrimps  are  plentiful  in  many  places  along  the  coast  of  Sinaloa.  The  quantity  of 
the  runs  varies  greatly,  as  in  dry  seasons  they  do  not  enter  the  lagoons  in  the  same 
numbers  as  in  the  wet  seasons,  and  if  the  rains  are  late  the  natives  often  close  the  dams 
too  early  and  shut  out  the  shrimps  instead  of  holding  them  in.  The  canners  can  expect 
about  one  poor  year  in  five,  but  even  in  a poor  year  there  is  thought  to  be  enough  in 
the  run  to  put  up  a food  pack.  Some  nights  as  high  as  50  tons  can  be  taken  at  one 
trap  gateway,  but  such  runs  occur  only  a few  times  during  the  season.  About  three- 
quarters  of  the  run  is  composed  of  shrimps  of  average  size,  mixed  with  much  larger 
ones  which  are  good  for  canning,  also. 

The  shrimps  enter  the  lagoons  from  the  sea  at  the  time  of  the  first  rains  of  the  wet 
season,  beginning  early  in  July,  or  as  soon  as  the  rains  have  flooded  the  rivers.  The 
season  lasts  through  September  and  October,  and  at  times  as  late  as  to  December. 


FISHING  INDUSTRY. 


193 


South  of  Mazatlan  the  method  of  fishing  employed  by  the  natives  is  almost  entirely 
by  traps  made  of  split  cane  and  set  in  dams  that  are  placed  across  the  lagoons.  The 
shrimps  enter  these  shallow  lagoons  on  the  new-moon  and  full-moon  tides. 

As  the  canoes  come  from  the  traps  at  night  loaded  with  shrimps  the  cargoes  are 
dumped  into  crude  wooden  vats  having  a metal  bottom  under  which  there  is  a fire 
for  cooking  the  catch.  After  boiling,  the  shrimps  are  dried  on  mats  in  the  sun  and 
packed  in  mat  containers  for  shipment.  Very  often  at  least  one-half  of  the  catch  is 
lost  because  there  is  not  sufficient  provision  of  cooking  vats  and  the  fish  soon  die  when 
they  can  not  be  used.  In  Mexico  the  shrimp  are  not  peeled  as  is  the  Chinese  fashion. 

It  takes  nine-tenths  of  a pound  of  fresh  shrimps  to  make  one  can  of  4^-ounce  dry 
pack.  One  case  of  28  cans  makes  42.85  pounds  of  fresh  shrimps.  Fifty  pounds  of 
fresh  shrimps  are  sold  in  baskets  by  the  natives  at  the  rate  of  $0.03  per  pound,  and 
would  peel  to  16  pounds  of  fresh  shrimps  for  packing.  On  account  of  the  very  deli- 
cate nature  of  the  shrimps,  and  because  of  the  hot  climate,  it  would  be  necessary  to 
locate  a cannery  very  near  to  the  selected  place  on  a lagoon  which  was  known  to  have 
a large  run,  or  else  means  would  have  to  be  provided  to  collect  the  shrimps  from  other 
lagoons,  with  ice  pack;  and  means  of  transportation  are  lacking,  as  boats  large  enough 
to  carry  several  tons  of  shrimps  could  not  navigate  these  shallow  lagoons,  and  the 
only  means  of  transportation  inland  is  the  railway,  which,  after  touching  Mazatlan, 
leaves  the  coast  and  proceeds  toward  Tepic. 

LOBSTERS. 

The  American  "spiny”  lobster  is  also  very  abundant  all  along  the 
West  Coast  in  rocky  places  and  is  caught  by  the  natives  with  then- 
hands  in  diving.  The  meat  runs  well  up  into  the  body  and  the 
flavor  is  excellent. 

The  white  anchovy  ( Anchovia  macrolepidota)  is  also  very  plentiful 
on  the  West  Coast.  It  is  as  much  as  8 inches  in  length  and  runs 
in  very  large  schools.  The  small  western  anchovies  ( Anchovia  deli- 
catissima ) are  also  numerous  from  December  to  June. 

The  West  Coast  also  has  the  white  sardine  ( Sardinella  Tcowala), 
also  known  as  the  “silverside”  sardine,  rarely  over  4 inches  long, 
which  runs  in  schools  from  £ to  1 mile  wide  and  6 miles  long,  prin- 
cipally in  May  and  June.  They  have  also  been  caught  in  seines 
during  the  fall  and  winter  months. 

Both  the  bluefin  tuna  and  albacore  are  found  in  these  waters,  but 
the  volume  of  their  runs  has  not  yet  been  determined. 

The  business  of  exporting  shark  fins  to  China,  via  San  Francisco, 
has  been  carried  on  for  many  years  on  the  West  Coast,  but  the  trade 
is  small. 

OYSTERS. 

Oyster  beds  are  abundant  from  Guaymas  to  Las  Penas,  south  of 
San  Bias  in  the  State  of  Nayarit.  There  are  seven  large  oyster  beds 
within  60  miles  south  and  100  miles  north  of  Mazatlan.  These  beds 
are  estimated  to  furnish  from  50,000  to  100,000  cases  per  annum 
of  canning  oysters.  It  is  not  true  that  oysters  from  warm  waters 
are  not  good.  The  oyster  beds  of  the  West  Coast  occur  in  great 
bunches,  and  methods  of  extending  them  would  not  be  the  same  as 
along  the  eastern  seaboard  of  the  United  States,  since  1 acre  on  the 
West  Coast  would  contain  many  more  than  in  those  waters.  The 
season  also  differs  materially.  The  oysters  of  the  West  Coast  are  at 
their  best  in  June,  and,  if  the  wet  season  is  late,  they  are  often  so 
fat  in  July  that  they  can  not  be  canned  successfully.  They  spawn 
in  November.  In  March  the  beds  are  usually  too  thin  to  pack. 
The  class  of  oysters  of  the  different  beds  of  the  West  Coast  differ 


44807°— 23 14 


194 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


greatly  in  condition,  because  of  variations  in  rainfall.  Those  near 
the  mouths  of  the  large  rivers  are  in  condition  for  packing  before 
those  located  near  to  smaller  streams  which  do  not  carry  much  fresh 
water  until  later. 

The  following  facts  are  brought  out  in  a report  from  the  American 
consul  at  Guaymas,  dated  March  2,  1922: 

Although  there  has  never  been  a scientific  investigation  of  the 
extent  of  the  oyster  beds  near  Guaymas,  nor  as  to  the  possibilities 
of  the  conservation  and  propagation  of  the  known  oyster  beds,  it 
is  common  knowledge  that  the  supply  of  oysters  in  the  waters  of  the 
Gulf  of  California  is  almost  inexhaustible  between  Las  Guasimas,  a 
point  11  miles  southeast  of  Guaymas,  and  the  island  of  Lobos,  40 
miles  from  the  port,  the  beds  being  usually  from  4 to  5 miles  apart 
and  known  by  the  following  names,  beginning  with  Las  Guasimas: 
Rio  Viejo,  La  Tortuga,  Las  Cruces,  and  Los  Algodones.  The  beds 
are  found  in  shallow  water  near  the  shore  and  can  be  worked  by 
present  methods  only  at  low  tide. 

No  systematic  method  is  followed  with  the  view  of  conserving  the 
supply,  such  as  throwing  back  the  small,  immature  oysters,  or  en- 
deavoring to  propagate  them.  Neither  are  there  fleets  of  small  boats 
to  keep  the  local  market  or  the  export  demand  supplied. 

The  fishermen  proceed  to  the  beds  only  when  they  have  orders 
for  a considerable  number,  or  when  they  are  driven  to  it  from  want. 
They  do  not  receive  a fixed  wage,  but  work  on  their  own  account, 
the  contractor  in  some  cases  furnishing  his  own  boats.  The  rate 
paid  for  oysters  at  present  is  about  6 pesos  per  thousand,  delivered 
at  Guaymas,  and  it  is  difficult  to  find  fishermen  to  go  when  the 
oysters  are  wanted.  They  usually  quibble  over  the  terms,  the 
weather,  the  tides,  etc.  It  is  thought  that  a concern  contemplating 
the  establishment  of  a cannery  would  do  well  to  have  its  own  boats 
and  to  employ  foreign  fishermen. 

The  oysters  can  be  gathered  only  at  low  tide  when  the  beds  are 
wholly  or  partly  uncovered.  They  are  pried  loose  from  the  rocks, 
thrown  into  rowboats  equipped  with  sails,  and  brought  to  Guaymas, 
where  they  are  put  into  shallow  water  near  the  shore  and  taken  out 
according  to  the  demand.  The  beds  are  worked  during  eight  months 
of  the  year,  beginning  in  September. 

Because  of  the  limited  local  consumption  and  the  absence  of  a 
cannery,  the  dealers  depend  to  a considerable  extent  upon  shipments 
to  interior  points  and  to  Arizona.  The  oysters  are  shipped  in  the 
shell,  packed  in  jute  sacks.  Attempts  have  been  made  from  time  to 
time  to  ship  shelled  oysters  in  tin  cans,  packed  in  ice,  without  cook- 
ing, but  this  did  not  prove  wholly  successful. 

In  pre-revolutionary  days  oyster  canneries  were  operated  at  Guay- 
mas on  a limited  scale  with  considerable  success.  However,  attempts 
made  since  1918  have  proved  failures.  In  1919  a company,  composed 
of  Americans  and  Mexicans,  was  organized  at  Guaymas  for  the  pur- 
pose of  establishing  a general  fish-packing  plant,  with  oysters  and 
turtles  as  specialties.  About  820,000  was  spent  for  machinery  and 
equipment,  but  because  of  financial  difficulties,  lack  of  steady  supply 
of  sea  food,  poor  marketing  facilities,  excessive  import  and  export 
duties,  and  other  causes  the  plant  turned  out  only  a few  cases  of 
goods  and  was  then  closed  down  and  dismantled. 


FISHING  INDUSTRY. 


195 


During  the  winter  of  1920-21  two  California  men  established  a 
small  oyster-packing  plant  at  Guaymas,  but  it  was  in  operation  only 
a few  months.  The  machinery  and  unsold  products  are  now  stored 
in  a local  warehouse.  On  account  of  the  high  import  duties  on  many 
necessary  materials,  the  hi^h  export  duties  on  the  finished  products, 
and  the  difficulty  in  establishing  favorable  market  connections,  the 
venture  did  not  prove  a success. 

The  same  obstacles  would  undoubtedly  be  met  by  a concern  at- 
tempting to  establish  a packing  plant  to-day;  and  while  most  ma- 
terials have  been  reduced  in  price  it  would  now  cost  more  to  deliver 
the  oysters  at  the  plant.  The  firm  in  question  was  paying  only  2.50 
pesos  per  1,000.  It  had  also  to  contend  with  labor  difficulties,  being 
compelled  frequently  to  suspend  operations  because  of  the  failure  of 
the  fishermen  to  go  out  to  the  beds. 

SUMMARY. 

It  has  been  shown  that  many  varieties  of  commercial  fish  and  sea 
foods  are  abundant  in  the  waters  of  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico,  in- 
cluding shrimp,  turtles,  oysters,  tuna  fish,  albacore  (a  species  of  tuna 
or  mackerel) , sardines,  anchovies,  lobsters,  etc.,  and  it  is  also  a fact  that 
the  demand  for  these  products,  as  well  as  for  dried  fish,  is  rapidly 
increasing  in  Mexico,  which  places  a high  import  duty  on  canned 
and  prepared  food  products  coming  into  the  country.  It  would 
seem  that  an  excellent  opportunity  exists  for  the  establishment  of 
a fish  cannery  on  the  West  Coast  for  the  distribution  of  its  products 
in  Mexico  itself.  However,  such  attempts  on  a small  scale  in  the 
past  have  been  failures  on  account  of  the  lack  of  a dependable  supply, 
resulting  from  the  indifference  and  other  characteristics  of  the  native 
fishermen,  the  excessive  local  taxation,  the  import  and  export  duties, 
etc.,  and  the  general  attitude  of  opposition  toward  foreign  enterprise. 


MANUFACTURING. 


The  manufacturing  industries  of  the  West  Coast  territory  include 
shoe  factories,  flour  mills,  cigarette  factories,  soap  factories,  tan- 
neries, cotton  textile  mills,  and  the  sugar  mills  mentioned  under 
“Agriculture.”  There  is  also  one  machine  shop,  foundry,  and  wood- 
working factory  at  Guaymas,  and  another  foundry  and  machine  shop 
at  Mazatlan.  The  largest  tannery — one  of  the  largest  in  Mexico — is 
located  at  La  Paz,  in  Lower  California.  Small  tanneries  are  found 
in  many  small  towns  throughout  the  interior,  but  these  do  not  use 
machinery  of  any  kind  and  only  supply  the  local  demand  for  sole  and 
saddle  leather  of  rather  poor  quality.  The  common  footwear  of  the 
people  of  the  poorer  class  is  the  leather-soled  sandal  called  “gua- 
rantee,” held  on  the  foot  by  leather  thongs,  although  a larger  propor- 
tion than  ever  before  of  even  the  poorest  people  of  the  cities  and 
towns  are  now  wearing  shoes. 

COTTON  TEXTILE  MILLS. 

The  largest  cotton  textile  mill,  located  at  Culiacan,  and  owned  by 
Redo  y Cla.,  was  destroyed  by  fire  during  the  Madero  revolt  in  1911, 
and  has  never  been  rebuilt,  although  the  main  building  still  stands 
in  fair  condition.  This  mill  turned  out  cotton  drills,  denims,  and 
the  rough,  unbleached  cotton  cloth  so  much  used  in  the  country  by 
the  common  people. 

Two  cotton  mills  were  established  in  Nayarit  40  years  ago  by  the 
original  British  owners  of  the  great  properties  held  to-day  by  the 
Spanish  family  of  Aguirre,  which  also  owns  the  two  large  sugar  mills 
in  this  State.  The  mill  at  Jauja,  a suburb  4 kilometers  from  the 
city  of  Tepic,  on  the  Tepic  River,  which  furnishes  water  power  for 
the  machinery,  has  been  closed  down  since  1915  on  account  of  a 
shortage  of  cotton  in  Nayarit  and  also  on  account  of  labor  troubles 
and  the  attitude  of  the  local  State  officials  in  supporting  the  opera- 
tives in  their  demand  for  a minimum  wage  of  14  pesos  (S7  United 
States  currency)  per  day  of  10  hours.  The  first  machinery  of  this 
mill  and  also  that  of  Bellavista,  belonging  to  the  same  estate,  was 
originally  American,  but  replacements  have  been  made  from  time 
to  time  with  British  machinery,  principally  in  18S5  and  1886,  when 
the  factories  were  remodeled  by  the  present  owners.  The  Juaja 
factory  originally  had  168  looms  and  now  has  160  ready  for  operation. 
The  Bellavista  mill  has  the  same  number  of  looms  and  is  also  driven 
by  water  power  from  the  Tepic  River. 

The  product  of  these  mills  consists  principally  of  rough,  unbleached 
cotton  cloth  known  locally  and  throughout  the  West  Coast  as 
“Manta,”  and  of  white  sheetings  bleached.  The  output  is  sold 
locally  in  Nayarit  and  also  sent  to  Guadalajara  overland  by  pack  mule 
to  San  Marcos  station,  pack-mule  freight  costing  5 pesos  per  “carga" 
of  350  pounds  in  two  packs.  This  route  of  shipment  is  cheaper  than 
routing  by  way  of  the  port  of  San  Bias  and  Manzanillo,  and  thence  by 
rail  to  Guadalajara.  The  greater  portion  of  the  product  goes  to  the 
latter  place.  The  Bellavista  mill  has  continued  in  operation. 

196 


MANUFACTURING. 


197 


A small  mill  has  long  been  established  at  Villa  Union,  south  of 
Mazatlan,  on  the  railway.  Eighty-two  looms  are  in  operation,  the 
total  number  of  operatives  being  about  50.  The  products  are  the 
same  as  those  of  the  Nayarit  miils.  The  annual  volume  of  business 
amounts  to  about  210,000  pesos. 

Though  considerable  in  quantity,  the  cotton  produced  in  the  State 
of  Nayarit  is  inferior  in  quality,  for  spinning,  to  that  imported  from 
the  United  States,  on  account  of  lack  of  care  in  picking  and  lack  of 
modern  ginning  equipment.  The  mills  import  about  90  per  cent  of 
their  raw  cotton  from  the  United  States,  and  also  about  $25,000 
worth  of  dyes  annually. 

Although  American  cloth  can  not  compete  with  the  rough  mate- 
rial (for  the  use  of  the  lower  classes)  turned  out  by  these  mills,  the 
domestic  supply  is  far  from  meeting  the  demand,  and  large  quantities 
are  imported  from  the  United  States  via  Nogales  and  Mazatlan,  chiefly 
from  houses  located  in  San  Francisco,  Los  Angeles,  Nogales,  and  El 
Paso,  which  job  factory  products  in  the  United  States. 

SHOEMAKING. 

The  largest  and  best-equipped  shoe  factory  is  that  of  the  Cruz 
Galvez  Industrial  School  maintained  by  the  State  of  Sonora  and 
by  popular  subscription  at  Hermosillo.  The  shoe  factory  in  con- 
nection with  this  industrial  school  constitutes  the  largest  unit  of 
the  entire  plant,  having  a capacity  of  400  pairs  of  shoes  per  day. 
The  equipment  is  modern  ana  driven  by  electricity  from  the  local 
lighting  and  power  plant.  Men’s,  women’s,  and  children’s  shoes 
are  made,  as  well  as  cloth  slippers,  etc.  Domestic  sole  leather  from 
local  tanneries  is  used,  but  the  upper  material  and  all  findings  are 
purchased  in  the  United  States.  A popular  shoe  made  by  this 
factory  is  one  with  imported  top  leather,  native  sole  leather,  rubber 
heels,  laced,  and  a box-toe  last.  This  type  retails  for  about  $7 
United  States  currency  per  pair,  while  the  imported  American  shoe 
of  similar  style  and  type  sells  for  about  $10  per  pair  at  retail.  At 
Guaymas  and  Hermosillo  there  are  three  or  four  small  shoe  shops 
producing  all  the  way  from  a few  pairs  to  2 dozen  pairs  of  shoes 
per  day,  only  the  largest  of  these  shops  being  equipped  with  machinery 
of  any  kind,  such  as  American  sewing  machines. 

There  are  four  large  and  two  small  shoe  factories  at  Mazatlan,  two 
or  three  small  ones  at  Culiacan,  and  one  at  Acaponeta.  The  total 
annual  output  of  these  shops  is  about  150,000  pairs  of  all  grades 
and  styles  of  shoes. 

A list  of  the  larger  Sinaloa  factories  follows: 

1.  Marcelo  Chavez,  Sues.  (Mazatlan). — Capital,  75,000  pesos;  volume  of  business, 
125,000  pesos;  number  of  employees,  about  25;  100  pans  per  day. 

2.  G.  Galindo  (Mazatlan). — Capital,  25,000  pesos;  volume  of  business,  50,000  pesos; 
number  of  employees,  15;  50  pairs  per  day. 

3.  Teodoro  Piczan  (Culiacan). — Capital,  60,000  pesos;  volume  of  business,  200,000 
pesos;  number  of  employees,  11;  tannery  in  connection. 

4.  Fo  On  Tay  y Cia.  (Flor  de  Lis)  (Mazatlan). — Capital,  40,000  pesos;  100  pairs  per 
day  of  cheaper-grade  shoes;  Chinese  establishment. 

5.  Jose  ilario  Diaz  (Mazatlan). — Established  1903;  capital,  80,000  pesos;  volume  of 
business,  100,000  pesos;  number  of  employees,  10. 

6.  Feliciano  Uriarte  (Culiacan). — Established,  1906;  capital,  8,000  pesos;  volume 
of  business,  16,000  pesos;  number  of  employees,  5. 

7.  Alvarez  y Cia.  (Mazatlan). — Capital,  50,000  pesos:  75  pairs  per  day. 

8.  Victoria  Romero  (Mazatlan) . — -Capital,  10,000  pesos;  volume  of  business,  25,000 
pesos;  number  of  employees,  5;  25  pairs  per  day. 


198 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


The  combined  capacity  of  the  Mazatlan  shoe  factories  is  placed  at 
300  to  400  pairs  of  all  kinds  of  shoes  per  day. 

The  product  of  the  West  Coast  shoe  factories  is  sold  throughout  the 
entire  coast  territory,  in  Lower  California,  and  as  far  inland  as  the 
Jalisco  territory.  Large  numbers  of  women’s  cloth-top  slippers  and 
shoes  are  sent  inland  in  small  lots  and  individual  orders. 

SOAP  MAKING. 

Following  is  a list  of  the  soap  factories  in  Sinaloa  and  Xavarit. 

1.  Compania  Jabonera  Union  y Concordia  {Villa  Union). — Established  1910;  capital. 
50,000  pesos;  4,000  cases  per  month  (1  case=34.5  kilos,  or  75  pounds  of  soapi. 

2.  Manuel  F.  Lopez  { Tepic ). — Established  1910;  capital  15,000  pesos:  volume  of 
business,  60,000  pesos. 

3.  A.  0.  Montes  {Mazatlan). — Capital,  50,000  pesos;  volume  of  business.  100.000 
pesos;  4,000  cases  per  month. 

4.  Delius  y Cia.  ( Germans ) {Tepic:  factory  at  La  Palma). — Capital  of  house,  750,000 
pesos;  investment  in  soap  factory,  50,000  pesos;  4.500  cases  per  month. 

5.  Aurelio  77.  Yuen  { Chinese ) {Mazatlan). — Established  1912;  capital,  8,000  pesos: 
volume  of  business,  120,000  pesos;  3,000  cases  .per  month. 

The  soaps  made  are  a cheap  grade  of  blue  colored  laundry  soap, 
cut  in  large  and  small  bars,  and  various  kinds  of  scented  toilet  soaps 
used  by  the  poorer  class  of  people. 

The  soap  factories  of  the  West  Coast  import  from  the  LTnited 
States  large  amounts  of  the  chemicals  used  in  soap  making,  the  bulk 
of  these  shipments  coming  down  to  Mazatlan  by  water.  The  oil  of 
the  native  coquito  nut  found  in  Nayarit,  and  imported  copra,  pur- 
chased in  San  Francisco,  are  the  fats  used  principally.  In  northern 
Sonora,  near  the  border,  and  as  far  south  as  Hermosillo,  American 
laundry  soap  is  most  used. 

All  the  soap  factories  also  make  candles,  which  are  much  used  for 
religious  purposes  by  the  people  of  the  country.  Some  native  bees- 
wax is  used,  but  the  principal  material  is  imported  stearin  sold  by  the 
oil-refining  companies. 

In  May,  1922,  the  Compania  Mercantil  Manufacturera,  S.  A.,  a 
Mexican  company  with  a capital  of  $20,000  United  States  currency, 
erected  a new  soap  and  toilet-preparation  plant  in  Nogales,  Sonora. 
The  plant  consists  of  a large  brick  building  containing  one  10,000- 
gallon  storage  tank  and  a 5,000-pound  capacity  cooking  tank,  as  well 
as  modern  soap-making  machinery. 

The  company  is  buying  coconut  oil  in  San  Francisco  and  its  tallow 
in  Sonora  and  Arizona.  The  body  of  the  soap  will  be  composed  of 
these  two  ingredients  in  about  equal  proportions.  Laundry  and 
toilet  soaps  are  being  made  for  the  Mexican  market. 

The  company  was  also  preparing  to  make  a line  of  toilet  prepara- 
tions consisting  of  face  powders,  creams,  etc.,  the  brand  closely 
resembling  that  of  a certain  make  sold  in  the  United  States.  Mexico 
has  a high  protective  tariff  on  all  soaps  (except  laundry  soap^  and 
toilet  preparations,  and  the  demand  for  these  products  is  rapidly 
increasing  all  over  the  country. 

BREWERIES. 

Mazatlan  has  two  breweries  turning  out  a very  good  grade  of  bar- 
reled and  bottled  beer,  which  is  sold  throughout  the  West  Coast 
territory. 


MANUFACTURIN'  G. 


199 


The  Cerveceria  del  Pacffico  was  established  in  1906  with  a capital 
of  150,000  pesos,  its  annual  sales  amounting  to  more  than  350,000 
pesos.  The  capacity  of  the  plant  is  50,000  liters  per  month.  Sixty 
men  are  employed.  The  plant  has  an  ice-making  unit. 

The  Cerveceria  de  Mazatlan  has  been  established  more  recently, 
with  a capital  of  400,000  pesos  and  an  annual  production  of  250,000 
barrels  of  beer  per  year. 

During  the  period,  of  the  war  the  breweries  of  Mexico  could  not 
obtain  their  usual  supply  of  barley  malt  and  used  broken  rice  grown 
in  the  Yaqui  and  Fuerte  Valleys  farther  north  along  the  coast.  Since 
normal  conditions  have  been  resumed,  the  plants  are  now  importing 
malt  from  the  United  States. 

The  Cerveceria  de  Sonora,  located  at  Hermosillo,  has  recently 
renewed  operations  after  having  been  shut  down  during  the  revolu- 
tionary period.  This  plant  has  a capacity  of  about  60,000  barrels 
per  year  and  a capital  of  200,000  pesos. 

In  March,  1922,  it  was  announced  in  Nogales  that  American 
brewers  were  to  invest  $100,000  United  States  currency  in  a new 
plant  for  beer  making  at  Nogales,  the  machinery  and  equipment 
being  brought  from  plants  formerly  operated  in  the  United  States 
by  the  same  people,  who  had  found  nonalcoholic  beer  making 
unprofitable.  The  consumption  of  beer  at  Nogales  amounts  to  about 
$250,000  a year,  the  supply  now  coming  from  Hermosillo,  Mazatlan, 
and  the  larger  plants  in  the  interior  of  Mexico.  The  breweries  of 
Orizaba,  Monterey,  and  Chihuahua  also  ship  beer  to  the  West  Coast. 
It  was  planned  to  supply  the  border  towns  of  Mexicali  and  Tia 
Juana,  where  there  is  also  a large  consumption. 

DISTILLERIES. 

In  connection  with  all  the  sugar  mills  there  are  distilleries  which 
produce  alcohol  and  an  increasing  volume  of  liquors  for  domestic 
consumption,  made  with  the  sugar  alcohol  as  a base  and  variously 
flavored  and  colored,  much  of  this  product  being  sold  as  whisky, 
cognac,  etc. 

There  are  also  the  “mescal”  (or  “tequila”)  distilleries  of  the  two 
large  agave  plantations  north  of  Culiacan,  mentioned  elsewhere  in 
this  report.  In  addition  to  the  two  large  plantations  mentioned, 
there  are  four  or  five  smaller  “mescal”  plantations  with  distilleries 
supplying  the  local  demand. 

The  Jarva  Chemical  & Distilling  Co.  has  recently  been  established 
at  Mazatlan  by  Americans,  the  products  being  whiskies,  brandies, 
cordials,  gin,  and  a line  of  flavoring  extracts,  syrups,  and  perfumes, 
put  out  for  domestic  consumption  under  the  “Jarva”  brand.  Tire 
plant  consists  of  a “Pots”  still  with  a capacity  of  500  gallons  per  day, 
three  vats  containing  5,000  gallons  each,  a 30-horsepower  vertical 
boiler,  and  the  motor  drive  equipment.  There  is  a laboratory  in 
connection  with  the  plant.  The  manager  states  that  the  water 
supply  of  Mazatlan  has  been  found  98  per  cent  pure  and  excellent 
for  distilling  purposes.  The  first  products  were  put  on  the  market 
in  Mazatlan  in  October,  1922. 


200 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


MACHINE  SHOPS  AND  WOODWORKING  PLANTS. 

The  Fundicion  de  Sinaloa,  located  at  Mazatlan,  operates  a com- 
plete machine  shop,  small  foundry,  pattern  shop,  and  woodworking 
shop,  besides  doing  general  work  and  manufacturing  cast  window, 
fence,  and  grill  bar  work.  The  capital  is  about  200,000  pesos  and  the 
annual  turnover  of  the  plant  about  150,000  pesos. 

The  Compama  Industrial  y Explotadora,  S.  A.,  of  Guaymas,  has 
the  second  largest  machine  shop  and  foundry  plant  on  the  West 
Coast  and  has,  in  connection  with  it,  an  ice  plant,  an  electric  gener- 
ating plant,  and  a furniture-making  plant. 

At  the  present  time  the  old  electric  plant  is  being  dismantled  and 
a new  Diesel  electric  plant  installed.  The  old  plant  consisted  of  a 
Mclntosh-Seymore  steam-driven  generating  outfit — 2,300-volt,  133- 
cycle  alternators — installed  25  years  ago  and  used  for  lighting  the 
city  of  Guaymas.  The  new  Fairbanks-Morse,  semi-Diesel,  motor- 
driven  plant  has  the  usual  modem  current  characteristics.  There 
are  three  150-brake-horsepower,  semi-Diesel,  fuel-oil  motors  driving 
125-kilowatt,  direct-connected  alternating-current,  3-phase,  60-cycle, 
2,300-volt  generators.  The  current  is  transmitted  at  2,300  volts,  with 
110  volts  for  lighting  and  220  volts  for  power  at  consumers’  terminals. 
The  plant  is  also  equipped  with  a steam-driven  75-kilowatt  plant  for 
the  factory  lighting  and  power  supply. 

A 50-brake-horsepower  Fairbanks-Morse  oil  engine  drives  the 
ammonia  compressor  for  the  ice  plant,  which  has  a capacity  of  20 
tons  of  ice  and  a 40-ton  refrigerating  capacity.  With  the  installation 
of  the  new  fuel-oil  motor  drive  this  plant  can  turn  out  ice  at  a cost  of 
$1.50  per  ton  and  compete  with  the  ice  plant  driven  by  a fuel-oil 
engine  at  Nogales  for  iceing  tomato  cars  coming  up  from  the  West 
Coast  for  export  to  the  United  States. 

The  machine  shop  has  six  lathes,  the  largest  being  34  inches  by 
18  feet.  There  are  also  four  drill  presses,  a steam  hammer,  and  other 
standard  shop  equipment.  The  foundry  is  a 1-ton  cupola  which  can 
make  a 1-ton-maximum  casting.  There  are  also  three  small  brass 
furnaces. 

The  woodworking  plant  turns  out  office  furniture,  school  and  thea- 
ter chairs,  sash  and  door  equipment,  and  there  are  plans  for  making, 
out  of  native  hardwoods,  a line  of  modem  furniture,  as  well  as 
phonographs,  the  mechanism  for  which  will  be  imported  from  either 
Germany  or  the  United  States. 

The  equipment  of  this  manufacturing  plant  also  includes  six  mod- 
ern machines  for  making  wire  nails,  but  this  unit  is  now  shut  down 
on  account  of  the  lack  of  demand  for  this  product  on  the  West  Coast 
at  present. 

An  old  match  factory  was  purchased  at  Hermosillo  and  operated 
for  a time  at  a good  profit  until  the  tax  demands  of  the  State  govern- 
ment forced  it  to  close  down  for  a time.  Since  then  the  Government 
has  reduced  direct  taxes  to  20  per  cent  of  the  gross  value  of  the 
output  and  increased  the  import  duties  on  foreign-made  matches, 
and  this  factory  will  start  operations  again  in  about  six  months’ 
time.  The  capacity  of  the  plant  is  100  gross  boxes  per  day.  The 
matches  made  are  wooden  “safety”  matches,  packed  in  pasteboard 
boxes.  Splits  are  imported  from  Germany  and  Sweden,  the  prices 
being  lower  than  for  a similar  product  from  the  United  States,  accord- 
ing to  the  statement  of  the  manager. 


Special  Agents  Series  No.  220. 


FIG.  15.— PLANT  OF  COMPANIA  INDUSTRIAL  Y EXPLOTADORA  DE  MADERAS. 


Special  Agents  Series  No.  220. 


FIG  16.  THREE  UNITS  OF  SEMI  DIESEL  ENGINES  INSTALLED  IN  PLANT  OF  COMPARIa  INDUSTRIAL  Y EXPLOTADORA 

DE  MADERAS  IR  JANUARY,  1923. 


MANUFACTURING. 


201 


The  Southern  Pacific  Railroad  of  Mexico  maintains  complete  rail- 
way shops  at  Empalme,  near  Guaymas.  (See  p.  53.) 

BROOMS,  CARRIAGES,  CARTS,  AND  FURNITURE. 

The  next  largest  manufacturing  plant  on  the  West  Coast  is  that  of 
Felton  Hermanos  (Americans),  located  for  many  years  at  Mazatlan. 
This  plant  makes  brooms,  furniture  out  of  native  hardwoods,  car- 
riages, carts,  and  wagons,  and  also  some  interior  finishing  work.  The 
plant  was  established  in  1880  and  employs  about  60  men  as  a rule. 
The  annual  volume  of  business  is  small.  A match  factory  is  oper- 
ated in  connection  with  this  plant,  supplying  the  local  market  and 
that  of  Tepic  and  Culiacan. 

CLOTHING. 

There  are  several  clothing  factories  on  the  West  Coast,  most  of 
them  being  located  at  Mazatlan.  A large  new  plant  was  erected  at 
Hermosillo  several  years  ago  and  equipped  with  modern  electrically 
driven  sewing  machinery,  the  principal  output  being  uniforms  for 
Government  troops  in  the  State  of  Sonora  and  on  the  West  Coast. 
The  plant  is  now  closed  down. 

The  clothing  shops  of  Mazatlan  are  as  follows: 

1.  Fernandez  Hermanos,  Sues. — Capital,  15,000  pesos;  men’s  shirts,  overalls,  suits, 
etc.,  for  local  trade. 

2.  P.  C.  Fuentes.—* Capital,  10,000  pesos;  men’s  shirts,  overalls,  and  tailor-made 
clothing;  six  employees. 

3.  Jose  Naves. — Capital,  50,000  pesos;  men’s  shirts,  overalls,  mattresses;  also  gen- 
eral dry-goods  store. 

Formerly  very  little  ready-made  clothing  was  imported  on  the 
West  Coast,  it  being  the  custom  of  the  country  for  the  wealthy  people 
to  patronize  local  tailors  or  seamstresses  for  their  clothes,  or  to 
outfit  themselves  when  in  California  on  their  yearly  trips,  made 
usually  during  the  hot  season  of  the  year.  The  poorer  classes  of  the 
people  bought  the  material  in  the  local  stores  and  clothing  was  made 
up  by  their  women  in  the  home,  sewing  machines  being  very  common 
in  this  part  of  the  country  and  found  even  in  the  most  isolated  mining 
camps  and  ranches  of  the  far  interior.  Increasing  quantities  of 
men’s  ready-made  suits  are  being  imported  from  the  United  States, 
principally  in  light-weight  materials  such  as  "beach  cloth,”  etc. 

DYE-EXTRACT  FACTORY. 

The  first  dye-extract  factory  to  be  established  on  the  West  Coast 
was  that  of  the  Tintas  Mexicanas,  S.  A.,  owned  by  an  American 
and  started  in  1917,  the  location  being  at  La  Cruz,  north  of  Mazatlan 
on  the  Southern  Pacific  line.  The  capital  invested  is  about  25,000 
pesos,  and  the  first  product  of  brazil  wood  and  fustic  dye  extracts  was 
produced  in  April,  1922.  The  plant  employs  about  30  operatives. 
The  first  shipment  totaled  41,635  pounds  of  dye  extract,  which  went 
by  water  from  Mazatlan  to  New  York.  The  plant  also  turns  out 
granulated  dyewood  for  concentrated  shipment. 


202 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


TOBACCO  FACTORIES. 

Cigars  and  cigarettes  are  made  in  all  the  larger  towns  of  the  West 
Coast  from  tobacco  grown  principally  in  Nayarit.  There  is  one 
fairly  large  cigarette  factory  located  at  Hermosillo.  Mazatlan  has 
four,  one  of  which  has  a capital  of  2,000,000  pesos  and  an  annual 
business  of  1,500,000  pesos.  About  200  people  are  employed  in  this 
industry  alone  in  Mazatlan.  Tepic  and  Compostela  "also  have 
several  large  cigarette  and  cigar  factories,  and  others  are  located  at 
Santiago  Ixquintla  and  Acaponeta.  The  cigars  made  do  not  compare 
in  appearance  or  finish  with  those  of  the  Cuban  or  Vera  Cruz  factories, 
the  wrapper  leaf  not  being  as  fine  and  smooth  as  is  common  in  the 
cheapest  grade  of  cigars  sold  in  the  United  States.  The  great  demand 
on  the  West  Coast  is  for  paper- wrapped  cigarettes,  the  ends  of  the 
paper  being  turned  in  by  hand  and  not  gummed,  while  the  tobacco 
is  loose  and  granulated,  not  shredded. 

The  products  of  the  Mazatlan  and  Nayarit  factories  are  consumed 
in  great  volume  all  over  the  West  Coast  and  in  Lower  California. 

State  and  national  taxes  on  the  production  of  the  tobacco  products 
has  been  increased  enormously  during  the  past  few  years  in  Mexico — 
to  such  an  extent  that  the  cheapest  grade  of  native  cigarette,  which 
formerly  retailed  for  0.03^  peso  now  sells  for  0.10  peso.  American 
tobacco  products  do  not  enter  this  market,  as  the  protective  tariff 
is  much  too  high. 

MATCH  FACTORIES. 

A list  of  West  Coast  match  factories  follows: 

1.  Companfa  Industrial  y Explotadora,  S.  A.,  Guaymas  and  Hermosillo. 

2.  Felton  Ilermanos,  Mazatlan. 

3.  Juan  R.  Yzaliturri,  Mazatlan. 

4.  Kondo  Match  Co.,  Culiacan;  Japanese;  small. 

These  match  factories  import  normally  about  6 tons  of  chlorate  of 
potash  annually,  from  the  United  States. 

CANDY  FACTORIES. 

Very  little  fine  candy  is  imported,  on  account  of  climatic  conditions 
and  the  high  import  duties  on  all  kinds  of  confections.  Some 
American  bonbons  and  chocolates  in  box  form  are  sold  in  the  larger 
cities,  principally  Mazatlan,  but  the  trade  is  small,  as  few  people  can 
afford  the  price  and  the  product  is  little  known  to  most  persons. 
There  is  a very  considerable  household  industry  in  the  making  of 
confectionery  and  small  sweet  cakes  in  all  communities,  the  home- 
made goods  being  sold  on  the  street  by  vendors  from  small  wooden 
trays  and  stands. 

A chocolate  candy  factory  has  recently  been  started  in  Tepic, 
Nayarit,  where  native  cacao  and  chocolate  can  be  obtained.  High- 
grade  chocolates  and  bonbons,  as  well  as  a variety  of  fancy  colored 
candies,  are  being  made  and  shipped  on  individual  orders  as  far 
north  as  Culiacan  by  express  and  mail.  The  output  of  this  small 
new  factory  compares  very  favorably  with  the  best  American  product. 
Boxes,  extracts,  etc.,  are  imported  from  the  United  States. 


MANUFACTURIN'  G. 


203 


TANNERIES. 

There  is  a large  demand  for  the  rough  domestic  leather  of  the 
country  for  sandal  soles,  leather  pack-saddle  (“  aparrejo  ”)  making, 
saddle  making,  shoe  soles,  etc.  Small  tanneries  are  found  all  over 
the  country,  even  in  the  isolated  interior,  the  best  saddle  leather  (of 
a light  cream  color  and  very  soft)  coming  from  the  town  of  Tameapa, 
north  of  Badiraguato,  about  100  miles  from  Culiacan.  The  leather 
imported  is  used  only  for  shoe  uppers,  belting,  etc.,  and  is  of  special 
stock.  The  native  leather  is  crudely  tanned,  often  having  a white, 
hard  center,  spongy  surface,  and  no  finish.  No  machinery  is  used  at 
the  various  tanneries,  some  of  which  are  quite  large.  The  principal 
reagent  is  “ cascalote,”  which  is  found  in  the  country  in  quantities 
more  than  sufficient  for  the  domestic  industry. 

The  San  Geronimo  tannery,  located  3 miles  from  the  port  of 
Guaymas,  employs  40  to  50  men  and  turns  out  an  average  of  1,000  to 
1,200  sides  of  leather  per  week,  all  of  which  is  shipped  either  to 
Mexico  City  or  Guadalajara.  During  the  revolution  between  1916 
and  1919,  the  plant  was  sacked  and  damaged  by  the  Yaqui  Indians, 
with  a loss  of  40,000  pesos.  In  August,  1921,  this  plant  imported 
2,700  American  beef  hides  (64  tons)  from  San  Francisco  to  supple- 
ment the  local  supply,  on  account  of  the  depletion  of  the  cattle  in  the 
State  of  Sonora  as  a result  of  revolutionary  activities.  The  American 
hides  were  found  to  produce  a much  better  grade  of  leather  and  to  be 
cheaper  in  price  than  the  native  skins. 

In  Sinaloa  and  Nayarit  there  are  10  fairly  good-sized  tanneries 
producing  an  average  of  about  220  sides  of  native  leather  per  day,  the 
hides  coming  from  the  local  slaughterhouses.  The  largest  tannery  in 
Mexico  is  that  of  Rufloy  Cla.,  located  at  La  Paz,  Lower  California, 
where  modern  machinery  and  methods  are  employed,  “split”  leather 
being  made,  as  well  as  a finished  product  for  shoe  work,  saddlery, 
harness,  etc. 

This  company  is  said  to  have  a capital  of  500,000  pesos.  The 
plant  is  now  being  enlarged  to  give  it  a capacity  of  300  hides  per  day, 
100  per  day  being  turned  out  at  present.  Green  cattle  hides  are  pur- 
chased locally  and  also  up  and  down  the  West  Coast  and  as  far  east 
as  Chihuahua  and  other  parts  of  Mexico.  The  product  is  shipped 
principally  to  Mexico  City,  the  largest  volume  being  native  sole 
leather.  During  the  war  some  leather  was  even  shipped  to  the 
United  States  on  account  of  the  high  prices  being  paid  for  this  material 
at  that  time.  All  machinery  used  is  of  American  manufacture. 
The  principal  tanning  reagent  used  is  the  bark  of  the  “palo  bianco” 
tree  found  in  this  region. 

The  principal  objection  to  the  use  of  native  Mexican  leather  for 
shoe  soles  is  its  bad  odor,  when  wet  or  damp,  and  its  half-crude  con- 
dition. It  is  usually  either  too  soft  and  spongy,  or  else  left  unevenly 
tanned  in  the  center.  Some  tanneries,  however,  turn  out  a very 
creditable  product  which  makes  up  nicely  in  saddle  work,  etc.,  though 
it  does  not  have  the  elasticity  and  life  of  fine  American  or  English 
leathers  and  more  rapidly  hardens  and  cracks  after  a few  wettings 
when  used  for  shoes,  saddles,  or  harness,  although  this  condition  can 
be  helped  greatly  by  giving  it  plenty  of  foot  oil  and  proper  care. 


204 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


CONSIDERATIONS  IN  CONNECTION  WITH  MANUFACTURING. 

The  high  import  duties  levied  on  all  articles  of  manufacture  that 
can  be  classed  as  articles  of  prime  necessity,  many  of  which  Could  be 
manufactured  locally,  should  have  the  effect  of  stimulating  domestic 
industry,  at  least  to  the  extent  of  supplying  the  local  demand.  How- 
ever, the  high  taxes  on  capital  investment  in  industrial  facilities 
which  would  produce  such  a result,  the  general  indifference  of  the 
laboring  class,  and  the  attitude  of  the  officials  toward  capital  and 
industry  constitute  the  greatest  drawback  to  Mexican  development 
to-day.  Until  these  conditions  are  changed,  no  great  impetus  is 
likely  to  be  given  to  manufacturing  industry,  notwithstanding  the 
natural  and  tariff  advantages  that  exist.  It  should  also  be  borne  in 
mind,  when  considering  this  phase  of  development  in  Mexico,  and 
also  in  all  other  Latin  American  countries,  that  the  larger  percentage 
of  the  population  has  not  the  same  average  purchasing  power  per 
capita  as  the  people  of  the  United  States,  and  that  therefore  the 
market  for  products  is  much  more  limited  for  a given  number  of 
people.  Given  proper  legal  guaranties  and  helpful  legislation,  there 
undoubtedly  exist  many  opportunities  in  Mexico,  and  also  elsewhere 
in  Latin  America,  for  the  establishment  of  factories  making  goods  of 
prime  necessity  now  being  imported  in  large  quantities,  such  as 
leather  of  the  finer  grades,  glassware  and  chinaware,  cloth,  men’s 
haberdashery,  toilet  articles  and  soaps,  furniture  (both  metal  and  of 
wood),  paper  products,  and  innumerable  other  articles. 

COLD-STORAGE  PLANTS. 

Ice  plants  have  been  long  established  at  Hermosillo,  Guavmas, 
Culiacan,  Mazatlan,  and  Tepic,  but  no  cold-storage  plants  had  ever 
been  installed  until  in  May,  1922,  Americans  put  in  a new  plant  in  the 
Guaymas  public  market.  The  storage  box  is  divided  into  three  com- 

Eartments,  two  for  fish  and  one  for  meats  and  other  products,  and  it 
as  a capacity  of  2^  tons.  The  fish  compartment  is  held  at  a tempera- 
ture of  16°  to  20°  F.  The  meat  department  holds  10  beeves  and  8 
hogs  and  is  kept  at  33°  F.  The  room  for  cut  meats  has  a temperature 
of  36°  F.  Refrigeration  in  the  show  cases  is  held  at  45°  F.  Plans 
have  been  made  for  a larger  meat  and  fish  packing  and  storage  plant 
if  the  present  venture,  in  which  a capital  of  $20,000  is  invested,  is 
successful. 

The  ice  plants  of  both  Culiacan  and  Tepic  are  very  old,  practically 
worthless,  and  badly  in  need  of  replacement,  their  production  during 
the  hot  summer  months  not  being  nearly  sufficient  to  supply  the 
demand. 

ELECTRIC  LIGHTING  AND  POWER  PLANTS. 

Most  of  the  larger  towns  of  the  West  Coast,  not  included  in  the  list 
of  the  five  largest  cities,  now  have  small,  modern  electric  lighting 
plants,  either  municipally  or  privately  owned.  There  is  small 
demand  for  individual  lighting  sets,  except  in  a few  of  the  larger 
ranches  and  mining  camps.  Particulars  concerning  the  principal 
West  Coast  plants  are  given  below. 


MANUFACTURING. 


205 


HERMOSILLO,  SONORA. 

The  Hermosillo  plant  is  owned  and  operated  by  “ La  Hernxosillense  ” 
flour  mill  company.  The  plant  consists  of  two  Corliss  steam  engines 
driving  one  250-kilowatt  and  one  150-kilowatt  alternating-current 
generators — 2,300  volts,  three  phase,  60  cycles.  Lighting  voltage  is 
110  and  power  voltage  220.  The  plant  has  1,200  consumers;  the 
flour  mill  uses  60  kilowatts  of  the  power  output  of  the  plant  and  power 
consumers  about  one-third  of  the  total.  Seventy-five  per  cent  of  the 
lighting  equipment  used  in  the  city  is  made  by  one  large  American 
company.  Wood  is  used  for  fuel  in  the  power  plant. 

GUAYMAS,  SONORA. 

For  a description  of  the  lighting  and  power  plant  at  Guaymas — now 
being  renewed — the  reader  is  referred  to  page  200. 

SANTA  ROSALIA,  LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 

The  Santa  Rosalia  plant  is  owned  and  operated  by  “El  Boleo” 
Mining  Co.,  controlled  by  the  French  Rothschild  family,  which  owns 
the  great  copper  mines  located  at  this  point.  The  plant  consists  of 
five  units,  steam  driven,  made  by  the  Societe  d’Oerlikon,  of  Switzer- 
land. The  total  capacity  is  1,600  kilowatts,  most  of  the  current  being 
used  by  the  company’s  mines,  smelters,  and  reduction  plants.  The 
current  is  alternating;  frequency,  42 ; three  phase;  generator  voltage, 
5,000;  secondary  distribution,  220  and  380  volts;  four  wire. 

CULIACAN,  SINALOA. 

The  Culiacan  Electric  Co.’s  plant  is  owned  by  the  Tariba  family,  and 
consists  of  two  units,  with  steam  engines  driving,  by  belts,  two  alter- 
nating-current generators  with  a total  capacity  of  290  kilowatts. 
Transmission  is  three  phase,  60  cycles,  2,300  volts,  stepped  down  to 
110  volts  and  220  volts  for  lighting.  No  meters  are  used,  there  being 
a flat  rate  of  1 peso  per  month  per  25-watt  light. 

MAZATLAN,  SINALOA. 

The  Mazatlan  electric  lighting  and  power  plant  is  owned  by  the 
Empresa  de  Corriete  Electrica,  S.  A.  The  generating  plant  consists 
of  two  700-horsepower  American-made  steam  engines  and  a direct- 
connected  165-horsepower  producer  gas  motor  of  the  Otto  type,  made 
in  Italy,  driving  generators  of  American  make,  of  a total  capacity  of 
575  kilowatts,  generating  two  phase,  60  cycle,  voltage  1,100.  Trans- 
mission is  at  1,100  volts;  lighting  voltage  110  and  power  voltage  220. 
The  number  of  customers  served  for  lighting  current  was  1,215  in 
April,  1922,  while  power  users  numbered  18.  Light  and  power 
charges,  shown  in  United  States  currency,  are  as  follows: 

Light  rates. — 25-watt,  $1.50  per  month;  50-watt,  $2  per  month;  100-watt,  $3  per 
month.  By  meter;  First  50  kilowatts,  $0.25;  next  100  kilowatts,  $0,225;  next  100 
kilowatts,  $0.20;  additional  at  $0,175. 

Power  rates. — 1 to  1,000  kilowatts,  $0,125;  2,000  kilowatts,  $0,105;  3,000  kilowatts, 
$10;  4,000  kilowatts,  $0,095;  5,000  kilowatts,  $0.09;  6,000  kilowatts,  $0,085;  above 
6,000  kilowatts,  $0.08  per  kilowatt. 


206 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


ROSARIO,  SINALOA. 

The  Rosario  plant  is  owned  by  the  “Minas  del  Tajo,”  with  offices 
in  Mazatlan  and  at  the  mines.  The  plant  consists  of  two  German 
Duetz  producer-gas  motors,  developing  a total  of  1,000  kilowatts; 
alternating  current;  transmission  at  2,200  volts;  terminals,  220 
volts  for  light  and  440  volts  for  power.  The  average  load  carried  is 
620  kilowatts.  This  plant  supplies  light  for  the  town  of  Rosario,  the 
current  being  sold  through  meters.  The  lighting  rate  is  SI  United 
States  currency  per  25-watt  light  per  month,  and  the  power-current 
rate  is  $0,045  per  kilowatt-hour.  The  principal  use  of  current  is  for 
the  mine  plant  of  the  “Minas  del  Tajo'’  company. 

TEPIC,  NAYARIT. 

The  owners  of  the  Tepic  plant  are  D.  G.  Aguirre  Sues.,  the  plant 
being  located  on  the  Tepic  River  at  the  falls,  3 kilometers  from  the 
city.  Two  American  generators  with  a total  capacity  of  350  kilo- 
watts are  driven  by  water  wheels.  The  current  is  alternating,  three 
phase,  60  cycle,  generator  voltage  6,000;  distribution  at  2,300  volts; 
light  110  volts  and  power  220  volts.  The  capacity  of  the  largest 
single-phase  motor  permitted  is  35  horsepower.  The  capacity  of  the 
largest  motor  with  short-circuited  rotor  is  15  horsepower.  Current 
is  sold  through  meters.  The  rate  for  lighting  is  $0.75  United  States 
currency  per  lamp  of  40  watts,  while  for  power  it  is  $7.50  per  month 
per  horsepower. 

ENSENADA,  LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 

The  plant  at  Ensenada  is  municipally  owned  and  has  one  50-kilo- 
watt  and  one  12-kilowatt  generator.  The  prime  movers  are  petro- 
leum engines.  The  supply  is  three- wire,  110/220-volt  direct  current. 
The  plant  operates  from  5 to  lip.  m.  The  12-kilowatt  generator  is 
used  to  supply  the  theater  in  the  town.  The  rate  is  $1  United  States 
currency  per  outlet  per  month. 

EMPALME,  SONORA. 

The  Southern  Pacific  of  Mexico  Railroad  Co.  has,  at  Empalme,  a 
plant  -with  two  tandem  compound  steam  engines  operating  200-kilo- 
watt  generators.  The  supply  is  direct  current,  three  wire.  110/220 
volts.  The  rate  is  7 cents  per  kilowatt-hour  for  both  light  and 
power.  The  connected  load  of  this  plant  exclusive  of  the  railroad 
shop  is  only  19  kilowatts. 

CANANEA,  SONORA. 

The  Cananea  Consolidated  Copper  Co.  has  a plant  with  a total 
capacity  of  9,100  kilowatts.  Current  is  generated  at  2,300  volts, 
alternating  current,  three  phase,  60  cycles,  and  distributed  at  110, 
220,  and  440  volts. 


LIVE  STOCK. 


CATTLE  RAISING. 

For  many  years  cattle  had  been  one  of  the  principal  and  stable 
sources  of  wealth  of  all  the  West  Coast  territory  until  the  revolutions 
greatly  depleted  the  herds.  At  present  the  supply  of  beef  cattle  is 
ample  for  local  needs,  and  Sonora  has  an  excess  of  beef  cattle  for 
export  to  other  parts  of  Mexico,  being  about  the  only  region  in  the 
Republic  where  this  condition  obtains  to-day. 

The  States  of  Sonora  and  Chihuahua  have  great  expanses  of  open- 
range  country  in  which  semiarid  desert  conditions  prevail  and  which 
have  long  been  famous  cattle-producing  sections  of  Mexico.  Farther 
south  along  the  West  Coast  the  coastal  plain  becomes  very  narrow, 
brush  and  timber  increase  with  the  rainfall,  and  there  is  no  open 
range  as  the  term  is  applied  in  the  Western  States  of  the  United  States. 
In  Sinaloa  and  Nayarit  the  cattle  run  in  the  brush  and  foothill  mesas 
during  the  rainy  season  and  are  collected  and  held  in  the  cornfields 
after  the  corn  harvest  in  the  fall  when  the  brush  is  dry.  The  northern 
half  of  Sonora  has  long  been  recognized  as  a good  cattle  country  and 
the  greater  portion  of  the  land  has  been  devoted  to  cattle  for  genera- 
tions, large  numbers  being  exported  to  the  American  markets 
annually  prior  to  the  revolutions.  Americans  own  and  operate 
some  of  the  largest  and  best  cattle  ranges  in  this  State,  but  they,  in 
common  with  the  Mexican  cattle  raisers  at  present,  are  suffering  from 
the  effect  of  low  prices  for  cattle,  combined  with  the  difficulties  of 
securing  banking  accommodations  for  the  purpose  of  holding  their 
herds  on  the  range  until  market  conditions  improve.  The  cattle 
industry  of  the  United  States  faces  the  same  conditions,  but  in 
Mexico  the  difficulty  of  securing  money  is  accentuated.  Cattlemen 
are  forced  to  sacrifice  their  market  stock  at  ruinous  prices.  During 
1922  cattlemen  with  range  and  capital  were  buying  yearlings  at  $5 
United  States  currency  per  head,  paying  slightly  more  for  selected 
stock  near  the  border  or  rail  transportation.  Offers  were  being 
received  in  Nogales  in  July  and  August  for  the  sale  of  2-year-olds  at 
$7  per  head,  delivery  to  be  made  on  the  Mexican  side  of  the  line.  Beef 
cattle  4 and  5 years  old  were  selling  for  $20  to  $22  per  head,  United 
States  currency.  Northern  Sonora  was  shipping  cattle  for  slaughter 
purposes  to  Hermosillo  and  Guaymas.  The  northern  range  had 
plenty  of  rain  in  the  summer  of  1922,  and  the  range  conditions  for 
that  year  were  very  good. 

When  the  above  range  prices  obtained,  the  American  import  duty 
on  cattle  from  Mexico  was  30  per  cent  ad  valorem,  amounting  to  an 
average  of  $4  on  2-year-olds  and  about  $6  per  head  on  3-year-olds. 
Taking  into  consideration  the  American  import  duty,  the  freight  to 
the  border,  and  the  dipping,  it  was  found  that  the  prices  being  paid 
for  the  pick  of  the  Mexican  herds  in  Juty,  1922,  netted  the  owners 
about  $8.25  per  head,  United  States  currency,  for  3 and  4 year  old 
stock.  Invoice  values  of  cattle  being  imported  from  Sonora  to  the 
United  States  in  1922  averaged  $12.13  each  for  2-year-olds  and  $15.50 

207 


208 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


per  head  for  3-year-olds,  although  some  sales  were  made  at  $17  per 
head  for  3-year-olds,  and  heavy  stock  went  as  high  as  $25  each.  (See 
reference  to  tariff  act  of  1922  on  p.  210.) 

Milk  cows  are  in  demand  and  are  being  imported  from  the  United 
States,  Holsteins  being  preferred.  Breeders  were  importing  little 
or  no  blooded  stock  for  the  range  breeding  in  1922. 

The  cattle  industry  of  Sonora  is  no  longer  in  the  hands  of  a few 
powerful  cattle  magnates,  but  is  distributed,  in  general,  among 
small  stockmen.  The  most  important  market  for  Sonora  cattle  for 
the  past  year,  or  longer,  has  been  in  Mexico  City,  which  has  been 
taking  an  average  of  700  head  per  day  of  imported  cattle.  Beef 
cattle  have  also  been  recently  imported  by  water  via  Vera  Cruz  from 
Colombia,  Venezuela,  and  Guatemala  to  supply  this  demand. 

The  cattle  from  Sonora  destined  for  the  Mexico  City  market  are 
shipped  by  rail,  in  bond,  through  the  United  States.  They  reenter 
Mexico  at  Laredo,  Texas,  and  are  sent  south  from  there  as  domestic 
stock,  which  receives  the  benefit  of  a differential  freight  rate — about 
one-third  as  much  per  carload  as  the  rail  rate  on  American  stock, 
which  also  has  to  pay  a heavy  bridge  toll  rate  and  is  subject  to 
Mexican  quarantine  regulations  affecting  live  stock.  All  these  disad- 
vantages greatly  increase  the  expense  to  shippers  of  American  cattle, 
of  which  there  was  a large  surplus  held  over  in  the  winter  of  1921-22  on 
the  ranges  in  southwestern  Texas  on  account  of  the  prevailing  market 
conditions  and  low  prices  for  beef  cattle  in  the  United  States.  Be- 
cause of  the  high  American  import  duty  on  beef  cattle,  Mexico  City 
has  been  taking  the  greater  bulk  of  Sonora’s  surplus  cattle  production 
during  1921-22.  During  1921  more  than  100,000  head  of  cattle  for 
slaughter  purposes  were  sent  into  Mexico  City  from  Texas  and  Sonora, 
the  larger  proportion  being  American  cattle. 

HOGS,  SHEEP,  AND  GOATS. 

The  production  of  hogs  is  sufficient  for  the  domestic  demand 
throughout  the  West  Coast.  Hogs  are  sold  by  the  head  and  not  by 
weight.  A fat  animal  weighing  100  kilos  or  over  (approximately  220 
pounds)  sells  for  $15  to  $20,  United  States  currency. 

Commercially  speaking,  there  are  no  sheep  or  goats  anywhere  in 
the  West  Coast  territory.  Sheep  do  not  do  well  in  the  hot  climate 
and  brush  of  Sinaloa  or  Nayarit. 

IMPORTATION  OF  MEXICAN  CATTLE  TO  UNITED  STATES  IMPRACTICABLE. 

The  new  American  tariff  act  of  1922  imposes  an  import  duty  of 
$0.0H  per  pound  on  beef  cattle  up  to  1,050  pounds  in  weight,  bringing 
the  import  duty  on  range  cattle  from  Sonora  to  from  $9  to  $11  per 
head  on  3-year-old  stock.  This  amounts  to  practically  70  per  cent 
of  the  value  of  the  animal  at  present-day  prices  in  the  United  States 
for  this  class  of  beef  material.  This  increase  in  the  American  import 
duty  on  cattle  from  Sonora  renders  impracticable  the  importation 
of  Mexican  stock  into  the  United  States.  The  Mexican  import  rates 
on  American  and  South  American  cattle  have  recently  been  increased 
by  the  Mexican  Government,  and  this  provision  should  greatly  assist 
native  breeders. 

The  cattle  ranges  in  Nayarit  were  practically  denuded  of  stock 
during  the  years  of  revolution,  although  enough  cattle  remain  for 


UVE  STOCK. 


209 


the  local  supply  of  beef  and  for  draft-oxen  purposes.  Sinaloa  has 
sufficient  cattle  left — held  in  very  small  herds  of  a few  hundred  each, 
or  less.  Prices  at  present  are  so  low  and  the  local  slaughter  demand 
so  small  throughout  the  State  that  little  attention  is  being  given  to 
this  branch  of  industry. 

There  are  no  reliable  figures  covering  the  number  of  head  of  live 
stock  now  on  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico. 

EXPORTS  OF  BEEF  CATTLE. 

During  1920  exports  of  beef  cattle  from  Sonora  to  the  United 
States  through  the  entry  ports  of  Nogales,  Douglas,  and  Naco,  Ariz., 
totaled  47,023  head,  valued  at  $1,559,173,  United  States  currency. 
In  1921  the  number  of  head  was  only  14,171  and  the  declared  valua- 
tion $369,515.  During  the  first  six  months  of  1922  exports  of  cattle 
from  Sonora  totaled  12,240  head,  valued  at  $178,319.  The  decrease 
in  exports  of  beef  cattle  to  the  United  States  in  1921  and  1922,  as 
compared  with  1920,  was  due  to  the  drop  in  prices  coincident  with 
the  slump  in  prices  for  all  commodities  in  the  fall  of  1920.  Pre- 
revolutionary exports  of  cattle  from  Sonora  to  the  United  States 
averaged  about  100,000  head  per  year. 

FUTURE  OF  THE  INDUSTRY. 

The  northern  half  of  the  State  of  Sonora  is  a natural  “open-range” 
cattle  country  throughout  which  the  production  of  beef  cattle  can  be 
greatly  increased  under  normal  .political  and  market  conditions.  The 
future  of  the  industry  in  this  section  depends  upon  several  factors, 
among  which  are  the  recovery  of  the  market,  stable  political  condi- 
ditions  in  Mexico,  and  guaranty  of  land  titles,  which  are  now  affected 
by  the  ever-present  danger  of  confiscation  under  the  agrarian  law  of 
Mexico — several  American  ranches  in  Sonora  having  been  recently 
taken  over  for  partition  and  allotment  to  the  “pueblos.” 

CATTLE-RANGE  CONDITIONS  IN  NORTHERN  SONORA. 

Grass  is  plentiful  on  the  high  mesa  lands  of  northern  Sonora  except 
in  years  of  unusual  drought.  Browse  remains  green  all  the  year 
round.  There  is  little  surface  water,  but  sufficient  water  for  stock 
can  be  easily  obtained  almost  anywhere  by  means  of  shallow  wells. 
The  average  altitude  of  the  range  country  is  4,000  feet  above  sea 
level,  and  there  is  little  or  no  snow,  cattle  wintering  on  the  range 
in  good  condition  when  there  is  sufficient  feed.  The  cattle  are  not 
fed  in  winter.  The  top  soil  contains  little  alkali.  The  region  is 
remarkably  free  from  disease,  on  account  of  the  elevation  and  dry 
climate. 

Average  estimates  place  the  grazing  area  for  one  head  of  range 
stock  at  15  acres. 

Sheep  are  few,  and  no  estimates  on  grazing  them  can  be  obtained. 

The  State  of  Sonora  leases  Government  and  State  lands  for  live- 
stock grazing  on  the  following  terms  and  conditions: 

For  a temporary  grazing  permit,  valid  for  an  indefinite  period,  a 
charge  is  made  of  1 peso  per  head  shown  on  the  importer’s  manifest, 
and  thereafter  an  annual  tax  of  12  pesos  per  1,000  pesos  of  the  value 
44807°— 23 -15 


210 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


of  the  cattle  held  on  the  range  leased,  this  valuation  being  arbitrarily 
fixed  at  15  pesos  per  head.  This  tax  is  payable  quarterly  in  advance. 

The  regular  land  tax  applying  to  residents  varies  with  the  location 
of  the  land.  There  are  three  groups,  depending  upon  the  general 
situation  and  location,  and  each  group  is  again  divided  into  four 
classes:  (1)  Near  railroad  and  with  water;  (2)  with  water  and  im- 
proved; (3)  unimproved  but  capable  of  improvement;  (4)  barren 
lands.  The  taxation  rates  per  annum  are  as  follows,  per  hectare 
(1  hectare  = 2.47  acres): 


Classes. 

First 

group. 

Second 

group. 

Third 

group. 

Pesos. 
2. 00 
. 75 
1.00 
.04 

Pesos. 
1.50 
. 50 
.75 
.03 

Pesos. 

1.00 

.25 

.50 

.02 

The  lands  near  the  larger  towns  are  placed  in  the  first  group. 
The  tax  rates  per  annum  on  cattle  are: 


Value. 

Tax  per 
1,000 
pesos 
valuation. 

Value. 

Tax  per 
1,000 
pesos 
valuation 

Pesos. 

8 

Up  to  20,000  pesos 

Pesos. 

11 

9 

12 

Up  to  15^000  pesos 

10 

There  is  no  Mexican  import  duty  on  cattle  brought  into  the  country 
to  stock  ranges,  nor  is  any  export  duty  imposed. 

AMERICAN  IMPORT  DUTIES  ON  LIVE  STOCK. 

According  to  paragraph  701  of  the  United  States  tariff  act  of  1922, 
the  duty  on  cattle  weighing  less  than  1,050  pounds  each  is  SO.Ollr 
United  States  currency  per  pound  live  weight;  and  on  those  weighing 
1,050  pounds  each,  or  more,  $0.02  per  pound.  According  to  para- 
graph 702,  sheep  and  goats  pay  a duty  of  $2  United  States  currency 
per  head.  Paragraph  714  provides  an  import  duty  of  $50  per  head 
on  horses  and  mules  valued  at  not  more  than  $150  United  States 
currency  per  head;  while  on  those  valued  at  more  than  $150  per  head 
the  import  duty  into  the  United  States  is  20  per  cent  ad  valorem. 
Paragraph  1506  provides  that  live  stock  straying  across  the  boundary 
into  Mexico,  or  driven  across  by  their  owners  for  pasturage  temporarily 
are,  together  with  their  offspring,  free  of  duty  if  brought  back  into 
the  United  States  within  eight  months.190 


i >a  By  joint  resolution  of  March  3,  1923,  the  above  period  has  been  extended  to  one  year,  effective  March 
4, 1923,'  and  constituting  a special  privilege  only  for  one  year. 


PETROLEUM. 


PROSPECTING  FOR  OIL. 

The  entire  peninsula  of  Lower  California  and  the  West  Coast 
territory  have  been  variously  explored  for  indications  of  petroleum 
by  parties  of  geologists  from  time  to  time  without  the  drilling  of  a 
single  exploration  well  thus  far,  although  such  drilling  is  predicted 
for  the  district  lying  to  the  north  and  east  of  Guaymas  in  the  near 
future.  The  territory  has  been  covered  from  time  to  time  by  Govern- 
ment concessions,  many  of  which  are  still  in  force  and  being  offered 
to  the  various  large  oil  companies  in  the  United  States  and  Europe. 

In  1922  one  of  the  Federal  Government  concessions  covering  the 
entire  coast  district  of  the  State  of  Sonora  was  explored  by  an  Ameri- 
can oil  company  and  the  bulk  of  the  territory  turned  back  to  the 
concessionnaire,  with  the  exception  of  certain  areas  in  the  Altar  dis- 
trict in  which  it  was  planned  to  drill  test  wells  in  the  near  future. 

Indications  of  oil  have  been  recently  found  near  Elgin,  a short 
distance  north  of  the  Mexico-Arizona  line,  near  Nogales.  Local 
capital  (the  Nogales  Oil  & Gas  Co.)  is  now  drilling  a test  well  to 
determine  the  value  of  the  territory  for  oil.  In  May,  1922,  another 
report  indicated  that  Texas  oil  interests  were  preparing  to  drill 
another  test  well  in  Sonora  across  the  line  from  Agua  rrieta,  applica- 
tion for  the  necessary  drilling  permit  having  been  made  to  the  gover- 
nor of  Sonora. 

The  Sonora  State  government,  in  the  hope  of  realizing  large  reve- 
nues from  petroleum  production,  has  variously  encouraged  prospect- 
ing for  oil  in  that  State.  In  December,  1921,  a Mexican  engineer 
and  geologist  reported  the  discovery  of  surface  indications  of  petro- 
leum in  the  Altar  district,  and  it  was  rumored  that  one  of  the  large 
American  oil  companies  had  purchased  part  of  a tract  of  1,500,000 
acres  of  land  in  the  northwestern  part  of  Sonora. 

Sinaloa  and  Nayarit,  particularly  the  latter  State,  have  been 
prospected  for  indications  of  petroleum,  usually  by  American  engi- 
neers following  rumors  of  seepages,  etc.,  brought  in  by  natives.  To 
date  these  reports  have  resulted  in  nothing  definite  in  the  way  of  sur- 
face indications  of  petroleum  bodies,  although  geologists  state  that 
the  structure  of  a basin  which  lies  about  50  miles  north  of  Culiacan 
might  lead  to  the  discovery  of  oil.  No  oil  wells  have  been  drilled 
in  either  State,  so  far.  Prospecting  for  oil  along  the  West  Coast  has 
included  the  various  islands  of  the  Gulf  of  California,  including 
Carmen  Island  north  of  Guaymas,  which  was  the  scene  of  an  expedi- 
tion early  in  1920. 

In  1919  the  Department  of  Commerce  and  Industry  of  the  Mexican 
Government  sent  to  the  West  Coast  and  to  Lower  California  a mineral- 
survey  expedition  which  paid  particular  attention  to  indications  of 
petroleum  on  the  islands  of  the  gulf. 

Oil  shale  is  said  to  have  been  found  in  drilling  wells  for  water  supply 
at  Cananea  several  years  ago. 


211 


212 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


SALES  METHODS  FOR  PETROLEUM  PRODUCTS. 

The  northern  part  of  the  State  of  Sonora  is  really  part  of  the 
Arizona  trade  territory  for  the  distribution  of  refined  petroleum 
products,  although  the  Mexican  Eagle  Oil  Co.  (Compania  de  Petroleo 
“El  Aguila,”  British)  maintains  supply  depots  of  products,  including 
gasoline,  kerosene,  and  lubricants,  at  all  the  larger  cities  and  towns — 
shipping  from  its  refineries  on  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  by  water  via  the 
Panama  Canal  to  West  Coast  ports — and  sends  out  salesmen  to 
cover  all  the  commercial  districts  of  the  West  Coast,  the  main  office 
and  depot  being  located  at  Mazatlan.  In  northern  Sonora  refined 
products  are  supplied  chiefly  by  American  oil  companies  from  the 
United  States,  but  the  Mexican  refineries  can  supply  hulk  fuel  oil  to 
the  mines  cheaper  than  the  American  companies  can.  Prices  are 
the  same  as  for  the  Arizona  border  cities,  plus  freight  charges,  import 
duties,  and  handling  charges,  on  refined  products. 

Refined  products,  principally  kerosene,  are  handled  by  small 
dealers  in  tne  interior  who  purchase  their  supplies  from  the  depots 
in  the  larger  cities. 

MEXICAN  IMPORT  DUTIES. 

Gasoline  is  free  of  import  duty,  but  kerosene  pays  0.10  peso  per 
kilo  legal  weight,  or  approximately  $0.15  United  States  currency 
per  gallon,  a gallon  weighing  about  3 kilos.  Crude  and  fuel  oils 
pay  no  import  duty.  Lubricants  pay  0.07  peso  per  kilo,  or  $0.03£ 
United  States  currency  per  gallon. 

IMPORT  FIGURES. 


Imports  of  petroleum  products  from  the  United  States,  through 
the  Nogales  district  (including  Naco,  Douglas,  and  Agua  Prieta), 
during  the  calendar  year  1921  were  as  follows: 


Classification. 

Gallons. 

Value,  in 
dollars. 

734.  S62 
527, 101 
25, 147 
471,318 
12,787 

10,644 

32,156 

6,950 

112,041 

2,162 

1,771,215 

163,953 

Of  the  above  total  of  crude  oil,  612,181  gallons,  valued  at  $6,599, 
were  from  Mexican  fields. 

The  petroleum  products  imported  through  the  port  of  Mazatlan 
and  distributed  throughout  the  States  of  Sinaloa  and  Nayarit  during 
the  calendar  year  1921  amounted  to  $432,795  United  States  currency, 
although  the  larger  portion  of  the  gasoline  and  kerosene  consumed 
was  from  refineries  on  the  east  coast  of  Mexico,  produced  principally 
by  the  “El  Aguila”  and  Pierce  oil  companies.  The  consumption 
of  gasoline  is  steadily  growing  with  the  increasing  numbers  of  auto- 
mobiles in  use  throughout  the  West  Coast. 


PETROLEUM. 


213 


USE  OF  FUEL  OIL. 

In  December,  1922,  the  Southern  Pacific  Railroad  of  Mexico 
began  construction  of  two  steel  oil  tanks  at  Ardilla  Point,  Guaymas — 
the  tanks  to  have  a capacity  of  150,000  barrels— for  the  purpose  of 
supplying  the  locomotives  of  this  railway  from  Guaymas  to  Tepic, 
Nayarit.  This  step  became  necessary  on  account  of  the  increasing 
cost  of  coal  and  wood  for  fuel.  The  tanks  will  be  located  on  the  top 
of  Ardilla  Island,  the  oil  being  delivered  by  gravity  into  the  tank 
supply  cars  of  the  railway.  The  fuel  oil  will  be  brought  by  tank 
steamers  from  Tampico,  via  the  Panama  Canal. 

The  Compafua  Naviera  de  los  Estados  de  Mexico  (Mexican  States 
Steamship  Line)  has  recently  purchased  the  oil  barge  Simla,  having  a 
capacity  of  23,000  barrels,  from  the  Union  Oil  Co.,  of  California,  to 
be  used  as  a fuel-oil  storage  barge  at  Manzanillo.  Fuel  oil  will  be 
furnished  to  vessels  of  other  lines  in  an  emergency.  This  provision 
of  fuel  oil  at  Manzanillo  on  the  West  Coast  follows  the  discontinuance 
of  the  fuel-oil  supply  service  of  the  Eagle  Oil  Co.  (Compania  de 
Petroleo  “El  Aguila”)  at  Salina  Cruz.  Vessels  touching  at  Safina 
Cruz  for  fuel  oil  must  now  wait  about  one  week,  until  the  supply  can 
be  shipped  in  tank  cars  from  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  side  of  the  isthmus 
over  the  Tehuantepec  -Railway,  the  cost  at  Salina  Cruz  being  $4.25 
per  barrel,  against  $2.50  at  Manzanillo. 


MINING. 

OUTLINE  OF  DEVELOPMENT. 

In  early  colonial  times  the  mining  country  of  the  West  Coast  of 
Mexico  stretched  from  the  Gila  River  in  Arizona,  across  the  deserts 
of  Sonora,  down  the  Sierra  Madre  Range  to  Jalisco.  Arispe,  the  old 
capital  of  the  Royal  Provinces  of  Sonora  and  Sinaloa  in  the  time 
of  Philip  III,  of  Spain,  was  the  northern  center  of  the  industry,  and 
the  region  produced  one-fifth  of  the  riches  that  found  their  way  to 
Spain.  Mining  was  the  principal  industry  everywhere  for  two 
centuries.  To-day  the  ruins  of  ancient  towns  and  mission  churches — 
many  of  them  marked  only  by  the  remains  of  old  walls — are  found 
along  the  river  valleys  and  in  the  hills  where  the  old  camps  existed. 
The  Indians  were  good  surface  miners,  and  the  conquerors  utilized 
their  labors  to  the  fullest  extent.  With  slavery  and  peonage,  even 
low-grade  properties,  which  can  not  be  worked  to-day  with  modern 
mechanical  and  chemical  methods,  were  made  to  pay  a profit.  From 
1810  to  1821  revolt  wasted  the  land,  and  many  are  the  tales  of  hidden 
mines  of  fabulous  richness  which  were  closed  and  hidden  by  their 
Spanish  owners  in  their  retreat  from  the  country. 

Communication  was  by  pack  mule,  and  even  the  Indians  were 
used  in  the  mountains  as  burden  carriers.  The  old  routes,  known  as 
“caminos  reales,”  were  dotted  with  military  stations,  or  blockhouses, 
where  garrisons  protected  the  bullion  trains  from  the  Indians  and 
bandits.  During  the  troubled  time  of  the  first  Governments  of  the 
Republic  of  Mexico  the  territory  was  practically  abandoned  to  its  own 
devices  by  the  central  Government,  and  the  depredations  of  Indians 
and  bad  characters  hurt  the  mining  industry.  In  1825  came  the  great 
Apache  uprising.  Thousands  were  killed  in  Arizona  and  Sonora,  and 
hundreds  of  productive  mines  were  abandoned.  In  1853  came  the 
Gadsden  Purchase,  which  gave  part  of  the  region  to  Arizona.  After 
the  Civil  War,  in  the  seventies,  the  military  authorities  of  the  United 
States  were  able  to  cooperate  with  the  forces  of  General  Diaz  against 
the  Indians,  until  in  1884,  the  last  of  the  predator}*  bands  were  either 
killed  or  captured.  For  the  first  time  in  60  years  peace  returned  to 
the  region  and  mining  again  became  active  with  an  influx  of  American 
miners  and  capital  into  Sonora.  During  all  these  years  of  devasta- 
tion and  danger  a few  rich  mines  had  managed  to  continue  operations. 
Many  records  of  this  time  read  like  romances  of  the  Spanish  Main. 
There  are  tales  of  lost  mines,  treasure,  old  maps,  deathbed  secrets  of 
mine  and  treasure  locations,  Indian  raids,  expeditions,  political 
intrigues  and  plots,  military  movements,  revolutions,  death  of  entire 
parties  from  thirst  and  hunger  on  the  desert — a long  history  in  which 
many  Americans  of  the  pioneer  stock  took  an  active  part. 

There  are  mines  with  a record  of  a production  of  830,000.000  in 
silver  and  gold.  Some  mines  have  been  worked  almost  continuously 
for  300  years.  In  Guadalupe  y Calvo,  in  southern  Chihuahua,  the 
British  carried  machinery  in  from  Vera  Cruz  and  Tampico,  in  oxcarts 
overland,  and  then  on  mules  and  men’s  backs  into  the  high  mountains 
crossing  the  backbone  of  the  range  to  this  rich  property — to  reach 

214 


MINING. 


216 


which  now  involves  six  days’  hard  mule-hack  travel  from  the  end  of 
the  Parral  & Durango  Railway  out  of  Parral,  from  the  eastern  side, 
and  about  the  same  by  trail,  from  the  railway  on  the  West  Coast. 
This  company  imported  even  pianos  by  the  same  route,  and  the 
managers  and  superintendents  rode  through  the  mountains  in  chairs 
carried  by  peons  and  Indians.  In  1905  the  stamps  of  the  mill  on  the 
Batopilas  property  of  Governor  Shepard,  located  in  Chihuahua  near 
the  Sinaloa  line,  frequently  hung  up  on  the  cams  on  account  of  the 
silver  and  gold  in  the  ore  collecting  under  the  stamp  shoe  in  such 
quantities  as  to  necessitate  removal  by  means  of  a cold  chisel.  For- 
tunes have  been  taken  from  old  gold  mine  dumps  by  cyanide.  Every- 
where in  the  mountains  there  are  tales  of  rich  old  mines  called 
“antiguas,”  and  the  prospector  and  engineer  often  finds  veins  in 
which  are  seen  the  old  drill  holes  made  with  a round  iron  bar  3 to  4 
inches  in  diameter,  shod  with  steel,  and  the  hole  sprung  with  quick- 
lime burned  near  by  and  packed  to  the  workings  on  mules  or  burros. 
In  Badiraguato,  Sinaloa,  the  mining  agent,  living  in  an  old  colonial 
house,  found  a hidden  treasure  in  the  walls  left  there  by  the  colonial 
Spaniards  when  they  were  driven  from  the  country  by  the  Indians 
and  “mestizos.” 

In  20  years  Sonora  came  to  the  front  as  a mining  country;  the 
region  took  on  new  life,  mining  was  resumed  in  all  parts  of  the  West 
Coast,  old  mines  were  opened  and  wonderful  new  discoveries  were 
made.  Machinery  was  brought  in,  and  great,  modern  mining  camps 
were  established,  having  their  own  railways  to  connect  with  trans- 
continental lines  in  the  United  States.  Arizona  and  Sonora  reached 
the  front  rank  as  copper  producers,  the  great  mines  at  Cananea, 
Bisbee,  and  Nacozari  producing  a total  of  118,057,000  pounds  in  1903. 
The  production  of  gold  and  silver  also  reached  large  proportions  and 
increased  annually.  The  Minas  Prietas  mines  alone,  about  200  miles 
south  of  the  border  at  Nogales,  produced  an  annual  value  of  $3,000,000. 

The  western  watershed  of  the  Sierra  Madres  in  Chihuahua,  before 
the  construction  of  the  Southern  Pacific  down  the  West  Coast  in 
1908  and  1909,  was  reached  from  the  Mexican  Central  Railway  from 
El  Paso,  thence  to  Parral,  and  then  by  the  Parral  and  Durango 
logging  road  into  the  mountains  to  the  west,  whence  mule  transport 
was  used  across  the  main  range  to  the  western  side,  to  Guadalupe  y 
Calvo,  Morelos,  Barborigame,  El  Trigo,  etc.  Miners  and  engineers 
also  traveled  down  the  railways  to  Guaymas  and  took  steamer  to 
Topolobampo,  Altata,  and  Mazatlan  for  the  eastern  Sinaloa  and 
Nayarit  regions,  all  reached  from  the  coast  by  mule  travel  into  the 
interior,  it  is  safe  to  say  that  there  is  hardly  an  old  trail,  or  old 
mine,  or  district  into  which  some  American  prospector  or  engineer 
has  not  penetrated  in  all  of  the  vast  territory  from  the  American  line 
down  to  Jalisco.  The  natives  are  excellent  surface  prospectors  and 
know  the  ore  signs  well,  and  the  country  has  been  well  “surface- 
prospected”  for  many  years  ever  since  the  Spaniards  induced  the 
natives  to  seek  for  minerals  for  them  in  colonial  days. 

To  describe  the  various  mining  districts  and  mines  would  tax  the 
capacity  of  a library.  Gold,  silver,  copper,  lead,  zinc,  tungsten, 
molybdenum,  graphite,  coal,  manganese,  gypsum,  and  diatomaceous 
earths — all  are  in  the  list  of  production.  There  are  districts  of  copper 
and  zinc  formations,  others  of  free-milling  gold,  others  (and  the  most 
numerous)  of  silver  and  gold  ores,  with  the  first-named  metal  usually 


216 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST, 


predominating  in  the  ore  content.  Free-milling  gold  is  found  in 
black  porphyry  in  one  of  the  largest  gold  mines  of  the  West  Coast. 
One  mine  in  Sinaloa  carries  a high  value  in  bismuth  oxide,  which 
occurs  with  copper,  silver,  and  gold  combinations.  Iron  is  known 
to  exist  in  large  quantities  in  Lower  California  and  in  Sinaloa.  The 
Sahuaripa  district  in  southern  Sonora  has  been  described  as  one  of 
the  most  heavily  and  richly  mineralized  regions  in  the  world  by  a 
great  American  geologist  and  mining  engineer. 

The  success  of  the  great  camps,  the  new  discoveries,  the  old,  lost 
mines,  and  all  the  rest  of  the  activity  of  mining  in  Sonora  and  the 
rest  of  the  West  Coast  brought  in  its  wake  the  usual  number  of  irre- 
sponsible promoters.  Failures  have  been  many — frequently  due  to 
ill-advised  selection  of  properties  or  to  inexpert  management.  Often 
good  mines  have  been  abandoned  after  having  been  involved  in  pro- 
motion schemes.  Many  millions  of  dollars  of  American  money  have 
been  invested,  in  large  and  small  amounts,  during  the  last  30  years 
in  mines  on  the  West  Coast. 

The  industry  reached  its  maximum  productivity  and  progress  in 
1910  just  before  the  Madero  revolution  in  Mexico.  There  followed 
11  years  of  warfare,  with  periods  of  comparative  peace  when  a few 
of  the  best  properties  would  be  reopened  and  worked  for  a few 
months,  only  to  be  shut  down  again  in  consequence  of  some  new 
disturbance.  In  some  cases  there  was  looting  and  destruction  of 
entire  mining  camps  equipped  with  costly  machinery  and  plants  for 
ore  reduction.  Lastly,  there  came  the  market  depression  in  copper, 
zinc,  and  silver.  Many  of  the  old  producing  properties,  known  to  be 
rich,  have  been  shut  down  for  years.  Certain  other  mines,  with  a 
long  record  of  production,  were  able  to  continue  to  operate  after  a 
fashion. 

The  possibilities  of  mining  throughout  the  West  Coast  region  may 
be  said  to  be  very  well  known  to  American  mining  people.  Colorado, 
California,  and  Arizona  mining  capitalists  have  long  been  interested 
in  this  field  for  development  and  are  closely  in  touch  with  the  situa- 
tion in  many  districts.  For  the  past  two  years  mining  engineers  have 
been  again  scouting  the  territory,  seeking  new  properties  and,  prin- 
cipally, for  the  purpose  of  picking  up  good  properties,  with  a history 
of  production,  that  have  been  abandoned  during  the  years  of  warfare 
in  Mexico.  This  preliminary  work  was  especially  active  in  Xayarit 
in  the  fall  of  1922,  when  more  than  a dozen  American  engineers 
representing  the  large  mining  interests  of  California,  Arizona,  and 
Sonora  were  engaged  in  looking  over  the  State  for  the  purpose  above 
indicated.  The  great  copper  mines  of  Cananea  and  ^Nacozari,  in 
eastern  Sonora  south  of  Douglas,  Ariz.,  have  recently  resumed  oper- 
ations after  having  been  shut  down  for  a year  and  a half,  and  the 
rehabilitation  of  the  industry  and  its  future  development  depends 
upon  the  policy  of  the  present  Government  in  Mexico. 

PRINCIPAL  MINING  CAMPS  AND  DISTRICTS  IN  SONORA. 

(Note. — The  following  description  of  the  principal  mining  camps,  mines,  districts, 
and  formations  is  taken  from  “An  account  of  the  great  mineral  region  south  of  the 
Gila  River  and  east  from  the  Gulf  of  California  to"  the  Sierra  Madres,”  by  Allen  T. 
Bird,  editor  of  the  Oasis,  Nogales,  Ariz.,  and  published  under  the  auspices  of  the 
Arizona  and  Sonora  Chamber  of  Mines  in  1904,  appearing  in  the  form  of  a booklet 
entitled  “The  Land  of  Nay arit.”  Additions  and  corrections  in  this  have  been 


MINING. 


217 


made  by  Trade  Commissioner  P.  L.  Bell,  principally  from  his  personal  knowledge 
of  the  mines  and  mineral  regions  of  western  Chihuahua,  Sinaloa,  and  Nayarit. 
Through  the  section  on  “Altar  district,”  on  page  231,  these  discussions  refer  to  prop- 
erties that  were  operating  in  1904.  Properties  developed  since  that  year  are  de- 
scribed in  subsequent  sections. 

CANANEA  COPPER  MINES. 

The  Cananea  Consolidated  Copper  Co.  (Greene  Consolidated  Copper 
Co.  in  the  United  States)  has  developed  and  established  one  of  the 
greatest  copper  mining  camps  in  the  world.  As  long  ago  as  1904  the 
holdings  of  this  company,  in  mine  lands,  covered  4,214  “pertenen- 
cias”  (1  pertenencia  = 1 hectare  = 2.47  acres),  or  10,408  acres,  and 
various  other  properties  have  been  taken  up  and  developed  since 
that  time,  both  in  the  same  region  and  elsewhere  in  Sonora.  The 
ores  handled  by  the  plants  are  of  great  variety,  including  great 
masses  of  oxides,  carbonates,  and  sulphides,  with  frequent  deposits 
of  native  copper,  occurring  throughout  a distance  of  7^  miles  along 
the  main  tract  of  the  company,  which  lies  along  the  east  side  of  the 
southern  half  of  the  main  range  of  the  Cananea  Mountains,  75  miles 
southeast  from  Douglas,  Ariz. 

The  mineral  holdings  of  the  Cananea  Consolidated  Copper  Co.  are 
divided  into  five  zones — the  Veta  Grande,  Cobre  Grande,  Esperanza, 
Capote,  and  Puertocitas.  Work  in  these  ore  bodies  constantly 
extends  their  limits,  and  extensive  development  work  exposes  great 
reserves  of  valuable  ores. 

The  plant  at  Cananea  is  one  of  the  most  extensive  and  complete 
on  this  continent.  The  buildings  have  steel  frames,  covered  by  iron 
sides  and  roofs.  The  power  plant  has  three  engines,  direct-connected 
to  one  100-kilowatt  generator  and  two  200-kilowatt  generators.  This 
plant  generates  light  and  power  at  250-volt  current  for  the  plant  and 
also  for  the  two  towns  on  the  property — Cananea  and  Ronquillo. 

A new  concentrating  mill  recently  put  into  operation  has  a capacity 
of  2,400  tons.  By  its  use  in  concentration  of  the  siliceous  ores,  and 
smelting  of  the  concentrates  with  other  nonsiliceous  ores,  the  ore 
consumption  is  raised  to  about  3,000  tons  daily  and  the  output  of 
blister  copper  more  than  doubled,  with  a possible  annual  output  of 
100,000,000  pounds  of  refined  copper. 

The  mines  and  plants  are  connected  by  11  miles  of  standard- 
gauge  railway  well  equipped  to  handle  the  tonnage  movement  of  the 
company. 

Mining  and  smelting  operations  were  suspended  during  one  year 
and  a half  up  to  August  15,  1922,  when  these  properties  were  reopened 
with  a force  of  3,600  men  after  favorable  arrangements  had  been 
made  with  the  government  of  Sonora  regarding  the  interpretation  of 
certain  clauses  of  the  new  labor  laws  of  Mexico  included  in  the  Con- 
stitution of  1917.  The  new  oil-flotation  plant  was  completed  at  a 
cost  of  nearly  81,000,000  and  was  expected  to  effect  a saving  of  10  to 
15  per  cent  of  the  ore  values.  The  capitalization  of  the  company  is 
$8,640,000  United  States  currency. 

This  single  company  ordinarily  works  a force  of  6,000  to  9,000  men 
and  keeps  on  hand  stocks  of  general  merchandise  running  up  to 
$250,000  in  its  stores  for  the  workmen.  With  the  mines  working 
“full  blast,”  the  town  of  Cananea  had  a population  of  about  20,000. 


218 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


The  Indiana-Sonora  Mining  Co.,  a subsidiary  of  the  Copper  Queen 
in  Arizona,  also  has  extensive  holdings  at  Cananea  from  which  ore  is 
shipped  to  smelter  at  Douglas. 

The  Democrata  Mining  Co.  has  properties  in  a central  location, 
surrounded  by  those  of  the  great  Cananea  Company.  Its  ground 
has  been  well  developed,  and  the  company  operates  a 250-ton  reduc- 
tion plant. 

In  the  Cananea  Mountains  there  are  several  undeveloped  and 
partly  developed  valuable  copper  properties  which  need  only  capital 
and  scientific  management  to  make  them  producers.  This  region  is 
but  one  field  in  the  great  copper  belt  reaching  from  Globe,  Clifton, 
and  Morenci,  north  of  the  Gila  River,  through  to  the  Mayo  River 
in  Sonora,  including  the  three  camps  already  named,  together  with 
Bisbee,  Cananea,  Nacozari,  and  Transvaal,  in  the  Moctezuma  district; 
Santo  Nino  (Yaqui  Copper  Co.),  Tonichi  and  Chipiona  (Cienegita 
Copper  Co.),  in  the  Sahuaripa  district;  Bayoyeca  and  Piedras  Verdes, 
in  the  Alamos  district;  and  others  farther  south  and  less  known. 

MAGDALENA  DISTRICT. 

The  Magdalena  region  in  Sonora  was  one  of  the  richest  mining  dis- 
tricts of  the  Republic  and  the  scene  of  many  of  the  old  colonial 
“bonanzas.”  In  1739  a discovery  was  made  at  what  is  now  the 
“ Planchas  de  Plata”  mine,  which  attracted  attention  not  only  in 
the  New  World  but  in  Europe  as  well.  Masses  of  silver  weighing 
as  much  as  525  pounds  were  found. 

Other  old  producing  mines  include  the  Cocospera,  Higuera,  and 
Cerro  Prieto,  since  then  the  scene  of  great  activity  in  more  modern 
times. 

The  Planchas  de  Plata  mine  is  located  only  about  20  miles  south- 
west of  Nogales,  Ariz.,  and  is  now  beino;  operated  by  P.  Sandoval  & 
Co.,  of  Nogales.  In  February,  1922,  the  company  had  from  25  to 
30  men  employed  and  was  operating  the  old  10-stamp  mill  with 
which  this  property  is  equipped.  Monthly  net  profits  were  said  to 
be  about  $1,500.  Large  bodies  of  low-grade  ore  have  been  blocked 
out,  and  it  is  reported  that  500  tons  a day  can  be  supplied  to  a reduc- 
tion plant.  The  first  mill  was  erected  on  this  property  in  1878,  and 
since  then  the  mine  has  had  a varied  history. 

GEOLOGICAL  CHARACTERISTICS  OF  LAS  PLANCHAS  DISTRICT. 

The  geological  characteristics  of  the  Las  Planchas  de  Plata  region 
are  striking.  To  the  eastward,  at  a distance  of  8 to  10  miles,  an 
immense  trachyte  dyke,  running  north  and  south  for  many  miles 
and  many  hundred  feet  in  width,  has  been  thrust  up  through  a series 
of  limestone  beds  superimposed  upon  a porphyry  field,  pushing  back 
both  formations,  folding  and  crumpling  back  the  country  rocks  for 
miles  around.  In  the  axis  of  the  folds,  the  crushing  and  crumpling 
of  the  rocks  on  the  lines  of  contact,  aided  by  an  upthrust  from  below, 
broke  and  ground  the  porphyry  into  a fragmentary  condition,  leaving 
in  many  places  great  air  vesicles  and  even  chambers.  Then  came 
a great  flow  of  superheated  waters,  strongly  impregnated  with  salts 
of  silver,  depositing  bromides  and  chlorides  upon  the  cleavage  planes 
of  the  broken  rock  and  filling  the  chambers  and  vesicles  with  the 
native  metal.  Released  from  then  beds  by  erosion,  and  rolling  into 


MINING. 


219 


the  stream  beds,  these  great  masses  of  pure  silver  constituted  the 
"bonanzas”  of  the  early  colonial  miners  and  explorers.  The  silver- 
bearing  rocks  are  plainly  porphyry,  and  where  they  have  been  greatly 
crushed  and  broken  the  values  run  high;  where  they  are  in  larger 
pieces,  values  are  lower.  The  ores  that  have  been  milled  run  from 
100  ounces  up  to  2,000  ounces  of  silver  per  ton.  The  great  masses 
of  low-grade  ore  left  in  the  mine  run  from  30  to  60  ounces  of  silver 
per  ton. 

The  holdings  included  in  the  properties  of  Sandoval  & Co.  (Big 
Mountain  Mining  Co.)  comprise  about  320  acres.  In  this  same 
vicinity  are  the  Mejia  mine  owned  in  Guaymas  and  the  Corrusca 
mine  owned  in  Nogales.  The  latter  property  is  being  developed 
under  bond. 

About  6 miles  north  of  Las  Planchas  de  Plata  are  the  Promontorio 
mines,  owned  and  operated  by  the  Promontorio  Consolidated  Mining 
Co.  During  many  years  these  mines  were  constant  shippers  of  high- 
grade  ores.  A small  concentrating  plant  treated  the  low-grade  ores, 
and  the  concentrates  were  shipped  to  smelters  in  the  United  States. 
This  property  is  close  to  the  railway. 

About  25  miles  southeast  of  Planchas  de  Plata,  12  miles  to  the 
east  of  the  Southern  Pacific  Railway,  at  Quijano  Station,  30  miles 
south  of  Nogales,  is  the  camp  of  the  Hays  Mining,  Milling  & Lumber 
Co.,  of  Washington,  D.  C.  This  corporation  owns  50,000  acres  of 
timber  lands,  underneath  which  run  large  and  well-defined  ledges  of 
copper,  carrying  gold  and  silver  values,  and  a large  gold-bearing  ledge 
12  feet  in  width. 

COCOSPERA  REGION. 

On  the  east  side  of  the  Pineta  Mountains  is  the  valley  of  the  Coco- 
spera  River,  where  are  found  the  ruins  of  an  old  mission  church  and 
large  slag  dumps,  indicating  extensive  smelting  operations.  In  the 
Pineta  Mountains  and  in  the  Cerro  Azul  are  many  “antigua”  mines, 
whence  came  the  ores  reduced  at  the  crude  smelters  of  the  colonial 
miners.  In  one  of  these  “antigua”  mines  the  Sierra  Azul  Mining 
Co.  has  developed  a fine  body  of  high-grade  wolframite,  rich  in  gold 
values,  the  ore  concentrating  easily. 

West  of  the  railway  in  this  region  are  the  Guacomea  Mountains, 
in  which  there  have  been  mining  operations  to  some  extent.  The 
Guacomea  Mining  Co.  operated  a 20-stamp  mill  several  years  and 
made  shipments  of  gold  bullion,  the  property  being  confiscated  by 
the  Government  on  a charge  of  taking  gold  out  of  the  country  without 
a license  to  do  so.  The  machinery  was  purchased  by  the  Hays  Co. 
and  moved  to  the  Pineta  Mountains  after  the  property  had  reverted 
to  the  original  owners. 

Magdalena  is  about  50  miles  south  of  Nogales,  on  the  railway,  and 
about  50  miles  east  of  Magdalena  the  Dolores  and  Santo  Domingo 
Rivers  unite  to  form  the  San  Miguel  River.  Above  the  junction,  in 
the  canyon  of  the  Santo  Domingo,  is  the  great  placer  gold  field  that 
bears  the  name  of  the  river,  and  farther  up  tbe  stream  is  another 
field  of  auriferous  deposits  known  as  La  Brisca.  Both  these  fields 
are  contained  in  the  holdings  of  the  Greene  Consolidated  Gold  Co.,  of 
New  York — the  area  including  15  miles  of  known  gold-bearing  mate- 
rial along  the  channel  of  the  river,  together  with  gravel  benches  on 
either  side,  long  celebrated  as  rich  placer  ground.  These  deposits  of 
gold  were  derived  from  the  erosion  of  innumerable  ledges  in  the 


220 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


mountains  surrounding  this  valley,  known  as  the  Caliche,  Sierra 
Azul,  and  Santa  Rosalia  Mountains,  forming  a great  natural  basin 
drained  by  the  river.  This  region  has  been  described  by  Dr.  Robert 
T.  Hill,  of  the  United  States  Geological  Survey. 

The  river  has  cut  its  channel  through  a formation  of  yellowish 
tufaceous  material  to  a depth  of  from  100  to  400  feet.  The  main 
channel  has  numerous  collateral  feeders  which  extend  from  the  gold- 
bearing  veins  to  the  central  channel,  and  have  also  cut  numerous 
canyons  from  30  to  100  feet  in  depth.  Geological  indications  are  that 
the  basin  was  once  dammed  by  a barrier  at  its  low’er  end  (since 
removed  by  erosion),  which  formed  a lake,  upon  the  bottom  of  which 
was  gradually  deposited  a bed  of  reddish  gravel  from  40  to  100  feet 
deep,  carrying  gold.  As  erosion  continued,  the  deposits  of  gravel 
were  removed  from  the  benches  and  distributed  upon  the.  bed  of  the 
river  to  their  present  depth  of  from  40  to  60  feet  of  pay  gravel  upon 
bedrock,  which  many  tests  show  to  run  from  SO. 70  to  $12  per  cubic 
yard. 

This  section  of  the  country  was  noted  as  one  of  the  sources  of 
the  great  supply  of  gold  which  during  the  early  Spanish  colonial 
times  poured  across  the  Sierra  Madres  to  the  viceregal  court  at 
Mexico  City,  and  thence  to  the  royal  treasury  in  Spain.  Before  that 
time  it  was  the  source  of  much  of  the  gold  that  the  Aztecs  had  accu- 
mulated. The  beds  of  the  canyons  in  the  surrounding  country  were 
worked  by  the  Spaniards  and  their  Indian  predecessors,  who,  however, 
were  unable  to  handle  the  immense  volume  of  water  in  the  river  chan- 
nel and  percolating  to  the  bedrock  (the  surface  flow  is  never  more  than 
200  miner’s  inches,  and  the  underground  flow  is  much  greater). 

The  Greene  Consolidated  Gold  Co.  has  thoroughly  tested  and 
explored  this  ground  for  a distance  of  14  miles,  sinking  shafts  to  bed- 
rock, running  drifts,  and  proving  that  this  gravel  gives  uniform 
values  throughout  the  zone  not  worked.  In  1904  the  company 
installed  steam  shovels  and  aerial  tramways  to  move  the  gravel  and 
dump  it  into  the  sluice  boxes,  and  heavy  pumps  were  installed  to 
take  care  of  the  water  and  utilize  it  for  the  washing  process. 

In  this  same  region  are  found  several  producing  gold  mines, 
among  them  the  Caliche,  the  Klondyke,  the  Tucabe,  etc.,  all  of 
these  having  been  abandoned  during  the  recent  revolutions  in 
Mexico. 

CERRO  PRIETO  MINES. 

The  Cerro  Prieto  mines  are  located  within  a few  miles  of  the  con- 
fluence of  the  Dolores  and  Santo  Domingo  Rivers.  The  properties 
include  a group  of  mines  combining  an  area  of  102  “pertenencias.” 
The  name  “Cerro  Prieto”  is  applied  to  a lofty  ridge  of  dark  lime- 
stone, about  7,000  feet  in  length,  rising  about  1,000  feet  above  the 
mill  site  at  its  southern  base.  Through  the  ridge  runs  a great 
porphyry  dike,  varying  from  10  to  100  feet  in  width,  all  mineralized, 
and  carrying  gold  in  quantities  sufficient  to  pay  well  when  handled 
on  a large  scale.  The  rock  is  soft,  friable,  easily  milled,  and  the 
gold  is  readily  separated.  Tests  in  the  entire  7,000  feet  of  rock 
show  values  running  from  $1  to  $8.  The  property  has  been  operated 
by  a series  of  tunnels.  A 20-stamp  mill  was  in  operation  for  several 
years  and  was  replaced  by  one  with  a capacity  of  200  tons  daily. 


MINING. 


221 


PROVIDENCIA  GROUP. 

About  7 miles  northeast  of  Cerro  Prieto  is  the  Providencia  group, 
very  similar  to  the  former  in  general  characteristics.  Beyond  that, 
still  to  the  northeast,  is  the  Caliche  mine,  a great  mountain  of  low- 
grade  gold  ore. 

Beyond  the  Caliche  mine,  some  8 or  10  miles  across  the  Santo 
Domingo  River,  lie  the  Klondyke  and  Tucabe  camps.  In  the 
vicinity  of  the  Klondkye  mine  is  an  old  “antigua”  called  Rey  de 
Oro  which  shows  extensive  workings.  It  has  a wide  ledge,  varying 
in  width  from  10  to  30  feet,  carrying  free-milling  gold  values.  A 
long  tunnel  was  driven  along  the  ledge  to  cut  under  the  old  work- 
ings, and  good  values  were  shown  for  a large-capacity  plant.  There 
are  many  good  prospects  in  this  neighborhood. 

Down  the  San  Miguel  River,  just  below  the  union  of  the  Dolores 
and  the  Santo  Domingo  to  form  the  first-named  stream,  is  the  town 
of  Cucurpe,  the  site  of  one  of  the  most  important  mining  centers  in 
colonial  times.  About  9 miles  west  of  Cucurpe  lies  the  La  Higuera 
gold  region,  where  extensive  operations  were  carried  out  in  early 
times  by  the  Spaniards.  There  was  once  a large  town,  as  is  shown 
by  the  vestiges  of  buildings  and  the  ruins  of  scores  of  stone  “ arras- 
tres”  for  grinding  the  ore.  The  formation  is  of  limestone  and 
porphyry,  between  which  runs,  in  north-and-south  direction,  a 
great  dike  nearly  a mile  long.  The  rock  material  of  the  dike 
includes  lime  sulphates  and  quartz,  and  bears  evidence  of  having 
been  finely  crushed  and  broken  and  impregnated  with  gold  solutions. 
Present  development  is  mostly  by  tunnels,  which  have  exposed  an 
18-foot  ore  body  that  mills  from  $6  to  $15  per  ton.  The  properties 
were  organized  by  the  Brady-Levin  Co.,  of  Nogales  and  Tucson, 
the  cost  of  development  being  defrayed  in  part  by  the  product  of  a 
5-stamp  mill. 

Passing  down  the  San  Miguel  River  one  finds  good  mineral  regions 
in  the  mountains  on  either  side,  and  westward  toward  the  railway 
there  are  the  Animas,  Santa  Barbara,  and  a number  of  other  mining 
properties,  with  any  number  of  old  mines  awaiting  new  and  modern 
development.  At  Llano  Station  on  the  railway  is  the  San  Fran- 
cisco mine,  a gold  property  upon  which  a 10-stamp  mill  has  been 
steadily  working  for  a number  of  years,  operations  being  only  cur- 
tailed by  the  10  years  of  revolution  in  Mexico.  In  the  immediate 
vicinity  is  the  Los  Rieles  gold  property,  which  has  some  promise. 

URES  DISTRICT. 

At  Tuape  the  San  Miguel  River  passes  into  the  Ures  district,  one 
of  the  richest  in  natural  resources  in  Sonora.  Eastward  from  the 
town  are  the  extensive  copper  properties  of  the  Richfield  Mining  Co., 
upon  which  considerable  development  work  exposed  large  bodies  of 
valuable  ore.  There  are  many  prospects  in  this  vicinity. 

Westward,  toward  the  railway,  is  the  Querobabi  region;  here  there 
are  a number  of  promising  mine  prospects,  some  of  which  are  being 
developed. 

Farther  down  the  San  Miguel  River,  in  the  region  of  Opedepe,  is 
the  San  Ricardo,  a gold  mine  with  a record  of  rich  production  going 
back  to  the  “antigua”  days.  It  was  operated  by  an  American 
company  30  years  or  more  ago,  a 20-stamp  mill  being  on  the  prop- 
erty. The  mine  was  confiscated  by  the  Mexican  Government  for 


222 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


nonpayment  of  gold  export  taxes.  Another  American  company  has 
erected  a new  20-stamp  mill  on  this  property. 

West  of  the  San  Ricardo  is  the  Minas  de  Oro  property,  which  is 
equipped  with  Huntington  mills  and  is  a good  shipper  of  high-grade 
ores.  Near  by  is  the  Santa  Gertrudis,  a good  gold  producer,  and  also  the 
Amarillas,  a silver  property  with  a record  extending  back  to  colonial 
times  and  also  rehabilitated  by  modern  methods.  South  of  the  Santa 
Gertrudis  is  the  famous  Socorro  mine,  with  a great  record  of  produc- 
tion since  colonial  days.  In  1903  this  property  was  purchased  by 
experienced  Colorado  miners  Avho  unwatered  and  cleaned  out  the 
old  workings  and  developed  the  property  into  a fine  producer  of  mill- 
ing and  shipping  ores.  From  the  San  Ricardo  and  El  Oro  mines  the 
solid  granite  is  cut  by  numerous  ledges  throughout  an  area  of  5 by 
15  miles,  all  of  which  show  gold  values  and  also  silver-ore  outcrop- 
pings. 

A few  leagues  down  the  river  from  Opedepe  is  the  town  of  Rayon, 
the  center  of  another  important  mineral  region,  in  the  vicinity  of 
which  are  the  properties  of  the  Palo  Alto  Mining  Co.,  which  make  a 
good  showing  in  copper.  Below  Rayon  is  the  San  Francisco  mine, 
an  old  mine  which  is  yielding  handsomely  despite  the  ancient  methods 
of  ore-value  extraction. 

The  seat  of  the  local  government  of  the  Ures  district  is  about  50 
miles  from  Hermosillo,  the  town  having  about  2,000  people.  Over 
on  the  southeast,  toward  the  Matape  River,  are  the  Chipiona  and  Colo- 
rada-Ures  mining  regions,  a few  miles  northwest  of  the  town  of 
Matape.  There  lead  and  silver  predominate.  Ten  or  a dozen  miles 
directly  south  are  the  Marquesa  and  Quincy  properties.  The  former 
is  owned  in  Hermosillo. 

In  the  southern  edge  of  this  district,  directly  south  of  Ures,  is  the 
Llano  Colorado  region,  famous  for  its  placer  diggings  more  than  a 
century  ago.  An  American  company  has  been  successfully  working 
this  ground  by  the  hydraulic  process.  A few  miles  to  the  west  are 
the  Realito  mines,  where  extensive  ancient  workings  and  the  ruins  of 
more  than  100  “ arrastras”  tell  of  a great  production  in  colonial  times. 
The  Los  Angeles  mine  in  this  vicinity  was  shipping  high-grade  silver 
ores  in  1904  and  later. 

A day’s  ride  west  of  Matape  (the  latter  place  being  a long  day’s 
ride  from  Minas  Prietas) , Suaqui  de  Batuc  is  reached  at  the  confluence 
of  the  Moctezuma  and  Yaqui  Rivers.  Along  both  rivers  are  rich 
mineralized  regions.  Southeast  of  Batuc  are  the  Santo  Nino  mines, 
owned  by  the  Yaqui  Copper  Co.  More  than  $1,000,000  was  raised 
for  their  exploitation,  but  lack  of  harmony  has  stopped  development. 

In  the  vicinity  of  Batuc  are  the  Todos  Santos,  El  Cajon,  Zaragoza, 
Estrella,  and  other  good  properties,  several  of  which  have  been  devel- 
oped. 

Overshadowing  Batuc,  a town  about  2 leagues  up  the  river  from 
Suaqui  Batuc,  is  the  famous  Lista  Blanca  Mountain,  wherein  a lace- 
work  of  rich  silver  veins  ramify  to  great  depths  and  have  been 
worked  continuously  for  almost  two  centuries.  There  are  also  copper 
and  quicksilver  indications  and  deposits  in  this  same  mountain. 

COPETE  MINING  REGION. 

About  7 miles  southwest  of  Rayon  is  the  famous  Copete  region, 
where  the  Copete  Mining  Co.  has  extensive  holdings.  Adjoining  the 


MINING. 


223 


Copete  is  the  Sultana  mine,  the  property  of  the  Giroux  Consolidated 
Mining  Co.,  of  New  York.  Beyond  the  Sultana  property  is  that  of 
the  Colorado  mines,  having  several  thousand  feet  of  tunnels  and 
crosscuts  in  low-grade  gold  ores. 

MINAS  PRIETAS  GOLD  MINES. 

The  Minas  Prietas  gold  mines  are  located  in  the  Hermosillo  dis- 
trict 12  miles  from  the  railway,  over  the  Torres  & Prietas  Railway,  a 
narrow-gauge  line.  These  ore  bodies  were  worked  more  than  160 
years  ago.  Records  show  that  in  1743  these  mines  were  being  worked 
by  the  missionary  priests  at  great  profit,  but  Indian  troubles  forced 
their  abandonment  until  they  were  again  worked  by  venturesome 
miners  in  1790.  The  mines  were  afterwards  abandoned  when  the 
heavy  water  level  was  reached,  the  only  means  of  pumping  a mine 
then  being  by  means  of  rawhide  buckets  (“surrones”)  carried  on 
men’s  backs  up  notched  tree  trunks  for  ladders  from  one  short  level 
to  another.  Many  profitable  mines  have  been  secured  in  Mexico 
by  studying  the  history  of  the  old  colonial  mines  and  installing 
powerful  pumping  machinery  on  those  that  had  a heavy  water  flow 
underground. 

In  the  sixties  the  Minas  Prietas  gold  mines  were  worked  by  an 
adventurous  American,  Don  Ricardo  Johnson,  who  is  still  alive  and 
active  in  mining  in  Sonora.  He  pumped  out  and  worked  the  Creston 
and  Prietas  mines  of  this  group  and  later  sold  the  latter  to  an  Ameri- 
can company  which  installed  a 40-stamp  mill  at  a cost  of  $300,000 
and  recovered  several  millions  of  dollars.  In  1886  these  holdings 
and  others  of  that  company  passed  to  the  Creston-Colorada  Co.,  of 
Cleveland,  Ohio,  which  operated  continuously  up  to  the  advent  of  the 
revolutionary  period  in  Mexico,  producing  several  millions  of  dollars 
in  net  profits  annually.  These  mines  later  passed  into  the  hands  of 
a New  York  syndicate,  said  to  be  headed  by  John  W.  Gates,  at  a 
price  said  to  have  been  $5,000,000. 

In  1890  great  ore  bodies  were  developed  in  the  Grand  Central, 
Amarillas,  and  other  properties,  in  a ledge  running  parallel  to  the 
one  in  which  all  former  successful  mining  operations  had  been  car- 
ried out,  and  another  great  enterprise  was  launched  in  this  camp. 

Two  great  companies  operated  at  Minas  Prietas — the  Creston- 
Colorada  and  the  Grand  Central.  The  Creston-Colorada  Co.  owns 
the  Prietas,  Fortuna,  Creston,  Colorada,  Don  Ignacio,  and  several 
other  properties  extending  for  a mile  or  more  along  the  main  ledge. 
The  Creston,  Fortuna,  and  Prietas  mines  are  at  Minas  Prietas  proper, 
and  the  Colorada  and  Don  Ignacio  at  La  Colorada,  about  a mile  dis- 
tant. At  La  Colorada  is  the  mill,  consisting  of  a 30-stamp  mill,  6 
Huntington  mills,  9 amalgamating  pans,  16  Frue  vanners,  and  cyanide 
plant,  with  a total  ore-handling  capacity  of  200  tons  daily.  Ore  is 
brought  to  the  mill  from  the  Prietas  and  Creston  mines  by  an  over- 
head wire  tramway. 

In  a subsection  of  the  camp,  locally  called  La  Primavera,  adjacent 
to  La  Colorada,  is  the  seat  of  operations  of  the  Charles  Butters  Co. 
(Ltd.),  lessee  of  the  Grand  Central  properties.  The  mill  has  a battery 
of  thirty  900-pound  stamps,  6 Huntington  mills,  Frue  vanners,  pans, 
etc.  The  camp  is  supplied  with  water  from  the  Matape  River,  20  miles 
distant,  by  means  of  a pumping  station  and  pipe  line,  the  station  being 
near  the  town  of  San  Jose  de  Pimas. 


224 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


The  country  rock  of  this  region  is  a hornblendic  diorite,  capped  by 
a quartzite,  except  where,  between  the  higher  hills,  erosion  has  cut 
away  the  cap.  Upon  one  side  or  the  other  of  the  quartzite  are  dikes 
of  quartz  porphyry,  the  mineralized  veins  appearing  both  as  contacts 
between  the  dikes  and  the  diorite  and  also  as  independent  veins 
traversing  the  diorite  itself.  The  veins  vary  greatly  in  width,  narrow- 
ing in  places  to  2 feet,  and  at  others  measuring  in  width  100  feet  or 
more.  The  largest  and  most  productive  ore  bodies  are  often  found 
at  the  junctions  of  the  veins  with  tributaries.  The  gangue  consists 
of  quartz  and  altered  dike  matter,  and  even  of  the  diorite  mineral- 
ized. The  ore  occurs  in  detached  bodies  of  irregular  shape  and  varv- 
ing  greatly  in  size,  occurring  in  such  relation  to  each  other  as  to  form 
chutes  easily  worked  and  readily  handled.  The  ore  is  principally 
quartz,  carring  various  amounts  of  pyrite,  chalcopjrit-es,  and  galena. 
The  proportions  of  gold  and  silver  in  the  ore  vary  considerably,  but 
the  combined  product  of  all  the  ores  worked  is  a mixed  bullion — 
about  65  per  cent  gold  and  35  per  cent  silver. 

There  are  many  more  properties  in  this  section  capable  of  becom- 
ing producers,  with  intelligent  handling  and  large  reduction  plants. 
The  properties  of  the  Compama  Union  Minera  are  described  as 
belonging  to  this  category  and  have  been  negotiated  for  by  a strong 
American  syndicate.  The  Bastilla  is  another  property  on  the  same 
ledge  as  the  Prietas  mine,  adjoining  the  Fortunaon  the  south;  on  the 
Bastilla  extensive  development  showed  a large  body  of  milling  ore. 

About  12  miles  northeast  of  Minas  Prietas  is  the  Zubiate  group, 
where  there  are  rich  silver  mines  with  a record  of  production  going 
back  to  the  early  Spanish  days.  In  1898  or  1S99  the  property  passed 
to  a California  group  which  opened  new  ore  bodies  and  erected  a 
5-stamp  mill  and  plant  for  their  treatment.  This  mill  was  destroyed 
by  fire  and  a new  one  of  40  stamps  was  erected  to  replace  it.  The 
stamps  with  amalgamation  failed  to  save  sufficient  values,  and  grind- 
ing mills,  dryers,  and  roasters  were  installed,  the  pulp  going  from  the 
latter  to  the  pans. 

About  25  miles  west  of  Minas  Prietas,  and  westward  from  the  line 
of  the  railway,  are  the  Tarasca  mines,  where  another  “ antigua  ” 
camp  sprang  to  life  under  modem  mining  methods.  The  ancient 
workings  were  very  extensive  and  had  followed  rich  ledges  for  great 
distances.  Some  miles  away,  at  a place  called  Aguaje,  there  are  the 
vestiges  of  the  old  mining  town,  church,  etc.,  and  reduction  plants, 

Eiles  of  tailings,  and  old  “ arrastras,”  showing  where  the  ores  from 
ia  Tarasca  were  parted  from  their  values  by  the  colonial  miners, 
employing  their  crude  methods.  The  present  owner  is  a California 
company,  which  has  run  shafts  and  tunnels  under  the  old  workings 
and  developed  large  bodies  of  excellent  ores,  much  of  it  sufficiently 
high  grade  to  permit  shipping  directly  to  smelters  in  the  United 
States  without  treatment. 

In  the  region  between  Minas  Prietas  and  Hermosillo  are  the  Dewey 
mine,  Mina  Grande,  and  a number  of  other  good  properties.  North 
of  the  Zubiate  group  are  the  Tortuga,  Constitucibn  v Italia,  Last 
Chance,  Santa  Rosa,  and  Las  Cruces  mines.  The  Last  Chance  is  a 
mountain  of  low-grade  gold  ore. 

About  40  miles  northwest  of  Hermosillo  are  the  Verde  Grande  and 
El  Mojin  properties.  The  Verde  Grande  erected  a 100-ton  smelter 
“ blown  in”  in  1905. 


MINIJSTG. 


225 


YAQUI  RIVER  DISTRICT. 

The  Yaqui  River  country  was  for  ages  the  fabled  country  of 
Mexico  for  miners  and  prospectors,  and  many  are  the  tales  of  adven- 
ture, rich  strikes,  Indian  fignts,  lost  mines,  and  all  that  °;oes  to  make 
a story  of  the  Great  West.  One  hundred  miles  south  ot  Hermosillo, 
the  capital  of  Sonora,  lie  the  Sahuaripa  and  Alamos  districts,  which 
contained  many  of  the  old  mining  camps  of  colonial  days,  when  these 
regions  were  the  most  populous  and  richly  productive  in  all  New 
Spain.  West  of  the  river,  in  the  Hermosillo  and  Ures  districts,  are 
also  rich  and  extensive  mining  regions  with  historic  records,  capable 
of  swelling  the  volume  of  production  of  precious  metals.  In  these 
regions  may  be  included  such  mines  as  those  at  the  camps  of  San 
Javier,  La  Barranca,  Los  Bronces,  San  Antonio  de  la  Huerta,  Las 
Goteras,  Cerro  Colorado,  San  Juan  Grande,  Soyapa,  etc. 

At  San  Javier  the  Gold  Coin  Mining  Co.  has  a 30-ton  copper  smelter, 
producing  a high-grade  matte,  rich  in  gold  and  silver  values.  This 
company  owns  the  Santa  Rosa,  a- famous  “antigua”  mine.  At  the 
same  place  the  Wyman  Mining  Co.,  operating  the  Animas  mine, 
erected  a 50-ton  concentrating  plant.  The  Verde  Grande  is  the  large 
copper  property  near  San  Javier. 

At  Toledo,  on  the  west  bank  of  the  Yaqui  River — -only  a few  miles 
from  the  various  camps  mentioned  in  the  two  preceding  paragraphs, 
which  are  located  within  a radius  of  20  miles — the  Yaqui  Smelting 
& Refining  Co.,  a Toledo  (Ohio)  corporation,  has  established  a large 
customs  smelter. 

One  of  the  advantages  of  the  region  of  which  Toledo  is  the  center 
is  the  existence  of  large  bodies  of  a low-grade  anthracite  coal  and 
natural  coke  at  La  Barranca,  only  6 miles  from  the  Toledo  plant. 
Development  of  these  coal  deposits  was  conducted  for  several  years 
by  the  Sunset  Development  Co.  (Southern  Pacific).  Another  coal 
field  is  known  to  exist  about  40  miles  distant,  beyond  the  Yaqui 
River,  in  the  Sahuaripa  district,  previously  mentioned  as  having 
been  the  scene  of  active  mining  operations  in  colonial  days. 

SAHUARIPA  DISTRICT. 

The  Sahuaripa  district  includes  such  properties  as  the  famous 
Trinidad,  La  Bufa,  Mulatos,  Cieneguita,  Tayapa,  Ostimuris,  Tejada, 
Tonichi,  Santo  Nino,  and  many  other  noted  mining  regions  where 
the  remains  of  towns  and  reduction  plants  bear  every  evidence  of 
former  large  populations,  and  the  old  records  show  that  they  poured 
forth  a constant  stream  of  silver  and  gold  during  two  centuries. 

The  Tonichi  copper  properties  are  owned  by  the  Tri-Metallic 
Mining  Co.  and  are  situated  about  10  miles  east  of  the  Yaqui  River, 
beyond  Toledo.  The  property  consists  of  a great  ledge  of  copper  ores 
carrying  gold  and  silver  values,  which  are  being  developed  by  a 
system  of  tunnels.  The  vein  is  70  feet  wide  in  places,  following  the 
crest  of  a lofty  ridge. 

Southeast  of  Tonichi  (a  long  day’s  ride)  lies  the  great  Trinidad  and 
La  Bufa  region,  which  attracted  great  attention  in  1906  and  1907 
on  account  of  the  building  of  the  Tonichi  branch  of  the  Southern 
Pacific  Railroad  of  Mexico,  which  was  planned  to  afford  rail  transpor- 
tation to  the  border  and  connect  with  the  large  smelters  at  Douglas 
44807°— 23 16 


226 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


and  other  places,  making  practicable  the  working  of  lower-grade  ore 
which  is  obtainable  in  this  region  in  very  large  quantities  and  great 
bodies.  Within  a radius  of  a few  miles  from  Trinidad  and  La  Bufa 
are  125  known  “antigua”  mines  that  were  producers  in  the  past, 
and  the  operations  of  the  La  Bufa  Mining  & Reduction  Co.  show 
what  can  be  done.  At  a depth  of  600  feet  ore  bodies  of  gray  copper 
were  opened  up  which  were  shipped  on  pack  mules  150  miles  to  the 
railway  station  at  Torres  and  thence  to  El  Paso,  where  they  paid 
from  $200  to  $600  per  ton  net  profit.  The  success  of  this  property 
has  been  curtailed  only  by  the  last  period  of  revolution  in  Mexico. 

About  15  miles  from  La  Bufa  is  the  Trinidad  property,  once  the 
largest  producing  silver  mine  in  Mexico.  It  is  owned  by  the  same 
people  controlling  the  La  Bufa  group  of  mine  properties,  and  con- 
siderable modern  development  work  has  been  done  on  it. 

A day’s  ride  (approximately  40  miles  in  a fairly  level  country) 
northeast  of  Trinidad  are  the  famous  Mulatos  gold  mines,  owned 
and  operated  during  times  of  peace  by  a Pennsylvania  corporation. 

Directly  north  of  Trinidad  (two  days’  ride)  are  the  properties  of  the 
Cineguita  Copper  Co.,  which  have  been  declared  by  experts  to  be 
among  the  greatest  mineral  deposits  in  the  world.  The  company’s 
holdings  include  three  mine  groups — the  Chipiona-Cieneguita,  the 
Ostimuris,  and  the  Tayopa.  The  first  named  comprises  seven 
great  ledges  included  in  an  area  miles  long  by  1 mile  wide.  In 
these  ledges  old  workings  are  frequently  found  running  the  entire 
distance  of  the  ledges  and  connected  underground  for  hundreds  of 
feet.  In  the  old  workings  are  left  exposed  many  thousands  of  tons 
of  rebellious  ores,  and  the  company  has  blocked  out  in  the  new  work- 
ings immense  ore  bodies  of  high-grade  copper  sulpiride  ores  carrying 
gold  and  silver  values.  One  of  the  bodies  developed  is  23  feet  wide 
and  another  39  feet  wide.  It  was  estimated  that  the  two  ledges 
developed  2,600,000  tons  of  ore  that  would  yield  5 per  cent  copper, 
60  ounces  of  silver,  and  from  $3  to  $8  in  gold  per  ton.  Other  ledges 
carry  galena,  with  paying  values  in  gold  and  silver.  Besides  the 
showing  in  the  old  colonial  workings  the  Cieneguita  company  has 
developed  ore  bodies  in  new  ground  with  13  tunnels  from  300  to 
1,000  feet  long. 

ALAMOS  DISTRICT. 

The  famous  old  Alamos  mining  region  adjoins  Cieneguita  on  the 
south.  At  the  city  of  Alamos  were  made  up  the  great  mule  “con- 
ductas”  loaded  with  gold  and  silver  bullion  which  traversed  the  Sierra 
Madres  once  a month  to  Mexico  City.  The  old  trail  across  the  high 
and  rough  mountains  is  still  to  be  seen  in  places,  cut  into  the  rock  by 
passing  hoofs,  with  here  and  there  the  ruins  of  the  old  guardhouses. 
Iron  and  steel  -were  then  worth  more  than  silver,  which  was  often 
used  to  shoe  the  mules  with. 

In  the  immediate  vicinity  of  Alamos  is  the  famous  Quintera  mine, 
from  which  a great  fortune  was  taken  by  the  Almada  family.  After 
more  than  a century  the  mine  was  taken  over  by  a French  syndicate. 

At  a point  45  miles  to  the  northeast  of  Alamos  is  an  extensive 
iron  deposit,  estimated  to  contain,  by  actual  measurement,  16,000,000 
tons  of  iron  ore.  In  its  origin  and  general  character  the  ore  in  sight 
is  a duplication  of  the  famous  iron  mountain  of  Durango  City,  onlv 
somewhat  smaller.  It  is  a great  mass  of  iron  which  has  come  up  with 
porphyritic  and  rhyolitic  rocks,  in  which  are  found  the  principal 


MINING. 


227 


mineral  deposits  of  this  region.  It  is  but  50  miles  from  the  anthracite 
coal  deposit  at  Pilares,  which  is  particularly  adapted  for  smelting 
this  ore,  and  the  vicinity  affords  an  abundance  of  flux  materials. 

The  following  is  an  analysis  of  the  iron  ore  located  here: 


Silica 1.  27 

Manganese .31 

Sulphur Trace. 

Alumina 27 


Phosphorus. 0.  29 

Ferrous  oxide  (metallic) 13. 156 

Ferric  oxide  (iron) 67.  33 


There  are  literally  innumerable  mines  in  the  Alamos  district. 
At  Baucari  and  Trigo  are  rich  gold  mines.  At  El  Cerrito  are  rich 
placer  mines,  while  at  Baroyeca  and  Piedras  Verdes  are  large  copper 
properties,  and  at  La  Dura  steadily  producing  silver  mines,  which 
have  been  in  modem  operation  for  a quarter  of  a century  and  have 
reached  a depth  of  1,200  feet.  The  last-named  mine  is  located  in 
the  extreme  northwest  corner  of  the  district,  about  120  miles  from 
the  Sonora  Railway,  at  Ortiz. 


GUAYMAS  DISTRICT. 

There  has  been  considerable  mining  in  the  region  a few  miles  south 
of  La  Barranca  and  San  Javier,  but  the  long-continued  Yaqui  Indian 
troubles  have  curtailed  modern  development  of  this  district.  Near 
Suaqui  Grande  on  the  Tecoripa  River,  a day’s  journey  on  mule  back 
westward  from  La  Dura,  the  Chicago  & Sonora  Gold  Placer  Mining 
Co.  had  in  operation  a gold  dredge,  and  other  dredgers  were  being 
planned  and  constructed.  This  placer  field  extends  along  the 
Tecoripa  River  from  Suaqui  Grande  to  the  union  with  the  Yaqui 
River  at  Cumaripa,  a distance  of  about  30  miles,  and  there  is  also  a 
good  placer  field  along  the  Yaqui. 

At  Batamote,  west  of  Suaqui  Grande,  the  Ruby  Gold  & Copper  Co. 
has  been  operating  valuable  copper  mines,  reducing  the  ores  in  a 
reverberatory  furnace. 

At  San  Marcial,  between  Batamote  and  Ortiz,  are  extensive  coal 
measures  upon  which  considerable  development  work  has  been  done. 
The  field  extends  toward  the  Hermosillo  district,  and  at  La  Lapiz  the 
United  Graphite  Co.,  of  Saginaw,  Mich.,  has  opened  deposits  of  high- 
grade  graphite,  from  which  shipments  have  been  made  to  the  United 
States. 

The  graphite  industry  is  centered  in  the  mountains  between 
La  Colorada  and  Ortiz,  the  leading  companies  being  the  United 
Graphite  Co.  and  the  National  Graphite  Co.  The  first  named  is 
operating  three  properties  and  has  loading  facilities  at  Torres, 
Escalante,  and  Moreno  on  the  Southern  Pacific  of  Mexico  Railroad. 
Generally  depressed  conditions  in  the  United  States  following  the 
fall  of  1920  adversely  affected  this  mining  industry  in  Sonora,  and 
toward  the  end  of  1921  little  graphite  was  being  shipped  to  the 
United  States.  The  operators  have  experienced  great  trouble  from  the 
Yaqui  Indians,  at  one  time  losing  80  mules  used  for  transportation 
of  the  product  to  the  railway.  The  property  of  the  National  Graphite 
Co.  (Lewis  Gilman  & Moore,  Inc.),  of  San  Francisco,  is  located  20 
miles  from  La  Colorada,  at  Cerro  Colorado.  The  product  is  an 
amorphous  graphite.  The  present  producing  capacity  is  10  tons 
daily.  Recent  shipments  totaled  1,000  tons,  valued  at  $50  000 
United  States  currency 


228 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


The  El  Lapiz  deposits  lie  just  south  of  La  Colorada  and  have  pro- 
duced 80  per  cent  of  the  graphite  used  in  the  United  States  for  some 
years.  In  1918  the  production  was  80  tons  daily.  Geologists 
claim  that  these  graphite  deposits  have  a close  geological  connec- 
tion with  the  coal  formations  at  San  Marcial  and  San  Jose  de  las 
Pimas. 

In  the  Bacatete  Mountains,  southwest  of  Ortiz,  is  the  Bonancita 
region,  noted  for  its  gold  quartz  ledges  and  placers. 

Returning  to  Hermosillo  and  going  up  the  Sonora  River  one 
reaches  again  the  Ures  district.  At  the  distance  of  a day’s  ride 
northeast  from  the  city,  and  about  the  same  distance  southeast  from 
Copete,  is  the  Gavilan  region  of  colonial  fame.  There  the  Ures  Con- 
solidated and  the  Vega  mining  companies  have  been  operating 
valuable  properties,  the  former  having  a 10-stamp  mill. 

LAMPAZOS  SILVER  REGION. 

About  45  miles  east  of  Batuc  is  the  Moctezuma  district,  another 
region  with  a history  of  production  going  back  to  the  eighteenth 
century.  The  ledges  are  wide,  well  defined,  and  strong,  and  by  adits 
have  been  explored  to  a depth  of  1,000  feet,  or  more,  Delow  the  out- 
croppings. There  are  workings  in  two  of  the  great  ledges,  which 
cut  into  a lofty  ridge,  from  which  they  can  be  seen  extending  down 
the  west  side  for  several  miles.  Parallel  thereto  are  several  other 
large  ledges  that  bear  external  evidence  of  being  very  similar.  Only 
a few  miles  from  Lampazos,  on  every  side,  are  numerous  “antigua” 
mines  and  workings  and  the  ruins  of  old  camps,  which  show  that  the 
region  must  have  been  one  of  great  mining  activity  in  the  old  days 
of  the  Spanish  Conquest. 

To  follow  the  Moctezuma  district  up  to  the  American  border  at 
Douglas,  a distance  of  some  200  miles,  and  enumerate  all  the  old 
mines  (“  antiguas”)  and  the  ancient  and  modern  mining  activity  of 
this  region  would  fill  volumes. 

MOCTEZUMA  DISTRICT. 

The  Moctezuma  district  was  one  of  the  noted,  rich  producing  regions 
of  the  early  mission  days,  and  its  mines  are  now  included  in  the  list 
of  the  world’s  great  properties.  To-day,  at  Nacozari,  there  is  a 
great  copper  property,  rivaling  Cananea,  and  connected  with  the 
American  system  of  railways  at  Douglas,  Ariz.,  about  80  miles  away. 
These  mines  are  under  the  same  ownership  as  the  Copper  Queen  at 
Bisbee,  the  Indiana-Sonora  group  at  Cananea,  and  the  Globe  and 
Morenci  properties  north  of  the  Gila  River  in  Arizona  (Phelps-Dodge 
Corporation).  A narrow-gauge  railway  connects  the  mines  with  the 
plant  and  reduction  works  at  the  town,  a distance  of  7 miles.  The 
combination  concentrating  and  smelting  plant  had  a capacity  of  200 
tons  per  day  in  1904  and  has  since  been  greatly  increased  by  the 
addition  of  more  machinery.  A new  concentrating  unit  was  com- 
pleted late  in  1922,  which  brought  the  daily  capacity  up  to  1,400 
tons,  the  new  plant  having  a capacity  of  700  tons  per  day.  By  the 
end  of  1922  the  Moctezuma  Copper  Co.  at  Nacozari  was  employing 
1,800  men,  after  the  resumption  of  operations  following  the  long  shut- 
down due  to  the  effect  of  low  copper  prices  and  labor  troubles  in 
Mexico.  Two  units  of  the  concentrator  plant  were  being  operated, 


MINING. 


229 


and  the  product  was  being  shipped  to  the  Copper  Queen  smelter 
at  Douglas  for  final  reduction  into  matte. 

The  ores  handled  run  about  per  cent  copper,  with  an  extraction 
of  96  per  cent  by  the  most  modem  methods.  At  the  mines  at  Pilares 
there  has  been  developed  recently  what  is  termed  the  largest  copper- 
ore  body  in  the  Southwest.  The  property  is  tapped  by  a tunnel  which 
reaches  the  660-foot  level  of  the  main  shaft  in  a distance  of  about 
1 mile  from  the  portal.  This  tunnel  runs  around  the  edge  of  a pear- 
shaped  ore  lens.  The  main  ore  body  is  said  to  be  3,200  feet  long  and 
1,000  feet  wide,  and  drilling  has  shown  that  it  reaches  an  additional 
depth  of  1,500  feet  below  the  present  level.  The  Copper  Queen 
smelter  at  Douglas  was  built  20  years  ago  and  is  the  largest  in  the 
southwest  of  the  United  States.  The  plant  is  to  be  greatly  increased 
and  modernized  and  a silver  furnace  added. 

In  the  Huacal  region,  east  of  Nacozari,  are  many  of  the  old.  famous 
“antigua”  mines,  among  them  being  the  Huacal,  Dona  Maria,  Chu- 
runibabi,  and  many  more.  Several  strong  American  companies  have 
taken  over  the  best  of  these  properties,  and  there  are  several  inde- 
pendent reduction  plants,  in  operation  for  many  years. 

Sixty  miles  northeast  of  Nacozari,  and  beyond  the  Bavispe  River, 
is  the  Pilares  de  Teras  region,  where  the  Cinco  de  Mayo  and  the  Roy 
mines  have  long  been  valuable  producers.  Not  far  away  is  the 
famous  El  Tigre  mine,  a comparatively  modern  discovery  on  which 
a mill  of  100  tons  capacity  was  erected  in  1904.  This  property  is 
very  rich  in  gold  and  silver  and  has  made  fortunes  for  its  owners — 
all  western  mining  men.  The  company  is  known  as  the  Lucky 
Tiger  Combination  Gold  Mining  Co.,  of  Douglas,  Ariz.  The  annual 
report  for  1920  showed  an  operating  profit  of  $1,535,478  and  a net 
profit  of  $792,201.  Returns  were  less  than  for  the  preceding  years, 
on  account  of  the  low  prices  of  silver.  The  ores  contain  gold,  silver, 
copper,  lead,  and  zinc.  Up  to  1920  11,217  feet  of  development  work 
had  been  done.  The  company  is  capitalized  at  $8,000,000,  with  a 
total  of  $7,153,370  in  stock  issued.  It  was  organized  in  1903  at 
Kansas  City,  Mo.  Paid  dividends  to  and  including  1920  amounted 
to  $7,469,572  United  States  currency.  The  same  company  is  also 
developing  mines  near  Ures,  southeast  of  Nacozari. 

Two  or  three  miles  away  are  the  San  Juan  mines,  nearer  to  Pilares 
de  Teras,  where  development  work  forecast  a property  rivaling  El 
Tigre. 

ARISPE  DISTRICT. 

The  Moctezuma  district  occupies  the  extreme  northwest  portion  of 
the  State  of  Sonora.  To  the  west,  lying  between  that  and  the 
Magdalena  district,  is  the  Arispe  district,  in  which  are  the  great 
copper  mines  of  Cananea.  The  district  is  drained  by  the  Sonora 
River,  which  rises  near  the  international  boundary,  flows  south  for 
about  150  miles,  then  turns  in  a southwesterly  direction,  passing 
Hermosillo  and  Ures,  toward  the  Gulf  of  Lower  California. 

The  municipality  of  Arispe,  the  seat  of  the  local  district  government, 
on  the  Sonora  River,  was  a place  of  great  importance  in  early  Spanish 
days.  The  present  population  is  less  than  1,000.  Remains  of 
dwellings,  churches,  and  other  structures  show  that  it  was  once  a 
city  of  real  importance,  and  its  population  is  recorded  as  having 
reached  35,000.  It  was  the  center  of  great  colonial  smelting  and 


230 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


refining  operations,  as  shown  by  the  ruins  of  many  crude  furnaces 
and  by  the  existing  slag  dumps.  It  was  the  seat  of  the  colonial 
government  of  the  Royal  Provinces  of  Sonora  and  Sinaloa  during  the 
reign  of  Philip  III  of  Spain,  the  King’s  governor  being  a royal 
appointee  and  semi-independent  of  the  viceroy  at  Mexico  City.  All 
the  old  land  titles  of  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico  emanate  from  this 
primordial  source  of  royal  land  grants.  The  church,  dated  1710, 
had  altar  values  reaching  half  a million  dollars. 

About  15  miles  west  of  Arispe,  and  60  miles  from  the  railway  at  Imu- 
ris  station,  are  the  Santa  Rosalia  gold  mines,  operated  extensively  by 
the  colonial  Spaniards,  their  reputation  having  been  justified  by 
recent  development  of  these  mines  by  a California  company  started 
in  1896.  The  mines  were  deserted  at  the  time  of  the  great  Apache 
uprising  in  1822,  and  the  tunnel  leading  into  the  richest  ore  ' was 
closed  and  concealed.  When  it  was  discovered  and  the  various  doors 
opened,  an  ore  vein  was  found,  12  feet  wide,  running  $20  of  free- 
milling  gold  to  the  ton,  and  a rich  streak  2 feet  wide  carrying  values 
which  netted  $24,000  for  the  first  carload  shipped  to  San  Francisco, 
$18,000  for  the  second,  and  $22,000  for  the  third  carload. 

North  of  Arispe  and  west  of  Bacoache  is  the  Picacho  mine,  owned 
by  the  Douglas  brothers,  of  Bisbee  and  Nacozari.  This  rich  mine 
was  discovered  by  a Mexican  miner  in  1898,  has  since  yielded  a great 
deal  of  money  to  its  owners,  and  is  still  producing. 

In  the  vicinity  of  Bacoache  are  extensive  placer  grounds,  and  in 
the  Ajo  Mountams,  northeast  of  Bacoache,  considerable  prospecting 
work  on  a large  scale  was  being  done  prior  to  the  recent  revolutionary 
period  in  Mexico. 

Southeast  of  Arispe  are  the  famous  Chispa  and  Carmen  mines, 
with  long  records  of  profitable  production. 

Half  a day’s  ride  down  the  river  from  Arispe,  near  the  town  of 
Banamichi,  is  the  Santa  Elena  mine,  a gold  property  with  a great 
record  of  production  of  several  millions  of  dollars.  Sixty  years  ago 
it  was  owned  by  Gen.  Ygnacio  Pesqueira,  the  great  Mexican  Liberal 
leader,  who  was  the  right-hand  man  of  General  Diaz  following  the 
troubled  times  of  the  French  intervention  in  Mexico.  From  the 
Santa  Elena  mine  he  obtained  most  of  the  funds  with  which  he 
waged  war  with  the  reactionaries  and  the  terrible  Apaches.  General 
Pesqueira  sold  this  mine  to  an  American  company  which  erected  a 
large  mill  and  operated  it  on  an  extensive  scale.  In  1894  it  passed 
into  the  hands  of  an  English  syndicate.  It  has  been  shut  down  since 
1900  and  has  filled  with  water.  In  character  of  ores,  general  forma- 
tion, etc.,  the  Santa  Elena  is  a counterpart  of  the  Minas  Prietas 
mines.  To  take  over  this  property,  pump  it  out,  and  rehabilitate  it 
would  require  a heavy  expenditure  of  capital,  but  it  is  thought  that 
the  history  of  the  mine  alone  would  warrant  the  venture. 

About  20  miles  below  Banamichi  is  Huepac,  where  a Milwaukee 
company  has  considerable  property  and  a small  reduction  plant. 

ALTAR  DISTRICT. 

The  Altar  district  comprises  a very  large  area,  extending  nearly 
300  miles  along  the  American  line  and  several  hundred  miles  along 
the  gulf  coast  to  the  west.  This  district  was  noted  for  the  richness 
of  its  great  placer  deposits,  even  before  the  days  of  the  Spanish 


MINING. 


231 


occupation  of  the  territory.  It  has  numerous  gold  ledges  where 
some  of  the  richest  “antigua”  mines  were  developed,  some  of  which 
have  been  in  successful  operation  in  more  modern  times.  The  Altar 
district  is  the  most  arid  in  Sonora,  and  mining  operations  are  greatly 
hampered  and  restricted  by  the  lack  of  sufficient  water  supply.  Dry 
washers  have  been  employed  with  considerable  success. 

At  La  Cienega,  about  75  miles  southwest  of  Santa  Ana  Station  on 
the  railway,  is  an  extensive  placer  field  where  it  has  been  proposed 
to  develop  water  for  washing  by  sinking  wells.  North  of  La  Cienega, 
near  Caborca,  is  another  placer  field  called  Las  Palomas.  In  the 
vicinity  of  El  Tiro,  El  Cajon,  Cerro  Colorado,  and  many  other  localities 
are  other  placer  fields  which  have  been  worked  over  and  over  again 
and  which  have  constituted  a means  of  livelihood  for  many  hundreds 
of  poor  people  while  the  mines  in  Sonora  were  shut  down  during  the 
years  of  revolution.  West  of  Llano  a Texas  company  has  successfully 
operated  dry  placers  with  unproved  machinery. 

In  quartz  mining  the  Altar  region  has  also  been  famous.  The 
great  El  Tiro  ledge  is  traced  for  a distance  of  20  miles  in  a north-and- 
south  direction.  At  El  Tiro,  on  the  northern  end,  the  Reina  de  Oro 
Mining  Co.  has  sunk  several  shafts  to  a depth  of  from  400  to  600  feet, 
connected  by  levels  every  100  feet,  all  in  good  free-milling  ore  6 feet 
in  width.  At  El  Cajon  de  Amarillas  at  the  southern  end,  20  miles 
away,  the  Yerkes  Gold  Mining  Co.  has  large  bodies  of  free-milling 
ore  and  a 20-stamp  mill  in  operation. 

Between  El  Tiro  and  La  Cienega  lies  Cerro  Colorado,  which  is 
almost  literally  a mountain  of  ore.  This  property  has  been  worked 
for  years,  the  workings  following  rich  streaks  and  stringers  of  gold 
rock,  which  was  reduced  at  a small  three-stamp  mill  near  La  Cienega, 
leaving  exposed  more  than  a million  tons  of  good  ore  running  $5  per 
ton. 

Nine  miles  west  of  the  town  of  Altar  is  La  Cuchilla,  where  the  Rey 
del  Oro  Mining  Co.  had  three  Huntington  mills  in  operation. 

West  of  Magdalena  Station  on  the  railway  is  Tubutama,  where  the 
Sonora  Milling  & Mining  Co.  developed  a copper  property  and  in- 
stalled a smelter  in  1903.  This  company  later  acquired  the  Juarez 
gold  mine  30  miles  from  Caborca  Station.  This  property  is  an 
“ antigua”  worked  for  ages  as  placer  ground  by  the  Papago  Indians 
who  occasionally  found  very  large  nuggets,  one  of  which  weighed 
38.8  ounces.  In  1881  the  erection  of  an  amalgamation  plant  by 
San  Francisco  people  did  not  give  the  required  result,  as  the  fine 
flour-gold  values  were  lost,  and  a new  cyanide-process  plant  was 
installed  with  excellent  results. 

At  La  Calera,  about  9 miles  west  of  Caborca,  the  Arizona-Mexican 
Copper  Co.  has  developed  the  El  Gran  Proveedora  de  Cobre. 

Over  on  the  gulf  coast  at  San  Jorge  Bay  and  at  Quitovac  the  Sierra 
Pinta  Mining  Co.  has  in  operation  two  gold  properties  which  are 
connected  with  their  reduction  plant  at  San  Jorge  Bay  by  a narrow- 
gauge  railway  about  13  miles  long. 

Near  El  Plomo  and  San  Francisco,  in  the  extreme  north,  near  the 
Arizona  line,  valuable  gold  properties  have  been  in  operation  and 
copper  mines  are  in  the  course  of  development. 

Note. — The  above  general  description  of  the  mines  and  mining  regions  of  the  State 
of  Sonora  gives  an  idea  of  the  very  great  possibilities  of  the  West  Coast  as  a mining 
country,  the  development  by  foreign  capital  since  the  eighties,  and  what  is  being 


232 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


done  by  the  application  of  modern  methods  and  machinery  on  properties  formerly 
thought  to  have  been  exhausted  by  the  colonial  miners  who  took  the  cream  of  the 
high-grade  ores. 

This  development  represents  the  investment  of  many  millions  of  dollars  of  American 
capital  in  Mexico,  and  it  was  again  going  forward  in  the  fall  of  1922,  in  consequence 
of  the  era  of  peace  in  Mexico  following  the  advent  of  the  Obregon  administration.  Many 
good  properties  were  abandoned  during  the  years  of  revolution  after  1911  and  their 
titles  lost  by  the  nonpayment  of  taxes,  or  through  other  causes.  The  work  of  rehabili- 
tating the  mining  industry  of  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico  is  going  forward;  abandoned 
mines  are  being  reopened,  and  prospecting  for  new  mines  is  again  becoming  active. 
California  and  Arizona  mining  men  are  well  acquainted  with  the  West  Coast  territory 
as  a mining  and  mineral  field  and  have  been  interested  for  years  in  its  development. 
During  the  past  year  American  mining  engineers  have  been  carefully  examining 
(with  a view  to  purchasing)  old  properties,  withrecords  of  production,  that  have  been 
closed  down  on  account  of  revolutionary  conditions.  They  are  also  looking  into  new 
prospects  and  offerings  all  over  the  West  Coast.  A dozen  men  representing  large 
mining  companies  of  the  United  States,  principally  those  interested  in  Arizona  and 
Sonora,  were  in  Nayarit  in  the  fall  of  1922. 

MINING  IN  NOGALES  DISTRICT. 

Following  is  a discussion  of  mineral  deposits  and  mining:  industry, 
submitted  by  the  American  consul  at  Nogales,  Sonora,  under  date  of 
February  1,  1922: 

Mining  is  the  principal  industry  of  this  district,  but  there  are  no  publications 
devoted  to  it  and  no  official  statistics,  except  the  declared-export  returns  in  consular 
invoices.  The  principal  mining  companies  have  their  head  offices  in  the  United 
States,  and  their  annual  reports  are  available.  Some  of  the  gold  and  silver  is  not 
accounted  for  in  the  consular  invoices.  It  is  known  that  some  placer  gold  is  pro- 
duced, but  none  was  invoiced  during  the  past  year,  it  being  handled  by  small  traders 
at  the  border  in  an  irregular  manner  and  m small  amounts.  Some  of  the  metals  and 
mineral  products  shipped  through  this  port  of  entry  into  the  United  States — especially 
gold  and  silver — originate  in  other  consular  districts. 

Copper  constitutes  the  principal  mineral  product  of  this  district.  Silver,  lead, 
zinc,  gold,  and  other  metals  are  mined.  Graphite  is  also  mined  just  south  of  this 
district,  and  there  are  deposits  of  molybdenum,  tungsten,  manganese,  and  antimony 
ores  which  it  does  not  pay  to  work  at  present.  Small  quantities  of  platinum  and  quick- 
silver are  occasionally  reported  as  having  been  found. 

There  seems  to  be  no  coal  in  this  district,  but  at  San  Javier,  near  the  end  of  the 
Tonichi  Branch  of  the  Southern  Pacific  Railroad  (up  the  Yaqui  River  from  Corral, 
and  not  now  in  operation)  there  is  very  good  coal,  and  when  that  portion  of  the  railway 
is  rehabilitated  it  is  likely  that  this  coal  will  be  made  available.  At  present  it  is  used 
only  at  the  silver  mine  and  smelter  which  an  American  company  is  operating  in  that 
vicinity.  Other  mineral  products  of  the  district  include  some  brick,  lime,  and 
sandstone  for  building.  The  latter  is  usually  quarried  at  or  near  the  site  where  it 
is  to  be  used.  Stone  used  for  building  is  of  poor  quality  and  shows  the  effect  of 
weathering  conditions. 

Gold,  silver,  copper,  and  lead  have  been  the  principal  objects  of  the  prospectors,  and 
little  attention  has  been  paid  to  other  metals  and  minerals.  When  found,  they  have 
often  been  in  localities  more  or  less  inaccessible  or  they  have  not  promised  a profit 
on  account  of  the  lack  of  demand  for  them. 

The  total  value  of  mineral  production  in  1921  (from  consular  invoices)  was  $8,059,952, 
against  $21,646,575  in  1920.  The  production  in  1920  was  practically  normal.  The 
falling  off  of  the  metal  output  in  1921  was  due  to  the  depreciation  in  the  price  of  silver, 
copper,  lead,  zinc,  and  other  metals;  to  labor  conditions  growing  out  of  the  various 
Mexican  revolutions;  to  taxation;  and  to  other  minor  influences.  Conditions  had 
closely  approached  normal  before  the  larger  mines  closed  down  on  account  of  market 
conditions.  Mining  was  being  actively  carried  on,  and  the  inflated  war-time  prices 
for  metal  products  had  receded  to  a point  near  normal. 

There  is  a renewal  of  hope  and  confidence  with  the  betterment  in  the  metal  market. 
Labor  conditions  are  steadily  improving  and  are  better  than  they  were  a year  ago. 

At  present  all  interests,  including  the  Government  and  labor,  are  interested  mainly 
in  the  probable  resumption  of  mining.  Taxes  on  metals  formed  the  chief  source  of 
revenue  of  the  Sonora  State  government.  During  the  past  the  loss  of  revenue  from 
this  source  has  been  keenly  felt,  and  financial  aid  to  the  State  has  had  to  be  extended 
by  the  National  Government.  Inducements  have  been  held  out  to  the  mining  com- 


MINING. 


233 


panies  (mostly  American-owned  properties)  to  resume  operations,  and  it  is  reported 
that  concessions  as  to  taxes  and  other  matters  have  been  made.  There  is  no  assurance, 
however,  that  when  operations  are  again  fairly  under  way  there  will  not  be  legislation 
and  executive  decrees  which  will  harass  the  industry  and  constitute  new  burdens. 

Economically  the  considerations  that  are  of  importance  are:  The  world’s  market  for 
metals  and  their  prices;  the  cost  of  labor;  labor's  general  attitude;  the  cost  of  neces- 
sary machinery  and  supplies;  and  the  transportation  problem. 

The  year  1921  was  marked  by  the  absence  of  any  significant  development  in  the 
mining  industry.  It  may  be  noted,  however,  that  prospecting  was  continued; 
options  were  taken  on  properties,  and  the  option  holders  in  general  then  waited  for 
possible  recognition  of  Mexico  by  the  American  Government;  and  the  larger  mines 
which  had  closed  down  were  having  their  reduction  plants  overhauled  and  repaired, 
and  in  several  instances  important  additions  were  being  made  to  the  existing  equip- 
ment to  increase  the  capacity  of  these  large  plants. 

The  future  of  the  mining  industry  in  this  district  is  bright.  There  exists  much  min- 
eral wealth  that  is  at  present  inaccessible  on  account  of  the  lack  of  transportation 
facilities  and  the  great  expense  entailed  in  road  building,  etc.  There  are  also  many 
mining  prospects  that  only  await  the  return  of  normal  political  conditions  in  Mexico 
to  be  developed. 

Following  is  a list  of  the  principal  mining  companies  in  the  district: 


Cananea  Consolidated  Copper  Co. ; Cananea,  Sonora;  American. 

Dembcrata  Mining  Co.;  Cananea,  Sonora;  American. 

Moctezuma  Copper  Co.;  Nacozari,  Sonora;  American. 

El  Tigre  Mining  Co.;  Moctezuma,  Sonora;  American. 

Aztec  Consolidated  Mining  Co.;  Noria,  Sonora;  American. 

Pedrazzini  Mining  Co. ; Las  Chispas,  Sonora;  Swiss. 

The  following  statement  gives  the  official  Government  figures  of  mineral  production 
in  the  State  of  Sonora  from  the  year  1893  to  the  year  1903,  inclusive  (values  exported, 
in  Mexican  pesos): 


Pesos. 

1893  2,167,700 

1894  2,940,450 

1895  4,517,500 

1896  6,511,850 

1897  5,896,250 

1898  6,691,450 


Pesos. 

1899  6,129,350 

1900  6,032,200 

1901  6,125,700 

1902  7,340,900 

1903  7,246,600 


Between  1903  and  1910  the  mining  industry  received  its  greatest  impetus  in  Sonora, 
with  the  great  copper  camps  the  largest  producers  of  mineral  wealth.  Mexican 
Government  records  showing  the  production  of  the  State  during  the  period  from  1910 
to  1918  are  not  available,  as  they  were  destroyed  during  the  revolutions.  The  following 
table  gives  the  official  figures  of  exports  of  metals  during  the  calendar  year  1918, 
taken  from  the  records  of  the  Federal  assay  office  at  Hermosillo: 


Metals. 


Kolos. 


Value  per 
kilo. 


Total  values 
exported. 


Silver 

Gold 

Lead 

Copper 

Antimony... 

Tungsten 

Graphite 

Manganese... 

Molybdenum 


228, 

1, 

3, 

46,346, 

319, 

132, 
6, 189, 
1,184, 
5, 


Pesos. 

64.00 

1,333.00 
.30 
1.20 
.88 
8.09 

5. 00 
.16 
.26 
.23 
#.00 


Pesos. 
14,640,196 
1,645, 666 
1,115,140 
55,615,761 
. 281,526 
976, 127 
990, 264 
288,929 
48,  267 

75, 601,876 


Note.— The  above  table  does  not  include  all  the  gold  exported. 


234 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


MINERAL  DEPOSITS  AND  MINING  INDUSTRY  IN  SONORA  IN  1921. 

Following  is  a report  by  the  American  consul  at  Guaymas,  Sonora, 
dated  February  10,  1922: 

No  official  figures  are  available  as  to  the  total  value  of  mineral  production  in  this 
district  for  the  year  1921.  In  a general  way  it  can  be  stated  that  the  production  of 
silver,  in  ores  or  in  bullion,  as  well  as  of  gold,  copper,  and  lead,  was  considerably  less 
in  1921  than  in  1920,  because  of  the  lack  of  demand  for  copper  and  the  low  prices  of 
the  various  metals.  The  only  mines  in  this  district  that  were  actively  producing 
throughout  most  of  the  year  were  those  of  the  Laughlin  Co.  at  San  Javier  and  the 
Progreso  mine  near  Suaqui.  The  silver  mines  of  the  Companfa  Minera  de  Minas 
Nuevas,  at  Alamos,  closed  down  in  the  early  spring,  after  renewing  operations  for  a few 
months.  The  production  of  the  Laughlin  Co.  also  declined  until  at  the  end  of  the  year 
it  was  nil.  A few  independent  Mexican  miners  continued  operations  throughout  the 
year,  most  of  the  product  being'  handled  through  one  agency,  which  reported  handling 
255  tons  of  ores  containing  gold,  silver,  lead,  and  copper,  and  4,988  troy  ounces  of 
gold  and  silver  bullion  for  the  year. 

Prior  to  1913  the  production  in  this  district  of  the  metals  mentioned  was  of  very 
considerable  importance,  but  the  industry  has  been  affected  by  political  disturbances 
until  it  has  been  practically  paralyzed.  Unsettled  conditions,  market  prices  for 
metals,  transportation  difficulties,  and  constantly  threatening  labor  troubles  were 
the  chief  obstacles  met  during  the  year. 

The  present  trend  of  the  mining  industry  in  this  district  appears  to  be  upward,  ac- 
cording to  the  most  authoritative  reports,  and  it  is  believed  that  the  activity  during 
1922  will  be  greater  because  of  the  increasing  prices  of  copper  and  silver.  Local  con- 
ditions also  appear  to  be  more  favorable  to  the  mining  industry.  Yaqui  Indian 
troubles  seem  to  be  at  an  end,  for  the  time  being  at  least,  and  the  attitude  of  labor  is 
more  favorable  than  it  has  been  during  the  period  of  revolutions  through  which  the 
country  has  passed  since  1911.  Prices  for  necessary  supplies  and  foodstuffs  are  much 
lower  than  at  any  time  since  the  war. 

In  the  summer  of  1921  the  Mexican  Government  removed  the  import  duty  on  min- 
ing machinery,  and  export  taxes  on  metals  amounting  to  about  10  per  cent  were  sus- 
pended to  aid  the  industry.  On  account  of  the  lack  of  wood  or  coal  for  fuel  in  many 
places  of  the  district,  the  Diesel  internal-combustion  oil  engine  is  the  only  prime 
mover  that  can  be  used  to  advantage. 

There  were  no  significant  developments  during  1921,  except  a more  complete  sus- 
pension of  operations  throughout  the  district.  The  indecision  of  capital  with  respect 
to  furnishing  money  for  development  work,  on  account  of  the  various  unfavorable 
Mexican  laws  affecting  the  industry  and  the  ownership  of  property  in  the  country 
also  hampered  the  industry,  the  ratio  of  inquiries  for  mining  property  in  Sonora,  as 
compared  with  former  years,  being  about  1 to  25. 

The  Progreso  mines  are  working  a few  men  and  a small  mill.  The  La  Colorada 
properties,  a former  “El  Dorado,’’  are  now  shut  down.  The  Companfa  Explotadora 
Internacional  has  been  prospecting  with  churn  and  diamond  drills  for  copper-ore 
bodies  at  Piedras  Verdes,  near  Alamos,  and  favorable  indications  were  reported  to 
have  been  struck  about  the  end  of  the  year.  The  Hermosillo  Copper  Co.  was  doing 
some  work  in  its  mines  at  Mina  Verde,  32  miles  northwest  of  Hermosillo.  At  San 
Javier  the  company  was  merely  holding  the  properties  under  guard,  although  this 
company  continued  operations  all  through  the  various  revolutions  and  Yaqui  Indian 
raids.  A wagon  road  was  being  constructed  from  Ortiz  Station,  on  the  Southern 
Pacific  of  Mexico  Railroad,  to  Suaqui. 

At  Santa  Rosalia,  in  Lower  California,  the  Companfa  de  Boleo,  an  important  French 
mining  company,  continued  operations  on  a reduced  scale  in  1921.  It  shipped  to  the 
United  States  5/4,171  pounds  of  copper,  valued  at  $51,577  Ignited  States  currency,  and 
14,080,435  pounds  of  copper  matte,  valued  at  $683,007  United  States  currency.  The 
company  owns  large  deposits  of  copper  ore  lying  near  the  Gulf  of  California.  The  plant 
includes  seven  reverberatory  smelting  units,  and  recent  additions  have  been  made,  at 
a cost  of  about  $1,000,000,  in  the  form  of  crude-oil-fired  converter  plant,  the  company 
issuing  bonds  to  cover  this  cost.  Until  1921,  coke  for  smelting  came  from  the  United 
States,  but  has  now  been  replaced  with  crude  oil.  The  company  owns  its  own  tank 
steamer  for  bringing  fuel  oil  from  Tampico  and  returning  with  copper  for  New  Orleans 
or  other  Gulf  ports  of  the  United  States.  With  the  new  improvements  it  expects  to 
get  good  returns  from  the  great  piles  of  old  slag  on  hand  at  the  plant.  Two  hundred 
men  are  usually  employed  in  the  plant  and  about  1,200  men  in  the  various  mining 
operations.  This  property  has  been  operated  continuously  since  1S87,  and  in  thi9 


MINING. 


235 


time  has  produced  more  than  100,000  tons  of  copper.  Since  1916  all  matte  and  black 
copper  has  been  shipped  to  the  Tacoma  smelter.  The  matte  formerly  ran  from  62  to 
63  per  cent  copper,  but  in  recent  years  a pyritic  ore  from  Shasta  County,  Calif.,  has 
been  mixed  and  used  as  flux,  carrying  about  2 per  cent  of  copper.  The  present  grade 
of  matte  is  about  50  per  cent  copper.  This  matte  is  put  into  the  reverberatones  at 
Tacoma,  and  the  black  copper  is  charged  into  the  converters.  In  1921  and  1922  the 
monthly  production  of  this  company  averaged  100  tons  of  copper  per  month,  while 
the  maximum  capacity  of  the  plant  was  1,000  tons  per  month.  The  new  oil-fired 
converter  plant  will  obviate  further  shipment  of  matte  to  smelters  in  the  United  States. 

LOWER  CALIFORNIA  MINING  NOTES:  SOUTHERN  HALF  OF  PENINSULA. 

[Note. — The  following  data  on  Lower  California  were  collected  by  Assistant  Trade 
Commissioner  H.  B.  MacKenzie,  who  visited  La  Paz.] 

There  are  a number  of  old  mines  and  mining  claims  in  the  southern 
district  of  Lower  California,  but  none  are  being  worked  at  present. 
Most  of  the  claims  are  silver  and  gold  properties.  By  far  the  most 
important  properties  are  those  owned  by  the  Companla  Minera 
Peninsular,  S.  A.,  located  at  El  Triunfo  and  San  Antonio,  the  mines 
consisting  of  large  veins  of  ores  carrying  gold,  silver,  copper,  and 
zinc.  A map  of  these  mineral  formations  shows  two  heavy  veins, 
the  Triunfo  and  the  San  Antonio,  as  converging  at  an  acute  angle  and 
dipping  toward  one  another  at  angles  of  32°  and  55°  from  the  perpen- 
dicular. The  Triunfo  vein  runs  in  direction  north,  30°  east,  and 
the  San  Antonio  north,  8°  west,  the  heavy  outcroppings  showing  on 
the  surface  for  a distance  of  34,000  feet.  There  are  17  tunnels 
penetrating  the  ore  bodies,  the  longest  measuring  1,800  feet.  Just 
to  the  east  of  the  large  formations  are  a great  number  of  small  gold 
veins  heavy  in  arseno-pyrites,  on  the  surface. 

Various  old  workings  were  carried  out  in  the  Triunfo  vein  after 
1850,  and  records  show  that  the  mines  produced  a total  of  30,000,000 
pesos  prior  to  the  great  storm  of  1895,  when  the  mines  were  wrecked 
and  filled  with  water.  The  present  company  has  not  been  very 
successful  in  extracting  a profitable  production  from  these  veins,  and 
the  properties  are  now  under  option  for  one  year  to  the  Companfa  de 
Boleo,  owner  of  the  great  copper  mines  of  Santa  Rosalia  farther 
north  along  the  Gulf  of  California  coast. 

SALT  DEPOSITS,  CARMEN  ISLAND. 

On  Carmen  Island,  some  distance  up  the  gulf  from  La  Paz,  are 
located  what  are  said  to  be  the  largest  salt  deposits  in  Mexico.  They 
are  owned  by  the  Salinas  de  Mexico  (Ltd.),  a British  concern  having 
its  head  office  in  Saltillo,  State  of  Coahuila.  This  same  company  is 
said  to  own  most  of  the  existing  salt  mines  and  deposits  of  Mexico. 
The  class  of  the  salt  produced  on  Carmen  Island  is  graded  as  Extra 
and  First  Class.  These  deposits  are  said  to  be  enormous  and  practi- 
cally inexhaustible.  Title  is  held  under  an  old  concession  from  the 
Mexican  Government.  Very  little  salt  is  being  shipped  at  present  to 
the  mainland  of  Mexico,  and  then  only  as  the  market  demands. 
Prices  are  $6  United  States  currency  per  metric  ton  at  Carmen  Island 
(1  metric  ton  = 2,205  pounds). 

The  reader  will  find  on  page  324  a reference  to  magnesite  deposits 
on  Margarita  Island,  Magdalena  Bay. 


236 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


MANGANESE. 

The  Mexican  Manganese  (American;  Frederick  Stande,  president, 
San  Francisco,  Calif.)  owns  63  claims  of  manganese  deposits  at  Con- 
cepcion Point,  Lower  California,  near  the  port  of  Mulege,  about  40 
miles  south  of  Santa  Rosalia  as  well  as  14  claims  located  8 miles  from 
San  Nicolas  Bay,  near  Mulege.  Some  British  interests  are  located 
in  the  same  region.  In  1920,  200  tons  of  ore  per  month  were  being 
shipped  to  Chicago,  the  ore  running  from  20  to  92  per  cent  metallic 
manganese,  and  averaging  about  48  per  cent.  Reports  on  this  prop- 
erty made  in  1918  showed  that  there  were  362,000  tons  of  ore,  averaging 
46  per  cent  manganese,  in  sight.  It  was  estimated  that  an  expendi- 
ture of  8100,000  would  develop  an  additional  300,000  tons  of  ore. 
The  freight  on  this  ore  is  $15.86  per  ton,  via  Guaymas,  to  which 
place  it  was  planned  to  take  the  ore  in  lighters  across  the  Gulf  of 
California.  The  owners  of  this  property  have  had  interruptions  to 
operations  on  acccount  of  litigation,  and  two  years  have  been  spent 
in  perfecting  titles,  etc. 

Manganese  shipments  from  northern  Chihuahua  amounted  to 
1,721  tons,  valued  at  $18,240,  in  1919,  as  compared  with  872  tons, 
valued  at  $26,938,  in  1918.  The  low  prices  paid  for  this  material 
in  1920  stopped  all  shipments  from  other  parts  of  Mexico,  although 
the  demand  for  this  metallurgical  product  continued  on  the  part  of 
the  American  steel  and  tube  mills.  The  deposits  occur  at  Concepcion 
very  near  to  the  ocean. 

LA  SIRENA  MINES. 

La  Sirena  group  of  mines  located  at  the  port  of  El  Barril,  113° 
west  longitude  and  28°  30'  north  latitude  (almost  directly  across 
the  Gulf  of  California  from  Guaymas),  on  the  peninsula  of  Lower 
California,  near  the  manganese  mines,  have  produced  gold,  silver, 
and  copper  ores,  hurt  have  not  been  operated  for  a number  of  years, 
and  capital  is  being  sought  for  their  development  on  a modern  scale. 
They  are  owned  in  Mazatlan. 

MOLYBDENUM. 

According  to  Bulletin  35,  of  the  Mexican  Department  of  the  Interior, 
most  of  the  developed  molybdenum  deposits  in  Mexico  are  in  the 
State  of  Sonora.  There  is  a large  deposit  in  the  Sahuaripa  district, 
in  eastern  Sonora,  the  mineral  occurring  in  rich  deposits  with  scheelite 
and  very  large  pieces  of  the  pure  metal.  The  Lucky  Tiger  Combination 
Gold  Mining  Co.  has  been  shipping  molybdenum  ore  to  the  Empire 
Smelting  & Refining  Co.,  of  Deming,  N.  Mex.,  from  El  Tigre  Mine,  Moe- 
tezuma,  Sonora.  An  American  company  has  also  acquired  molyb- 
denum deposits  near  Pozo,  about  20  miles  north  of  Hermosillo. 
Molybdenum  is  reported  in  several  other  parts  of  the  State  of  Sonora. 

A deposit  of  unknown  value,  located  35  miles  from  the  port  of 
Topolobampo,  in  the  State  of  Sinaloa,  is  owned  by  an  American. 

There  are  several  mines  producing  molybdenum  ores  in  north- 
eastern Chihuahua,  Mexico.  The  existence  of  molybdenum  ores 
has  been  reported  from  the  Mexican  States  of  Jalisco,  Oaxaca,  and 
Hidalgo,  also. 


MINING. 


237 


TUNGSTEN. 

Prior  to  1916  reports  of  mineral  production  in  Mexico  contained 
no  mention  of  tungsten.  In  1916,  115  short  tons  of  tungsten  ore, 
containing  60  per  cent  of  W03  were  imported  into  the  United  States 
from  Mexico.  In  1917  imports  had  increased  to  340J  short  tons. 
There  are  a number  of  deposits  in  the  State  of  Sonora.  The  largest 
are  reported  to  be  located  at  a point  called  La  Trinidad,  in  the 
Yaqui  River  district,  in  eastern  Sonora.  There  are  also  deposits 
below  Tonichi,  on  the  Yaqui  River  which  have  been  acquired  by 
American  interests.  In  1915,  scheelite,  a tungsten  ore,  was  dis- 
covered in  the  ores  of  the  mines  of  the  Washington  Mines  Develop- 
ment Co.  near  Huepac,  60  miles  south  of  Nacozari,  Sonora.  The 
copper  mines  at  Nacozari  are  also  shipping  some  tungsten.  Deposits 
of  wolframite,  a tungsten  ore,  are  reported  from  Nogales  and  from 
Culiacan  in  central  Sinaloa. 

SONORA  PROPERTIES  DEVELOPED  SINCE  1904— PRESENT  ACTIVITIES. 

LA  BEISCA  PLACER  FIELD. 

As  has  been  stated,  these  placers  were  developed  with  modern 
methods  by  the  late  Col.  W.  C.  Greene,  of  Cananea  fame,  but  the  titles 
were  allowed  to  lapse  on  account  of  revolutionary  troubles,  and  in 
February,  1922,  the  ground  was  relocated  (“denounced”)  by  a 
group  of  American  mining  people  with  headquarters  in  Nogales, 
Ariz.  These  placer  properties  are  located  on  the  San  Miguel  River, 
a confluent  of  the  Sonora  River. 

SAN  GERONIMO  MINE. 

This  property,  also  located  on  the  San  Miguel  River,  east  of  Poso 
Station  on  the  railway,  100  miles  south  of  Nogales,  and  owned  by 
the  El  Tajo  Mining  Co.,  resumed  operations  in  February,  1922. 

SANTA  BARBARA  MINES. 

These  properties,  located  about  20  miles  south  of  Nogales,  and 
owned  by  the  Consolidated  Arizona  Copper  Co.,  of  Gary,  Ind. 
(Phelps-Dodge  interests),  resumed  mining  operations  on  March  1, 
1922.  One  thousand  three  hundred  feet  of  new  development  work 
had  been  done  on  the  main  ledge.  The  ore  carries  lead  and  silver  in 
addition  to  copper  values. 

ARISPE  SMELTER  SCHEME. 

For  many  years,  on  account  of  the  numerous  mines  in  this  vicinity 
and  the  great  variety  of  ores  found,  most  of  them  low  grade,  there 
has  been  proposed  from  time  to  time  a scheme  to  establish  a large 
custom  smelter  at  Arispe,  which  in  colonial  times  had  a population 
of  between  25,000  and  35,000,  all  engaged  in  the  mining  industry, 
directly  or  indirectly.  In  February,  1922,  certain  mine  owners 
having  properties  in  this  district  again  became  active  in  the  promotion 
of  this  much-needed  smelter  plant.  When  the  railway  was  built 
south  of  Guavmas  and  the  Tonichi  Branch  was  constructed  up  the 
Yaqui  Valley,  tapping  an  old  and  rich  mining  country,  a small  cus- 
tom smelter  was  erected  at  a point  now  called  Fundicion,  where  ores 
for  treatment  could  be  concentrated  from  the  Yaqui  River  country 
and  from  the  south.  The  revolutions  caused  this  plant  to  remain 
closed,  and  it  is  now  partly  in  ruins. 


238 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


LAMPAZOS  MINES. 

This  old  property,  now  owned  by  Max  Mueller  and  associates  of  the 
Banco  de  Sonora  (see  also  Sonora  Bank  & Trust  Co.,  of  Nogales, 
Ariz.)  has  had  a varying  history  of  title  litigation,  etc.,  but  operations 
were  resumed  on  a small  scale  in  March,  1922,  by  the  present  owners. 
This  mine  is  located  in  the  Nacozari  region. 

DOLORES  AND  LA  PALMA  MINES. 

The  litigation  connected  with  the  ownership  of  these  properties 
was  finally  settled  in  March,  1922,  the  properties  reverting  to  their 
former  owners,  and  work  was  recommenced. 

CERRO  DE  ORO  MINES. 

The  Cerro  de  Oro  mines  are  located  near  Carbo  Station  on  the 
railway,  near  the  Dolores  mine,  are  owned  by  the  Charles  S.  Mills 
estate,  and  have  been  operated  for  20  years.  Recent  reports  (March, 
1922)  were  to  the  effect  that  new  mining  operations  had  resulted 
in  striking  rich  gold  ore  running  $6,000  to  the  ton. 

HIDALGO  MINE. 

The  Hidalgo  mine  is  located  near  Sovapa,  in  the  Yaqui  River 
country  north  of  Tonichi.  It  was  purchased  by  the  Sovapa  Silver 
Mines  Co.  and  opened  for  operation  and  development  work  in  August, 
1922. 

WASHINGTON  MINES  CO. 

This  company  owns  properties  40  miles  south  of  Arispe,  on  which 
work  was  suspended  in  1916  on  account  of  the  unsettled  conditions 
of  the  country,  making  further  mining  operations  impossible.  Oper- 
ations were  resumed  in  May,  1922. 

INTERNATIONAL  MINES  CO. 

The  International  Mines  Co.  resumed  operation  of  mines  about  5 
miles  south  of  Nacozari  in  May,  1922.  The  mines  carry  a copper, 
silver,  and  lead  ore. 

AZTECA  MINE. 

This  famous  old  mine  is  located  about  15  miles  east  of  Alamos, 
and  it  is  reported  that  $7,000,000  has  been  spent  on  its  development 
from  time  to  time.  The  ledge  outcrops  for  900  meters  and  rises 
60  feet  above  the  surface,  the  ore  chute  being  well  defined.  Assays 
show  copper  running  from  3 to  40  per  cent,  silver  3 to  33  per  cent, 
and  a gold  value  of  $6  per  ton.  Tne  property  is  now  under  option 
and  is  being  offered  to  American  mining  interests.  Los  Angeles, 
Calif.,  capital  is  interested  in  the  extension  of  this  mine,  known  as 
Cerro  de  la  Cruz. 


MINING. 


239 


AZTEC  CONSOLIDATED  MINING  CO. 

This  company  issued  a prospectus  in  1921  covering  the  promotion 
of  development  work  and  the  operation  of  37  mining  claims  totaling 
242  “ pertenencias ” (1  pertenencia  = 1 hectare  = 2.47  acres),  the 
various  claims  being  located  in  the  region  east  of  Noria  station  on 
the  railway  north  of  Hermosillo.  “La  Cobriza”  camp  is  located 
16  miles  by  wagon  road  from  Noria.  In  addition  to  the  37  mining 
properties  covered  by  the  claims  mentioned,  the  company  also  has 
three  consolidated  properties  which  it  has  taken  over  for  development 
purposes  under  contract. 

VERDE  GRANDE  MINE. 

The  revolutions  in  Mexico  stopped  work  on  the  Verde  Grande 
copper  property,  which  is  located  about  40  miles  northwest  of  Her- 
mosillo. It  is  one  of  the  most  promising  of  the  recently  developed 
mines  in  Sonora,  and  has  great  bodies  of  copper  ore,  carrying  gold 
and  silver  values,  blocked  out  and  ready  to  ship.  Recently  arrange- 
ments were  being  made  to  renew  operation  of  this  mine. 

BACOACHILLA  MINES. 

In  February,  1922,  it  was  announced  that  the  San  Diego  Mining 
Co.,  operating  in  Mexico  under  the  name  of  the  Compafha  Minera  de 
San  Diego,  had  been  organized  to  take  over  and  operate  the”  Bacoa- 
chilla  mines,  located  on  the  river  of  the  same  name,  south  of  Boludo, 
in  the  Altar  district,  and  also  the  Nido  mines  in  the  same  vicinity. 
The  Bacoachilla  mines  were  worked  by  the  colonial  miners,  who 
were  stopped  at  the  water  level  for  lack  of  adequate  pumping 
machinery.  The  ore  carries  gold  and  silver.  Plans  of  the  new 
company  call  for  the  sinking  of  a double-compartment  shaft  to  a 
depth  under  the  old  workings  and  the  erection  of  a quartz  mill. 
The  Nidos  mine  is  a new  discovery  on  which  prospecting  work  has 
exposed  some  high-grade  silver  ore. 

ROSALES  MINES,  MOCTEZUMA  REGION. 

New  American  capital  was  also  interested  in  the  early  part  of  1922 
in  the  development  of  the  old  Rosales  mine  in  the  Moctezuma  dis- 
trict, work  having  been  begun  on  an  autotruck  road  between  the 
mine  and  the  railway  at  Nacozari.  The  property  is  stated  to  have 
large  ore  bodies  of  copper,  carrying  gold  and  silver  values. 

EL  TRAMADO  MINES. 

This  group  adjoins  the  old  Socorro  mines  of  “antigua”  fame, 
located  about  20  miles  east  of  Poza,  and  a road  for  autotrucks  has 
been  constructed  to  the  railway.  General  Calles,  Mexican  Minister  of 
the  Interior,  and  his  associates,  Generals  Torres  and  Pina,  have  recently 
spent  $200,000  in  improvements,  consisting  of  concentrating  plant 
and  flotation  process,  on  this  property,  which  is  said  to  have  large 
bodies  of  good  milling  value  silver  ore,  with  rich  pockets  of  shipping 
ores.  American  Alaska  mining  capital  is  reported  to  be  interested 
in  this  property,  together  with  other  mines  which  have  already  been 
taken  over  in  the  San  Miguel  River  district  30  miles  east  of  Carbo. 


240 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


The  mines  taken  over  for  further  development  in  this  latter  region 
include  the  Santo  Domingo,  Cargadero,  Cerro  Verde,  La  Luisa,  and 
Teresa  mines,  belonging  to  various  owners  and  constituting  a group 
of  gold  claims  that  have  been  producers  in  the  past. 

MEJIA  MINE,  ALTAR  DISTRICT. 

Late  in  1921  new  milling  equipment  was  being  installed  at  this 
property,  which  is  reported  rich  in  silver,  the  ores  running  between 
20  and  180  ounces  per  ton  in  silver.  The  property  is  located  in  the 
extreme  northern  portion  of  the  Altar  district. 

ALAMOS  DISTRICT. 

Late  in  1921  the  Cosden  Co.,  of  New  York,  was  engaged  in  starting 
the  development  of  a gold-silver  property  east  of  Alamos,  near  the 
Chihuahua  State  line,  and  was  also  interested  in  El  Caiman  mine 
north  of  San  Bias.  This  is  an  old  mine  that  has  long  lain  idle  and 
must  be  unwatered.  It  is  a silver  property. 

LAS  CHISPAS  MINES. 

This  property  is  located  about  18  miles  south  of  Cananea,  but  is 
usually  reached  by  taking  the  Douglas-Nacozari  Railway  to  the  trail 
point  on  this  line.  The  Pedrazzini  Mines  Co.  has  taken  about 
$30,000,000  out  of  this  pockety  lode  during  the  last  20  years  and  is 
now  working  about  150  men,  65  of  whom  are  in  the  mine.  While 
some  very  rich  pockets  have  been  encountered,  operations  have  been 
variously  interrupted  by  revolutionary  conditions  from  time  to  time, 
and  work  has  been  suspended  for  years.  The  mine  is  now  down  to 
the  900-foot  level.  Twelve  per  cent  of  the  total  gross  output  goes 
into  dividends.  The  company  is  an  Arizona  corporation,  with  an 
authorized  capital  of  $1,250,000,  but  the  company's  main  office  is  in 
San  Francisco.  Although  a series  of  pockets,  the  vein  has  never  been 
entirely  lost,  although  it  has  narrowed  at  times  to  the  thickness  of  a 
knife  blade.  The  principal  values  are  in  silver,  with  a small  gold 
content.  Nevada  people  own  the  Chispas  extension,  but  have  aban- 
doned the  property,  from  all  accounts,  at  a depth  of  175  feet  in  the 
new  shaft.  At  the  north  end  the  vein  is  very  shattered  and  low 
grade. 

Plans  were  being  made  early  in  1922  to  begin  work  on  the  Espiritu 
Santo  and  Ventura  mines  at  the  other  end  ot  the  Chispas  vein,  where 
test  pits  found  high-grade  ore  running  up  to  $1,000  per  ton  in  an 
8-inch  width  of  vein.  The  old  Maria  mine  shaft,  down  500  feet,  is 
in  this  group,  but  lias  been  full  of  water  for  the  last  10  years.  It 
is  hoped  to  drain  this  shaft  and  use  it  by  crosscutting  from  the  new 
openings. 

CALUMET  & SONORA  OF  CANANEA  MINING  CO.,  S.  A. 

This  company  is  a subsidiary  of  the  Carnegie  Lead  & Zinc  Co., 
of  Pittsburgh,  Pa.,  which  owns  all  the  stock.  The  company  has 
more  than  a million  dollars  invested  in  lead  and  zinc  ore  properties 
in  the  vicinity  of  Cananea,  Sonora,  and  is  producing  lead  and  zinc 
concentrates.  It  has  never  been  able  to  pay  a dividend  and  is  now 
seeking  a market  for  its  product  in  Europe,  as  it  is  feared  that  the 
new  American  tariff  will  make  importation  into  the  United  States 
impossible. 


MINING. 


241 


NACOZARI  MINING  NOTES. 

In  December,  1922,  the  San  Jose  mine,  near  Nacozari,  was  remod- 
eled and  put  into  operation,  treating  about  15  tons  of  ore  per  day 
as  an  experimental  test  by  flotation,  promising  results  having  been 
obtained  with  an  extraction  of  85  per  cent  of  the  silver  values  and 
90  per  cent  of  the  gold  values.  The  ores  of  the  San  Jose  and  Chu- 
runababi  districts  have  not  been  treated  successfully  to  date,  and 
the  success  of  this  experiment  with  the  flotation  process  will  greatly 
increase  industry  in  this  section. 

The  Campo  Colorado  mine,  17  miles  northwest  of  Nacozari,  is 
having  a 10-ton  flotation  mill  installed.  This  mine  was  opened  in 
the  seventies  and  some  high-grade  surface  ore  taken  out,  but  no 
way  was  found  then  to  treat  the  vein  matter  lower  down. 

The  old  "Pittsburgh”  and  Guadalupe  del  Oro  mines  have  been 
relocated  and  a 10-ton  cyanide  plant  is  being  erected  at  the  junction 
of  the  Cebolla  and  Tarrasca  canyons  near  the  old  El  Globo  camp. 

The  opening  of  the  Cananea  mines  in  August,  1922,  presaged  a 
general  resumption  of  mining  activity  in  Sonora  and  Sinaloa;  work 
was  resumed  on  properties  abandoned  during  the  years  of  revolu- 
tion, new  properties  were  being  examined  by  engineers,  options 
were  being  taken,  and  plans  were  going  forward  for  development  and 
new  machinery  installations.  A score  of  both  old  and  new  mines 
were  taken  over  by  new  capital  in  Sonora,  and  several  mining  deals 
were  reported  from  Sinaloa  and  Nayarit. 

Returns  of  exports  of  metals  from  Sonora  to  the  United  States 
by  the  end  of  June,  1922,  showed  enormously  increasing  production 
in  mining,  and  this  increase  has  continued  steadily  during  the  last 
half  of  the  year. 

The  colonial  miners  had  the  great  advantage  of  very  cheap  labor. 
These  old  miners  secured  the  cream  of  the  surface  mines  and  rich 
ore  deposits  and  even  succeeded,  in  many  cases,  in  profitably  work- 
ing low-grade  silver  ore  deposits  and  mines  that  can  not  be  worked 
to-day  at  a profit  with  modern  machinery  and  chemical  methods. 
Since  the  eighties  Americans  have  been  very  successful  in  Sonora  in 
developing  copper  properties  to  which  the  colonial  miners  paid  no 
attention  because  the  metal  had  for  them  little  commercial  value 
in  their  day,  and  also  in  reopening  old  properties  rich  in  good  ore 
which  the  colonials  had  been  forced  to  abandon  because  the  water 
level  had  been  reached.  Modern  methods  and  machinery  have  also 
made  the  working  of  low-grade  ores  commercially  practicable  in 
many  cases.  Rich  strikes  have  been  made  since  the  eighties  in  old 
mines  that  have  been  pumped  out,  or  in  rich  pockets  found  in  the 
old  veins  worked  by  the  colonial  miners.  Still  new  properties  are 
being  rediscovered,  the  ores  being  too  rebellious  for  the  crude  meth- 
ods of  the  Spaniards  or  of  too  low  grade  to  permit  of  their  being 
worked  in  colonial  times.  There  are  many  opportunities  for  the 
mining  man  in  Sonora  and  Sinaloa.  In  Sinaloa,  however,  field  con- 
ditions of  transportation  are  even  more  difficult,  the  State  does  not 
offer  such  a wide  range  of  mineralized  formations  as  Sonora,  and  the 
old  camps  are  fewer,  showing  that  during  colonial  times  there  was 
not  so  much  mining  activity  in  Sinaloa  and  Nayarit  as  there  was  in 
Sonora. 

44807°—  23 17 


242 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


LLUVTA  DE  ORO  MINE. 

The  discovery  of  the  Lluvia  de  Oro  mine  by  Americans  in  1905 
constituted  the  greatest  bonanza  in  the  modem  history  of  the  coun- 
try. The  property  is  located  in  the  Alamos  district,  partly  in  Sinaloa 
and  partly  in  Chihuahua.  A large  stamp  mill  and  cyanide  plant 
was  erected  at  great  expense,  and  very  handsome  profits  were  real- 
ized for  years.  Recent  operations  have  opened  up  ore  chambers 
estimated  to  contain  $2, 000, 000  worth  of  free-milling  gold  ore  of 
very  good  grade  and  even  run. 

BATOPILAS  MINE. 

This  is  one  of  the  old  and  steady  producing  mines  of  the  western 
watershed  of  the  Sierra  Madres,  having  been  operated  continuously 
since  the  • seventies  by  Governor  Shepard.  It  is  located  on  the 
Batopilas  River  in  Chihuahua  north  of  the  old  mining  town  of 
Morelos,  the  outlet  being  via  Choix  to  San  Bias  and  Topolobampo. 
The  property  is  a rich  silver  mine,  the  ore  carrying  a high  percentage 
of  gold.  It  was  an  everyday  occurrence  to  have  several  of  the  stamp 
shoes  in  the  mill  clog  with  native  silver  yellow  with  gold,  and  force 
the  stamp  to  be  thrown  out  of  gear  on  the  cam  until  the  mass  of 
pure  metal  could  be  cut  away  with  a cold  chisel.  (The  writer  has 
personally  been  at  this  property  and  seen  this  happen.)  The  mine 
was  closed  down  more  or  less  continuously  during  the  last  years  of 
revolution  in  Mexico,  but  has  been  reopened. 

To  the  south  of  Batopilas — a long,  hard  day’s  ride  through  a rough, 
mountain  country  cut  by  many  deep  arrovos  and  canyons — is  the 
old  mining  town  of  Morelos,  once  a famous  silver  and  gold  camp  of 
early  Mexican  Republic  days,  but  fallen  into  decay  since  1900.  The 
ores  in  this  district  were  roasted  with  salt  and  then  amalgamated  by 
the  "patio”  process.  In  the  mountains  southeast  of  Morelos  are 
some  gold  prospects,  and  there  was  formerly  a two-stamp  mill  at 
La  Dura  mine  in  the  Duraznos  Canyon,  below  San  Jose  del  Oro. 
Chinipas  is  another  “antigua”  camp  of  early  republic  days,  long 
since  “dead”  so  far  as  active  mining  is  concerned.  Guadalupe  y 
Calvo,  Los  Taros,  and  many  other  scattered  and  less  important  gold 
camps,  are  in  the  high  mountain  region  of  the  western  watershed  of 
the  main  range. 

At  Choix,  just  south  of  Fuerte,  in  northern  Sinaloa,  the  El  Fuerte 
Mining  & Smelting  Co.  has  recently  completed  a 125-ton  smelter  and 
has  a four  or  five  years’  run  of  copper  ore  blocked  out,  running  about 
$1.50  per  ton  in  gold  and  from  5 to  10  ounces  in  silver.  The  plant  is 
employing  40  men  at  present. 

The  famous  gold  mine  known  as  Copalquin  (belonging  to  the  Reme- 
dios  de  la  Rocha  family,  and  located  in  Sinaloa  three  days’  hard  ride 
north  by  east  of  Culiacan) , which  has  produced  a great  fortune  in  free- 
milling  gold,  is  now  closed  down.  Millions  have  been  offered  for  this 
property,  but  it  was  never  sold  by  its  owners. 

Farther  south  and  to  the  east,  a ride  of  a day  and  a half  from 
Culiacan,  a Boston  company,  a subsidiary  of  one  of  the  great  American 
mining  companies,  installed  in  1907  a great  reduction  and  electric 
plant  at  San  Fernando,  the  property  being  a low-grade  copper, 
silver,  and  gold  ledge  of  enormous  proportions.  The  investment 
totaled  several  millions  of  dollars  but  was  scrapped  after  a little  over 


MINING. 


243 


a year  of  operation  because  the  average  value  of  the  ores  was  too 
low  to  pay  a margin  of  profit.  The  present  owner  of  the  mine  claims 
that  the  real  ore  chute  was  never  opened  by  the  company,  and  small 
operations  are  at  present  producing  returns. 

San  Jose  de  Gracia  produced  a fortune  for  the  Tariba  family,  of 
Culiacan,  but  is  now  said  to  be  worked  out.  This  mine  is  located 
in  the  northeastern  part  of  Sinaloa  and  is  where  free  gold  was  found 
in  black  porphyry. 

Pocket  miners  still  continue  to  work  the  small,  heavily  oxidized 
silver  veins  in  and  around  Santiago  de  los  Caballeros,  two  days’  ride 
north  of  Culiacan,  in  the  Badiraguato  district — reducing  the  ore  in 
small  brick  furnaces.  Americans  have  prospected  this  region  for 
years,  but  have  never  found  a vein  that  would  warrant  the  erection 
of  a plant.  The  peculiarity  of  the  Caballeros  district  is  that  the  ores 
run  into  a rebellious  arsenical  combination  below  the  water  line. 

On  the  Sinaloa  River  the  Bacubirito  Sinaloa  Gold  Placers  (Inc.), 
capitalized  at  $1,000,000  United  States  currency,  has  a concession 
from  the  Mexican  Government  to  dredge  large  areas  on  the  Sinaloa 
River  near  Bacubirito,  on  the  tributaries  called  Encinitos  and  Des- 
cubridora,  and  in  the  Campo  Santo  Arroyo.  The  company  proposes 
to  install  a close-connected  bucket  dredge  of  7 cubic  feet  capacity. 
The  president  of  this  company  is  Gen.  Ramon  F.  Iturbe,  formerly 
active  Madero  leader  and  Governor  of  Sinaloa  for  a season. 

In  the  Mocorito  district  the  Palmarito  Leasing  Co.,  of  Philadelphia, 
has  a promising  property  in  operation,  containing  low-grade  silver 
ores  and  equipped  with  a cyanide  plant,  grinding  being  with  stamps 
and  rolls. 

Work  is  now  active  again  on  El  Potrero  property,  located  within 
2 miles  of  the  Palmarito  mine.  This  is  a gold  and  silver  ledge  which 
has  been  previously  worked  from  time  to  time.. 

The  only  recent  new  discovery  in  Sinaloa  is  the  Mautal  mine,  a 
day’s  ride  northeast  of  Culiacan,  equipped  with  a 10-stamp  mill  and  a 
cyanide  plant,  the  ledge  carrying  gold  and  silver. 

In  the  Mazatlan  district  the  famous  old  Rosario  mine  of  Bradbury 
fame  has  produced  $115,000,000  in  silver  in  the  90  years  of  its  oper- 
ation. The  mine  is  known  as  El  Tajo  and  has  been  worked  steadily 
during  the  last  10  years  of  revolution  in  Mexico.  It  is  only  40  miles  by 
rail  from  Mazatlan  and  very  near  to  the  railway.  Offices  are  main- 
tained in  Mazatlan,  where  the  owner  also  operates  the  recently 
completed  Hotel  Belmar,  the  finest  and  most  modern  hotel  on  the 
entire  West  Coast  of  Mexico. 

The  famous  old  Guadalupe  de  los  Reyes  mine,  which  is  just  east 
of  Cosala  on  the  headwaters  of  the  San  Lorenzo  River,  and  which  has 
produced  a great  fortune  for  its  Spanish  owners  in  Mazatlan,  is  still 
in  operation,  but  on  a much  reduced  scale  on  account  of  the  shortage 
of  high-grade  ores.  It  has  been  reported  that  the  Rosario  “ El  Tajo” 
company  has  taken  over  this  mine  for  further  development,  having 
acquired  a controlling  interest  recently.  Another  mine  has  been 
opened  by  Montana  interests  near  Cosala. 

The  El  Tigre  mine,  a free-milling  gold  property  located  22  miles 
northeast  of  Acaponeta  in  Naj^arit,  has  been  opened  by  an  Aonerican 
company  (United  Eastern  Mining  Co.)  and  a mill  installed. 

The  old  El  Arco  mine,  which  is  located  near  Panuco,  east  of  Mazat- 
lan, and  which  can  be  reached  in  an  automobile  from  the  seaport,  is 


244 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


equipped  with  a mill  and  is  being  actively  operated  at  the  present 
time.  The  mine  is  a silver  vein  carrying  a small  gold  value. 

MINING  IN  MAZATLAN  DISTRICT. 

There  is  reproduced  below  a general  report  on  the  mining  industry 
of  the  Mazatlan  district  in  1921,  submitted  by  the  American  Consul 
at  Mazatlan,  Sinaloa,  under  date  of  January  3,  1922: 

The  only  minerals  receiving  much  attention  in  this  district  are  gold  and  silver. 
There  are  copper,  lead,  zinc,  but  these  are  regarded  as  base  metals,  to  be  considered 
only  as  they  occur  in  ores  carrying  gold  and  silver  for  refining  in  the  smelters  of  the 
United  States. 

The  following  table  shows  the  quantities  and  values  of  mineral  products  shipped 
to  the  United  States  during  the  years  1920  and  1921,  according  to  certified  consular 
invoices  (but  the  table  does  not  show  accurately  the  figures  of  actual  shipments,  as 
a few  small  mine  operators  in  the  northern  part  of  Sinaloa  secure  their  consular  invoices 
at  the  entry  port  of  Nogales): 


Metals. 

1920 

1921 

Quantity. 

Value. 

Quantity. 

Value. 

Copper pounds.. 

Gold ounces.. 

Lead pounds.. 

Silver ounces.. 

Zinc pounds. . 

41,228 

40,350 

94,953 

2,489,344 

$9,091 
845, 921 
5, 418 
2,554,223 

21,095 
50, 139 
2S,  777 
2,380,362 
10,281 

$2,453 

985,645 

865 

1,492,681 

242 

3, 414, 653 

2,481,886 

The  present  tendency  in  the  mining  industry  in  this  district  is  toward  improvement 
in  mimng  methods,  preparations  for  more  extensive  development  work  on  mines  that 
have  been  previously  worked  with  success,  and  toward  the  location  and  development 
of  new  properties. 

In  general,  it  may  be  said  that  the  district  has  been  visited  recently  by  a large 
number  of  capable  American  mining  engineers,  representing  competent  mining  people 
and  interests,  for  the  purpose  of  studying  the  field.  It  is  thought  that  there  is  an 
excellent  prospect  for  the  discovery  of  more  rich  gold  and  silver  deposits,  and  it 
appears  that  the  States  of  Sinaloa  and  Nayarit  have  not  been  well  explored  and  pros- 
pected from  the  standpoint  of  mining  engineers,  in  the  modem  sense  of  the  word. 

One  of  the  main  factors  affecting  the  mining  industry  as  a whole  in  this  district  is 
the  unsettled  state  of  the  Federal  laws  and  decrees  affecting  the  production  and 
exportation  of  metals  and  mineral  products.  There  have  been  many  changes  in 
the  taxes  imposed  and  restrictions  in  exportation,  as  well  as  regulations  relating 
to  the  location,  “denouncement,”  and  operation  of  mining  claims.  One  of  these 
restrictions  is  that,  for  all  the  gold  and  silver  bullion  shipped  out  of  the  country 
there  must  be  an  equal  value  of  gold  coin  imported;  and  lately  the  mines  have  been 
required  to  file  bonds  guaranteeing  to  the  Government  that  this  requirement  will 
be  met  in  the  fullest  detail.  Local  taxes  and  export  duties  on  gold  and  silver  bullion 
exported  average  about  11  per  cent  of  the  value. 

Another  matter  seriously  affecting  mining  has  been  the  high  Mexican  import  duty 
levied  on  explosives  for  mining  purposes.  That,  it  appears,  was  a matter  of  customs 
policy  for  the  protection  of  the  powder  factory  which  it  was  proposed  to  establish  at 
Torreon.  It  seems,  however,  that  during  the  revolutionary  period  through  which  the 
country  has  passed,  this  factory  did  not  operate  and  the  duty  was  temporarily  reduced, 
but  there  is  renewed  agitation  for  high  import  duties  on  explosives  to  protect  the  do- 
mestic industry,  which  does  not  appear  to  be  coming  to  a position  to  meet  the  demands 
of  mine  operators  for  explosives. 19& 

The  main  economic  factor  affecting  mines  in  this  district  in  recent  years  has  been 
the  low  price  of  silver.  Mines  running  a low  gold  content  in  their  silver  ores  have  been 
able  to  keep  their  properties  in  operation,  but  silver  mines  have  had  to  shut  down 
altogether. 


196  “Dynamite,  powder  for  mines,  etc.,  and  other  explosives  not  specified,  0.12  peso  per  gross  kilo” 
(Mexican  tariff).  In  1916  a decree  reduced  the  duty  on  dynamite  to  0.04  peso  per  gross  kilo. 


MINING. 


245 


A favorable  condition  is  that  low  wages  are  again  being  paid  in  this  district,  and  the 
almost  total  absence  of  labor  strikes  has  further  helped  to  continue  the  industry. 
Occasionally  labor  agitation  does  bring  difficulties  and  some  danger,  especially  to 
foreigners  (Americans)  whose  services  are  required  for  the  technical  and  mechanical 
operation  of  the  properties. 

Mine  supplies  and  equipment  have  had  to  be  imported  from  the  United  States  at 
heavy  costs  for  import  duties  and  transportation.  Some  of  the  best  mines  are  located 
in  remote  mountain  regions  where  the  only  means  of  transportation  is  by  pack  mule, 
often  taking  from  three  to  four  days  from  rail  point  to  destination. 

Since  the  Madero  revolt  in  1911  there  have  been  only  a few  significant  mining  de- 
velopments in  this  district,  beyond  the  regular  operation  of  mines  that  were  active 
properties  at  that  time.  Most  of  the  working  mines  were  shut  down  on  account  of 
revolutionary  conditions  following  1911  and  have  received  renewed  attention  only 
since  1919:  only  one  of  these  properties  in  this  district  appears  to  be  in  the  hands  of 
interests  strong  enough  to  carry  out  extensive  development  work  in  new  ground. 

It  would  appear,  however,  that  a number  of  large  American  mining  companies  are 
only  awaiting  the  better  assurance  of  protection  and  peaceful  conditions  in  the  country 
to  enter  upon  the  development  of  a number  of  likely  mine  prospects  located  at  widely 
scattered  points  in  Sinaloa  and  Nayarit,  and  also  in  northern  Jalisco. 

A number  of  native  miners  have  continued  to  locate  prospects  which  they  endeavor 
to  dispose  of  to  Americans.  Few  of  the  natives  have  the  necessary  funds  or  technical 
ability  to  develop  mining  properties  on  a large  scale. 

All  the  mines  in  operation  in  Sinaloa  and  Nayarit  produce  gold  in  greater  or  less 
proportion.  In  all  cases  of  the  largest  and  best  mines,  silver  is  found  with  the  gold 
in  the  ores  extracted,  the  mines  having  been  heavily  oxidized  silver  mines  on  the 
surface,  with  the  gold  values  increasing  with  the  depth  of  the  veins. 

[Note. — The  best  mines  in  Sinaloa  have  been  those  found  on  true  contacts — a blue 
diorite  and  black  hard  porphyry,  with  a talc  parting  on  the  hanging  wall  of  the  diorite.] 

Copper  is  found  at  various  points  in  Sinaloa  and  Nayarit,  but  the  northern  part  of 
the  State  of  Sinaloa  seems  to  offer  the  best  copper  prospects,  although  little  attention 
has  been  paid  to  this  metal  heretofore  by  mining  men  on  account  of  the  mountainous 
nature  of  the  mining  districts  and  the  difficulties  of  transportation,  making  the  com- 
mercial operation  of  copper  mines  impractical. 

All  the  silver-gold  mines  carry  a lead  content  in  the  galena  form.  In  the  northern 
half  of  Sinaloa  there  are  several  known  large  veins  carrying  a high  lead  content  with 
a small  silver  value.  The  existing  lack  of  rail  transportation  makes  the  development 
of  lead  properties  impractical  at  the  present  time. 

SAN  DIMAS  DISTRICT. 

Two  producing  properties  are  found  in  the  San  Dimas  district — ■ 
the  San  Luis  and  the  Candelaria  y Anexas,  or  the  Contra  Estaca- 
Candelaria  group,  the  latter  belonging  to  the  Col.  Dan  Burns  interests 
identified  with  the  Rossiter-Crocker  interests,  of  San  Francisco,  and 
the  former  belonging  to  the  San  Luis  Mining  Co.  (see  reference  to 
development  of  new  hydroelectric  plant  in  San  Dimas  region,  p.  172). 
The  San  Dimas  mines  have  a long  record  of  silver  production,  the 
metal  carrying  a fair  gold  value.  Another  property  has  been  recently 
taken  over  by  American  interests  near  Rosario. 

MINING  IN  NAYARIT. 

In  May,  1922,  a Japanese  located  Los  Tejones  mine,  20  miles  from 
the  railway  station  of  Yago  on  the  Southern  Pacific  of  Mexico,  in 
Nayarit,  and  imported  three  carloads  of  drilling  machinery  and  air- 
compressor  equipment  with  which  to  start  active  development  work. 
The  vein  is  said  to  have  a uniform  width  of  32  feet  and  to  carry  fair 
silver  and  gold  values.  The  present  extraction  of  ore  is  reported 
as  being  from  25  to  30  tons  per  day. 

The  State  of  Nayarit  has  also  had  its  great  old  mines  of  colonial 
fame.  The  principal  known  deposits  of  silver  ores  are  those  of 
Huicicila  and  of  Espiritu  Santo  in  the  municipality  of  Compostela, 
both  of  which  were  celebrated  bonanza  producers  in  the  days  of  the 


246 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


Spanish  colony  and  made  possible  the  splendor  of  the  famous  Spanish 
line  of  the  Counts  of  Miravalles.  The  Huicicila  mines  are  now  being 
operated  by  Americans,  there  being  on  the  property  a small  smelting 
plant  having  a 25-ton  capacity. 

Other  old  silver  camps  of  Nayarit  are  those  of  Acuitapilco,  near 
Santa  Maria  del  Oro;  Coapilla  and  Buenos  Aires,  near  Jala;  Casados, 
La  Castellana,  etc.,  in  the  region  of  Ixtlan  and  La  Yesca.  In  the 
regions  of  Acaponeta  and  Huajicori  there  are  also  mineral  deposits, 
among  them  being  the  Minitas  mine  (operated  for  some  years  by 
Canadians,  who  fortified  it  with  a concrete  blockhouse  and  wire 
entanglements  during  the  revolutions,  as  it  is  seen  from  the  railway, 
which  passes  within  a quarter  of  a mile  of  the  mine) , El  Tigre,  Cucha- 
ras,  etc.,  the  last-named  mine  being  owned  by  the  Lacey  Syndicate, 
of  Los  Angeles,  Calif.,  but  at  present  shut  down.  The  ore  is  a copper 
base  carrying  a gold  value.  In  this  neighborhood  placers  were  dis- 
covered in  1914  and  caused  no  little  excitement  on  the  West  Coast  at 
that  time.  There  are  also  the  old  silver  mines  of  La  Purisima,  Zopi- 
lote,  Mojocuautla,  Huanamota,  El  Frontal,  Motaje,  Teacapan, 
Tatepusco,  Zapitan,  etc. — all  closed  for  many  years. 

With  the  exception  of  the  El  Tigre,  Huicicila,  and  Minitas  mines, 
the  only  mine  in  operation  in  the  State  of  Nayarit  is  the  group  located 
at  Barranca  del  Oro  near  Ahuacatlan  (four  hours’  ride  to  the  south 
of  Ahuacatlan).  This  group  consists  of  two  gold-bearing  veins, 
one  silver  vein,  and  a group  of  about  50  small  gold  veins.  The 
property  is  equipped  with  a three-stamp  mill  and  one  Lane  ball 
mill  for  grinding,  and  also  has  a small  concentrating  plant  and 
flotation  process.  Amalgamation  is  used.  The  capacity  of  the  plant 
is  25  tons  of  ore  per  day. 

In  this  same  neighborhood  is  the  Molinete  Canyon  group  of  veins 
for  which  a new  10-stamp  mill  was  installed  in  1922  bv  Americans. 
This  property  is  now  under  option  to  the  Hamilton  interests  of 
Douglas  and  Nacozari,  and  is  reported  to  have  great  promise. 

There  is  a large  area  of  practically  unexplored  country  lying  in  the 
northeastern  part  of  Nayarit,  in  the  Berberia  Mountains,  inhabited 
by  the  Toniti  or  Nayarit  Indians,  who  resisted  Spanish  conquest 
until  1722  and  have  since  then  maintained  their  isolation  in  these 
mountains.  These  Indians  are  known  to  possess  gold,  often  trading 
large  pieces  with  quartz  embedded,  as  well  as  alluvial  nuggets.  From 
time  to  time  small  expeditions  into  this  country  have  met  with  dis- 
aster on  account  of  the  warlike  character  of  this  tribe. 

During  1922  American  mining  interests  of  Arizona  and  Sonora 
were  taking  a great  deal  of  interest  in  Nayarit  and  had  several  com- 
petent engineers  in  that  field  looking  up  likely  properties,  after 
months  of  travel  and  work  in  Sinaloa  had  failed  to  reveal  anything 
worth  while.  The  Ixtlan  country  leads  back  into  the  Hostotipata- 
quillo  region  of  Jalisco,  a rich  mining  region  worked  for  many  years 
by  Americans.  Nayarit  is,  in  general,  of  volcanic  formation,  and, 
as  a rule,  the  known  mines  have  run  into  difficult  ores  at  certain 
depths  under  the  heavily  oxidized  surface  formations. 

Mine  owners  in  Nayarit  are  named  below: 

James  E.  Lacey,  Acaponeta. 

Tomas  Firman  y Socios,  Acaponeta. 

Juan  Clare  v Socios,  Acaponeta. 

Cla.  Aguapan  y Anexas,  Tepic. 


MINING. 


247 


Perez  Gomez  y Castaneda,  Tepic. 

Ruperto  Ambriz,  Tepic. 

Fritz  G.  Kaiser,  Compostela. 

Luis  C.  Herrera,  Acaponeta. 

Cia.  “El  Refugio,”  La  Uesca. 

Cfa.  Concepcion  de  Gonzalez  y Rubio,  Ixtlan. 

Roberto  R.  Landrum,  Ixtlan. 

Estate  of  Juan  Preciado,  Santa  Maria  del  Oro. 

Cfa.  Japonesa  “Los  Tejones,”  Santiago  Ixquintla,  in  Yago  district. 

IRON  DEPOSITS. 

There  are  known  deposits  of  hematite  iron  in  the  States  of  Durango, 
Sinaloa,  Aguascalientes,  Lower  California,  Guerrero,  Hidalgo, 
Jalisco,  Morelos,  Nayarit,  Nuevo  Leon,  Oaxaca,  Puebla,  Queretero, 
Sonora,  Vera  Cruz,  Zacatecas,  and  Colima.  The  best-known  iron- 
ore  deposits  on  the  West  Coast  are  those  in  Lower  California,  near 
Ensenada  on  the  Pacific  side,  and  the  deposit  40  miles  east  of  Culiacan, 
from  wdiich  iron  ore  for  flux  was  packed  to  the  Bismuth  King  mine 
in  the  Chacala  district.  Workable  deposits  also  occur  in  Sonora  but 
have  never  been  developed.  The  famous  Cerro  del  Mercado  deposit 
at  Durango  City  contains  some  300,000,000  tons  of  very  pure  iron 
ore.  The  most  developed  mines  are  those  in  Coahuila,  supplying  the 
foundry  at  Monterey.  Foundries  are  also  operated  in  Hidalgo  and 
Jalisco. 

There  has  been  some  rumor  of  the  utilization  of  the  Lower  Cali- 
fornia deposit  for  a steel  mill  to  be  located  at  Los  Angeles  (San  Pedro), 
Calif. 

GYPSUM  DEPOSITS. 

Deposits  of  gypsum  are  found  in  all  Mexican  States.  In  the  West 
Coast  territory  deposits  occur  in  the  districts  of  Santa  Rosalia, 
Mulege,  Gulf  of  Cortez,  island  of  San  Marcos,  San  Marcos  hacienda, 
and  at  Ojo  de  Liebre  on  the  Pacific  side  of  Lower  California,  south  of 
Ensenada. 

In  Nayarit  there  are  deposits  at  the  Bolas  mine  near  Amatlan  de 
Canas.  In  Sinaloa  deposits  are  known  at  Guadalupe  de  los  Reyes  in 
the  Cosala  district  and  at  the  Cerro  de  Tepuche,  near  Quitatan. 

In  Sonora  there  are  deposits  of  this  material  at  Aguascalientes, 
between  Guasabes  and  Operto  in  the  Moctezuma  district.  The 
alabaster  variety  also  occurs  in  the  central  district  of  Lower  Cali- 
fornia. 

MICA  DEPOSITS. 

Sonora  usually  exports  from  40  to  50  carloads  of  mica  to  the 
United  States  per  annum,  but  high  freight  rates  and  low  prices  at 
present  have  curtailed  recent  shipments. 

ANTIMONY  DEPOSITS. 

There  are  11  known  deposits  of  antimony  in  the  State  of  Sonora, 
while  in  the  State  of  San  Luis  Potosi  a total  of  672  claims  had  been 
“denounced”  up  to  July  1,  1921,  according  to  the  Government 
records.  Deposits  of  this  mineral  are  also  found  in  a number  of 
other  Mexican  states,  chiefly  in  Zacatecas,  Queretero,  and  Oaxaca. 
The  amounts  exported  are  not  shown. 


248  MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 

METAL  EXPORT  REGULATIONS. 

F or  some  time  past  the  Mexican  Government  has  required  a guaranty 
of  the  return  into  the  country  of  an  equal  amount  of  gold  or  silver 
coin  for  the  bullion  exported.  The  Government  maintains  a general 
assay  agency  at  Nogales,  Sonora,  and  requires  a deposit  in  money 
or  bond  to  cover  the  value  of  all  bullion  or  shipping  ore  sent  to  the 
refineries  of  the  United  States  from  Mexican  territory.  These  assay 
values  are  afterwards  rectified  by  means  of  the  smelter  or  mint 
returns  of  the  shipments.  Many  small  producers  are  not  financially 
able  to  make  this  deposit  in  cash,  or  to  obtain  adequate  bonding 
facilities  at  the  border;  there  are  many  such  small  mines  in  Sonora 
and  a few  in  Sinaloa. 

MINING  LAWS  AND  TAXATION  NOTES. 

On  February  1,  1922,  the  Department  of  Hacienda  (Treasury) 
ordered  canceled  33  mining  titles  in  Sonora  alone  for  nonpayment  of 
taxes  in  accordance  with  the  provisions  of  the  executive  decree  of 
August  28,  1920.  In  1922  the  decree  of  March  1 remitted  all  back 
taxes  unpaid  on  mining  claims  in  the  Republic,  on  condition  that 
the  title  holders  would  pay  the  three  "tercios”  (taxes  on  mines  in 
Mexico  are  paid  in  four-month  periods)  of  1921  and  the  first  two 
tercios  of  1922,  payment  to  be  made  to  the  Government  prior  to 
September  1,  1922.  This  new  decree  enabled  a great  number  of 
mine  owners  to  redeem  their  claims  on  which  payment  of  taxes  had 
been  long  delinquent  on  account  of  the  disturbed  conditions  pre- 
vailing in  the  country  for  more  than  10  years. 

MINING  TAXES. 

Mining  taxes  are  collected  by  the  Federal  Government  through  the 
"stamp  collector”  (“ administracion  principal  del  timbre”),  being 
payable  in  net  cash  three  times  a year,  on  the  first  legal  days  of 
January,  May,  and  September.  The  rates  per  annum  m Mexican 
pesos  are  shown  belo  v (1  pertenencia  = 2.47  acres) : 


Perteneneias.  Pesos. 

1 to  5 6 each 

6 to  50 9 each 

51  to  100  (or  more) 1 2 each 


COSTS  OF  LOCATION  OF  CLAIMS. 

The  following  are  the  necessary  expenses  in  connection  with  the 
location  of  claims: 

Deposit  at  ‘(stamp  collector’s”  office  for  titles,  at  the  rate  of  10  pesos  per  " per- 
tenencia. ” 

Surveyor’s  fees,  according  to  the  nature  of  the  trip  to  property,  time  employed,  size 
of  the  claims  taken,  etc. 

Cost  of  erection  of  monuments,  which  have  to  be  made  of  stone  and  mortar,  or  of 
concrete,  and  so  placed  that  from  one  point  two  are  always  visible  on  either  side. 

The  cost  of  title  issuance  at  Mexico  City  is  only  from  10  to  15  pesos  for  map 
attached  to  the  patent  covering  the  claim,  and  0.50  peso  in  stamps. 

Mine  taxes  are  payable  from  the  date  of  issuance  of  title  (patent) 
and  are  considered  delinquent  by  the  Government  the  moment  taxes 
are  due  and  unpaid.  There  is  no  fixed  rule  for  the  Government  to 
declare  claims  canceled  (“caduco, ” forfeited),  except  that  new 


MINING. 


249 


locators  can  file  on  the  same  property  and  petition  its  location 
(“denuncio”)  from  the  Department  of  Hacienda  (Treasury)  through 
the  nearest  mining  agent  (agente  de  mineria)  if  taxes  have  not  been 

Said  promptly.  During  the  past  year  many  owners  of  mines  in 
lexico  have  paid  long-overdue  taxes  to  the  Government,  some  of 
the  payments  covering  taxes  for  a period  of  five  to  seven  years.  Also, 
during  the  various  revolutions,  many  mine  owners  have  been  driven 
away  from  their  properties  or  have  had  to  leave  the  country,  old 
records  have  been  destroyed  or  lost,  and  a great  number  of  mines 
have  been  relocated  by  persons  knowing  or  learning  of  their  pro- 
duction records  or  their  value.  Confusion  and  litigation  have,  of 
course,  resulted  from  these  conditions. 

INVESTMENT  IN  MINING  AND  OTHER  INDUSTRIES. 

According  to  a survey  covering  the  States  of  Sinaloa  and  Nayarit 
in  1918,  the  total  investment  in  these  two  West  Coast  States  by 
foreigners,  other  than  Americans,  was  as  follows: 

TT.  S.  currency. 


Spanish:  Commercial  houses,  factories,  and  mines $5,  000,  000 

German:  Commercial  houses  and  factories 2,  000,  000 

French:  Commercial  houses 300,  000 

British:  Mines,  lands,  and  public  utilities 750,  000 


A conservative  estimate  of  the  amount  of  American  capital  invested 
in  lands  and  agricultural  development  in  the  States  of  Sinaloa  and 
Nayarit  places  the  total  at  $11,495,000  United  States  currency  in 
1918.  Since  then  several  million  dollars  more  have  been  invested  in 
winter  tomato  and  vegetable  planting  for  the  American  market. 

From  time  to  time  great  sums  in  small  allotments  have  been  spent 
in  Sinaloa,  Nayarit,  and  Sonora  by  Americans  in  prospecting  and 
development  work  in  mining.  The  territory  is  full  of  abandoned 
mines  and  prospects  where  the  operators  have  either  failed  to  develop 
good  commercial  ore  or  have  not  had  sufficient  capital  to  develop 
their  properties  properly,  or  where  ill-advised  efforts  have  been  made. 
There  is  no  means  of  ascertaining  the  total  investment  along  these 
lines,  but  it  must  be  very  great — about  as  much,  in  fact,  as  the  total 
investment  in  all  the  present  well-known  producing  mines  of  Sinaloa 
and  Nayarit.  In  the  following  statement  there  is  given  an  approx- 
imate estimate  of  the  investment  in  the  various  better-known  prop- 
erties owned  and  operated  by  Americans  in  Sinaloa  and  Nayarit: 


Lluvia  de  Oro  Gold  Mining  Co $2,  500,  000 

Mexican  Candelaria  Mining  Co 2,  000,  000 

San  Luis  Mining  Co.  (San  Dimas) 1,  500,  000 

El  Arco  Mining  Co.  (Panuco,  Sinaloa) 500,  000 

Minas  del  Tajo  (Rosario-Bradbury  interest) 1,  000,  000 

Palmarito  mines 1,  000,  000 

San  Jose  de  Gracia  mines  (Tariba) 1,  000,  000 

Potrero  Mining  Co.  (Mocorito) 600,  000 

Cucharas  mines  (Nayarit) 500,  000 

United  Eastern  Co.  (Huicila  mines) 500,  000 

Choix  Consolidated  Copper  Co.  (El  Fuerte  Smelter  Co.) 300,  000 

Contra  Estaca  Mining  Co.  (Burns  interests) 300,  000 

Butters  Copla  mines 250,  000 

El  Cambio  Gold  Mining  Co 250, 000 

San  Vicente  Mining  Co.  (San  Dimas) 200.  000 

Metates  Mining  Co 150,  000 

Beveridge  interests 100,  000 

Howard  & Co 100, 000 


250 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


Mitchell  interests $100. 000 

Nuestra  Senora  mines 100,  000 

El  Tigre  mines 100,  000 

Cajon  mines 75,  000 

C.  Butterfield  & P.  Francis  (Rosario) 40.000 

Clark  interests 40.000 

Barretero  mines 20.  000 

Cla.  Minera  de  Rosa  Morada  (Nayarit) 20,  000 

Las  Estrellas 15,  000 

San  Fernando  Mining  Co.  (San  Fernando)  (closed) 2,  000,  000 


Total 15,260,000 


In  addition  to  the  above  list,  there  should  be  included  many  more 
plants  and  more  or  less  developed  mines,  such  as  those  of  the  Bismuth 
King,  Chacala,  of  the  Amazon  Gold  Co.;  the  Dulces  Nombres  property 
in  the  Badiraguato  region;  the  Azteca  property  in  northern  Sinaloa, 
where  some  $6,000,000  was  spent,  ana  many  others,  which  would 
bring  the  above  total  to  double,  or  more,  the  present  showing,  which 
includes  only  properties  now  active. 

In  commercial  enterprises  and  factories  the  American  investment 
on  the  West  Coast  is  extremely  small,  totaling  only  about  $387,500, 
United  States  currency. 

There  is  no  investment  in  banking  other  than  the  American  capital 
interested  in  the  reorganization  of  the  Banco  de  Sonora  (see  p.  255). 

ORE  BUYING  IN  MEXICO;  CUSTOMS  AND  USAGES. 

Conditions  have  been  so  chaotic  in  Mexico  that  even  at  the  present 
time  it  is  difficult  to  furnish  a concrete  statement  on  ore  buying  that 
would  not  be  subject  to  more  or  less  criticism  or  change  in  the  near 
future.  In  general,  it  may  be  said  that  the  customs  ana  usages  in  ore 
and  metal  buying  in  Mexico  vary  little  from  those  in  the  United 
States  on  account  of  the  fact  that,  of  the  important  smelting  and  re- 
fining plants  in  Mexico,  five  are  owned  or  controlled  by  the  American 
Smelting  & Refining  Co.  and  five  others  by  the  Companfa  de  Miner- 
ales  y Metales  (American  Metal  Co.),  and  American  methods  have 
prevailed  to  the  almost  entire  exclusion  of  the  old  customs  of  the 
country — only  a trace  of  the  old  weights  and  measures  being  found, 
perhaps,  in  some  out-of-the-way  place.  General  methods  and  con- 
ditions of  payments,  deductions,  treatment  charges,  and  other  details 
are  the  same  as  in  the  United  States,  with  the  exception  that  the 
units  of  weight  and  measure  are  different;  the  metric  system  is  com- 
pulsory in  Mexico,  ores  being  bought  by  the  metric  ton  and  assays 
given  in  kilos  of  silver  per  ton  and  grams  of  gold  per  ton.  Federal 
production  taxes  are  based  on  the  kilo  for  precious  metals,  and,  there- 
fore, assays  for  the  Government  are  reported  in  that  unit  or  the  frac- 
tions thereof,  but,  for  gold,  commercial  practice  has  found  the  use 
of  the  gram  per  ton  more  convenient.  Conversion  from  one  system 
of  assay  to  the  other  is  a simple  matter,  depending  on  the  fact  that 
there  are  29,166  troy  ounces  per  ton  avoirdupois,  and  therefore  1 kilo 
of  silver  per  ton  of  1,000  kilos  equals  32,150  troy  ounces,  there  being 
32,150  troy  ounces  in  a metric  ton. 

Taxes  on  the  metal  production  in  Mexico  are  now  fixed  by  the 
decree  of  June  29,  1919,  which  prescribes  a Federal  production  tax  of 
8 per  cent  of  the  gross  value  on  all  gold  and  silver  exported  in  the 
form  of  ores,  or  in  any  form  except  bullion,  and  7 per  cent  on  the 


MINING. 


251 


gold  and  silver  exported  as  base  bullion,  or  presented  to  the  mint 
for  its  coinage.  The  various  States  are  also  authorized  to  levy  an 
additional  tax  of  2 per  cent  of  the  gross  value  as  an  extraction,  or 
ground,  tax.  At  the  same  time  a tax  of  1 per  cent  was  imposed  on 
zinc,  tin,  and  some  other  metals,  3 per  cent  on  lead  and  from  nothing 
up  to  6 per  cent  on  copper,  with  authorization  to  the  States  to  levy 
an  additional  tax  equal  to  50  per  cent  of  the  Federal  tax,  up  to  2 per 
cent  of  the  total  gross  value.  The  Federal  tax  is  really  a production 
tax  but  is  levied  in  the  form  of  an  export  and  coinage  tax. 

The  great  copper  mines  of  Sonora  shut  down  on  December  15, 
1919,  because  of  labor  troubles  and  the  slump  in  the  copper  market 
following  the  war-time  demand  for  this  metal.  On  January  12,  1921, 
the  Mexican  Government  decreed  the  removal  of  the  export  duty  on 
copper  when  the  market  value  should  fall  below  $0.15  per  pound  for 
electrolytic  copper  in  New  York,  the  remission  of  export  tax  being 
effective  as  from  December  25,  1920.  This  action  was  followed  by 
heavy  exportations  of  stocks  on  hand  from  Nacozari,  Cananea,  and 
Santa  Rosalia,  which  only  had  the  effect  of  further  depreciating  the 
market,  which  fell  to  below  $0.03  per  pound  for  a short  time. 

The  State  tax  on  mineral  production  is  collected  through  the  local 
tax  collector’s  office  directly  as  an  extraction  tax  from  the  producer, 
but  to  enforce  payment,  everyone  concerned  in  handling  the  metal 
or  the  ore  is  made  responsible  and  liable  for  the  tax  payment  in 
the  event  that  it  is  not  paid  by  the  producer.  Inasmuch  as  the 
amount  depends  upon  the  assay  value  and  as  this  is  not  accurately 
determined  until  the  ore  is  sampled,  assayed,  and  sold,  the  practical 
result  is  to  make  the  smelters  and  ore  buyers  collectors  of  the  tax, 
and  they,  in  turn,  pay  it  directly  into  the  Government  offices. 

This  system  worked  very  well  until  the  Government  made  the 
compensation  of  the  district  tax  collectors  dependent  upon  the 
district  collections.  Then  the  natural  result  was  that  the  miners 
were  not  permitted  to  ship  ore  out  of  the  district  until  taxes  had  been 
paid,  but,  as  the  amount  of  the  taxes  depended  upon  the  value  of 
the  refinery  returns,  neither  the  collector  nor  the  shipper  knew  what 
they  should  be.  This  has  resulted  in  considerable  confusion. 

On  the  first  of  every  month  the  Department  of  Hacienda  (Treasury) 
issues  a table  of  metal  prices  which  are  to  be  used  in  computing  the 
tax  during  the  succeeding  month.  Gold  is,  of  course,  at  a fixed  rate 
of  1,333.33  pesos  per  kilo.  The  prices  for  the  other  metals  are  calcu- 
lated from  the  market  returns  received  during  the  preceding  month. 
The  States,  however,  often  adopt  for  copper  and  lead  an  arbitrary 
value  that  remains  fixed  for  an  indefinite  and  considerable  period. 

The  Mexican  law  requires  that  the  seller  shall  furnish  the  buyer 
with  a duly  stamped  invoice,  called  a “factura,  ” for  every  lot  sold, 
default  of  which  renders  both  parties  liable  to  a heavy  fine.  Merchants 
and  regular  shippers  or  dealers  in  metals  have  to  carry  a sot  of  bound 
books,  the  stubs  of  which  must  bear  the  stub  part  of  the  required 
revenue  stamp  showing  the  transaction.10 

10  For  a list  of  custom  smelters  and  ore  refineries  in  Mexico,  the  reader  is  referred  to  an  article  on  “ Ore 
Buying  in  Mexico,”  in  the  Engineering  and  Mining  Journal  for  March  20, 1920. 


BANKS  AND  BANKING. 


Prior  to  the  last  revolutionary  period  in  Mexico  all  the  old-line  na- 
tional banks  of  the  Republic  were  well  represented  on  the  West  Coast, 
the  old  Banco  Nacional,  the  Banco  de  Londres  y Mexico,  etc.,  maintain- 
ing branches  in  their  own  buildings  in  Mazatlan  and  Guaymas.  The 
Banco  de  Sonora,  with  head  offices  in  Hermosillo,  also  maintained 
branches  and  agencies  in  the  principal  towns  and  cities  of  the  West 
Coast,  and  the  Banco  de  Jalisco  maintained  a branch  at  Tepic.  The 
Banco  Occidental,  of  Mazatlan,  maintained  branches  in  Tepic, 
Culiacan,  and  San  Bias,  Sinaloa. 

With  the  suspension  of  these  Mexican  National  and  State  banks 
during  the  Carranza  regime  (they  were  all  banks  of  issue)  and  the 
various  financial  ills  from  which  the  country  suffered  during  the  era 
of  fiat  paper  money,  banking  on  the  West  Coast  was  carried  on  prin- 
cipally by  the  long-established  commercial  houses  acting  practically 
as  private  bankers  and  buying  and  selling  exchange.  The  old  Banco 
de  Sonora,  of  Hermosillo,  was  reorganized  on  the  American  side  at 
Nogales,  Ariz.,  under  the  name  of  the  Sonora  Bank  & Trust  Co.,  and 
established  agencies  (practically  branches)  in  Hermosillo,  Navojoa, 
San  Bias  (Sinaloa),  Culiacan,  and  Mazatlan.  Two  of  the  old-line 
banks  also  maintained  agencies,  so  called,  at  Guaymas  and  Mazatlan. 

During  the  recent  revolutionary  period  in  Mexico  there  has  been 
sufficient  capital  on  the  West  Coast  (consistent  with  the  aggregate 
purchasing  power  of  the  population  and  with  conservative  business 
practice)  to  finance  the  commercial  transactions  of  the  territory — 
what  with  the  capital  of  the  old  commercial  houses,  the  bank  agencies 
mentioned,  and  also  some  private  and  commercial  money — but 
capital  is  not  available  nor  sufficient  to  finance  agricultural  enter- 
prises or  industrial  development. 

The  production  of  “garbanzos”  in  the  Yaqui  and  Mayo  Valle}  s 
has  not  been  disposed  of  readily  at  good  prices  for  some  years:  two 
years  ago  this  was  also  true  of  the  rice  production  of  the  Yaqui 
Valley,  and  it  was  again  true  of  the  1921  wheat  crop  in  Sonora.  The 
local  consumption  is  not  sufficient  to  take  care  of  the  yield  each  year, 
the  products  mentioned  can  not  be  shipped  into  the  United  States 
to  compete  with  the  American  production,  and  transportation  costs 
prevent  their  shipment  to  the  interior  of  Mexico  where  foodstuffs 
are  badly  needed.  Also,  on  account  of  the  provisions  of  the  agrarian 
law  of  Mexico  which  seriously  affect  land  titles,  there  is  no  real  secur- 
ity for  loans  made  on  agricultural  property;  and,  furthermore,  on 
account  of  the  general  depression  and  the  aftermath  of  the  revo- 
lutionary periods  of  destruction  of  the  sources  of  wealth,  real 
property  in  the  towns  and  cities  has  also  suffered  severe  depreciation 
and  has  no  active  demand. 

Aside  from  commercial  needs,  the  greatest  demand  for  capital  on 
the  West  Coast  during  the  past  three  or  four  years,  and  more  especially 
within  the  last  two  years,  nas  been  for  planting  winter  tomatoes  and 
vegetables  for  the  American  market,  these  being  the  agricultural 
products  in  which  the  landowners  and  farmers  of  the  West  Coast 
can  realize  the  best  profits  and  the  most  ready  cash.  These  capital 
252 


BANKS  AND  BANKING. 


253 


needs  have  been  readily  supplied  by  California  produce  people,  their 
investment  in  the  fall  of  1922  being  estimated  to  be  about  $2,000,000 
of  new  money  in  this  branch  of  agriculture  alone  on  the  West  Coast. 

Mining  is  principally  financed  by  the  large  mining  companies 
having  properties  both  in  Arizona  and  Sonora,  with  California  and 
Nevada  also  contributing  toward  the  development  of  this  industry 
on  the  West  Coast. 

Toward  the  end  of  1920,  when  the  commodity  market  fell  heavily 
to  even  below  pre-war  normal  prices  and  values,  the  sugar-mill  people 
of  the  West  Coast  were  advised  by  their  American  sources  of  credit  that 
no  further  advances  would  be  made  to  them  under  any  circumstances. 
The  sugar  industry  of  the  West  Coast  was  left  by  the  boom  times  and 
high  prices  of  the  war  years  in  a very  prosperous  condition;  old  ex- 
tensions and  improvements  had  been  paid  for,  all  old  indebtedness 
wiped  out,  new  planting  of  cane  taken  care  of,  etc.  At  the  close  of 
the  war  Sinaloa  sugar  could  no  longer  enter  the  United  States  in 
competition  with  the  Cuban  and  Hawaiian  production,  which  has 
preferential  tariff  advantages,  and  the  only  market  outlet  left  to  them 
was  the  interior  of  Mexico,  while  their  capital  supply  was  in  the  United 
States,  warehouse  commodity  loans  from  Mexican  financial  agencies 
not  being  practicable  in  Mexico  on  account  of  the  still  doubtful 
political  situation.  As  the  product  had  to  be  shipped  around  by 
rail  from  the  West  Coast  via  Nogales  and  either  El  Paso  or  Laredo  to 
reenter  Mexico,  it  was  found  practical  to  provide  storage  depots  for 
sugar,  principally  at  El  Paso,  and  distribute  to  the  Mexican  market 
in  the  interior  according  to  the  demand.  Warehouse  receipts  in  El 
Paso  on  the  American  side  of  the  line  were  collateral  for  bank  loans, 
and  this  plan  also  obviated  the  necessity  of  taking  risks  in  overstock- 
ing distributing  dealers  in  the  interior  of  Mexico,  quick  delivery  being 
afforded  from  the  border  depots. 

The  sugar  mills  were  purchasing  all  equipment  and  supplies  in  the 
United  States  when  their  money  supply  wTas  cut  off  abruptly  in  1920. 
An  American  firm  with  headquarters  in  Nogales,  Ariz.,  and  with  many 
years  of  experience  in  supplying  the  machinery,  equipment,  and 
supply  needs  of  the  mining  industry  of  Sonora  and  the  W'est  Coast — 
knowing  the  West  Coast  and  its  people,  industries,  natural  wealth, 
production,  and  conditions — saw  in  the  situation  of  the  sugar  people 
an  excellent  opportunity  to  increase  its  machinery  and  supply 
business.  It  advised  the  sugar  producers  that  it  was  prepared  to 
take  care  of  their  equipment  and  supply  needs  on  an  ample  credit 
arrangement,  based  on  the  crop  and  grinding  season,  etc.,  with  the 
result  that  this  firm  has  had  a virtual  monopoly  of  the  business 
with  the  sugar  people  in  this  and  allied  lines  and  has  cemented  a 
commercial  and  business  relation  exceedingly  valuable  for  the  future. 
The  firm  has  considerable  capital  of  its  own  and  also  made  financial 
arrangements  for  the  rediscounting  of  the  paper  of  the  sugar  people 
with  connections  in  the  LTnited  States — principally  private  capital 
having  confidence  in  the  West  Coast  and  its  industries.  Redis- 
counting is  only  resorted  to  when  the  demand  for  credit  is  over  the 
capacity  of  the  firm  itself,  considering  the  demands  of  its  other  activ- 
ities. The  sugar  mills’  paper  is  held  for  six  months,  or,  very  often, 
even  for  a year,  from  one  crop  season  to  another. 

The  relations  outlined  above  have  proved  to  be  most  satisfactory 
to  all  concerned  and  have  resulted  in  an  additional  interest  profit  for 


254 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


the  house — its  greatest  asset  thereby  acquired  being,  of  course,  the 
friendly  relations  with  the  sugar  mills,  which,  aside  from  the  great 
mining  industry,  are  the  heaviest  purchasers  of  machinery,  equip- 
ment, and  supplies. 

Such  an  arrangement  is  also  very  satisfactory  to  the  manufacturers 
of  the  equipment  and  supplies  needed  for  the  sugar  industry,  as  these 
run  into  large  sums  of  money  and  they  always  prefer  to  have  an  as- 
sured source  of  practically  cash  payment  in  the  United  States. 

Following  is  a list  of  the  banks  in  the  West  Coast  region: 


Name  of  bank. 


Capital. 


Location  and  agencies. 


U.S. 


First  National  Bank  of  Nogales,  Ariz 

Nogales  National  Bank 

Sonora  Bank  & Trust  Co.  (see  Banco  de  Sonora), 
Hermosillo,  Sonora. 


currency. 

$100,000 

50,000 

100,000 


Compania  Bancaria  Mereantil  y Agricola  de  So-  200,000 
nora,  S.  A. 

Banco  de  Sonora 750, 000 


Compania  Bancaria  Mereantil  de  Cananea,  S.  A 

Banco  Nacional  de  Mexico 

Compafiia  Comercial,  Bancaria  y Maritima  de  So- 
nora. S.  A.  (in  liquidation). 

Minas  “El  Tajo”  (Bradbury) 

Wohler,  Bartning,  Sues,  (wholesale  merchants 
and  private  bankers) 


60,000 


Echeguren  y Cia.  (wholesale  merchants  and 
private  bankers,  Spaniards). 

Melchers,  Sues.  (German;  wholesale  merchants 
and  private  bankers). 


Delius  y Cia.  (German;  soap  factory  and  private 
bankers;  also  coffee  planters) . 


No  agencies  in  Mexico. 

Do. 

Nogales,  Ariz.  Agencies  at  Nogales, 
Guaymas,  and  Navojoa,  Sonora;  Culia- 
can,  Sinaloa. 

Hermosillo,  Sonora.  Agency  at  N ogales, 
Sonora. 

Hermosillo,  Sonora.  Agency  at  Guay- 
mas, Sonora. 

Cananea,  Sonora. 

Mexico  City.  Agencies  at  Guaymas, 
Sonora,  and  Mazatlan,  Sinaloa. 

Guaymas,  Sonora. 

Mazatlan,  Sinaloa. 

Mazatlan,  Sinaloa.  Agencies  at  Culia- 
can  and  San  Bias,  Sinaloa,  and 
Navojoa,  Sonora. 

Mazatlan,  Sinaloa.  Agencies  at  Aca- 
poneta  and  San  Bias,  Nayarit. 

Mazatlan,  Sinaloa.  Agencies  at  Culia- 
can,  Guamuchil,  Mocorito,  San  Bias, 
and  Villa  Union,  all  in  Sinaloa. 

Tepic,  Nayarit.  Agency  at  San  Bias, 
Nayarit. 


Tlie  banks  and  commercial  houses  listed  above  do  not  operate 
under  regular  banking  charter  since  the  financial  troubles  affecting 
banks  of  Mexico  during  the  Carranza  regime,  but  they  do  a general 
exchange  business,  make  collections,  and,  in  general,  take  care  of 
their  customers  as  private  bankers. 

The  Compania  Comercial,  Bancaria  y Maritima  de  Sonora.  S.  A., 
was  a local  financial  firm  organized  by  Guaymas  capital  during  the 
period  of  revolution  to  take  care  of  the  banking  needs  of  the  Guaymas 
commercial  district,  which  includes  the  Yaqui  and  Mayo  Valleys. 
It  failed  and  has  been  closed  since  April,  1921.  A meeting  of  the 
board  of  directors  was  called  by  the  liquidators  for  August  25,  1922, 
to  approve  the  work  of  liquidation. 

The  Comision  Monetaria,  financial  agency  of  the  Mexican  Federal 
Government,  maintains  offices  at  Guaymas,  Hermosillo,  Nogales, 
Mazatlan,  and  Tepic. 

All  the  banks  listed  as  such  in  the  above  list  buy  and  sell  exchange 
on  Hongkong,  China,  direct,  for  the  convenience  of  their  Chinese 
customers  who  have  large  commercial  interests  on  the  West  Coast 
of  Mexico  and  considerable  financial  transactions  with  China — in 
the  exporting  of  such  products  as  shrimp,  shark  fins,  etc.,  the  im- 
porting of  rice,  etc.,  and  the  depositing  in  China  of  surplus  earnings, 
it  being  the  ultimate  ambition  of  every  Chinese  on  the  West  Coast 
to  eventually  retire  on  his  earnings  and  spend  the  rest  of  his  days  in 
the  land  of  his  ancestors. 


BANKS  AND  BANKING. 


255 


The  Sonora  Bank  & Trust  Co.,  of  Nogales,  Ariz.,  is  a subsidiary 
of  the  Banco  de  Sonora,  of  Hermosillo,  and  controlled  by  the  same 
stockholders.  It  was  organized  in  the  United  States  after  the  clos- 
ing of  the  Mexican  national  and  State  banks  during  the  Carranza 
regime  and  practically  continues  the  business  of  the  parent  organi- 
zation throughout  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico  in  the  form  of  agencies. 

The  banks  listed  also  receive  checking  deposits  and  allow  6 per 
cent  interest  on  time  deposits. 

Delius  y Cla.  are  an  old  German  firm  established  in  Tepic  and  own- 
ing coffee  plantations  and  a soap  factory  in  Nayarit.  This  firm 
practically  controls  the  port  of  San  Bias,  owning  the  only  lighters 
and  cargo  warehouses  there.  It  carries  on  a general  private  banking 
business  and  has  heavy  loans  out  to  the  various  large  landowners 
of  Nayarit.  It  is  the  only  banking  agency  in  Tepic.  Commercial 
transactions  with  Tepic  are  usually  handled  through  houses  or  banks 
in  Mazatlan,  as  most  shipments  of  merchandise  come  down  from 
either  Los  Angeles  or  San  Francisco  by  water  to  Mazatlan  and  are 
then  reshipped  to  Tepic  by  rail  over  the  Southern  Pacific  of  Mexico 
Railroad. 


CREDITS,  TERMS,  AND  GENERAL  BUSINESS  PRACTICES. 


The  usual  commercial  credit  terms  allowed  on  the  West  Coast  of 
Mexico  by  American  exporters  of  general  merchandise,  and  also  by 
the  wholesaling  dealers  and  importers  of  Mexico  City  and  Guadala- 
jara, are  60  to  90  days  from  date  of  invoice.  American  jobbers  in 
Arizona  and  California,  shipping  to  houses  in  Sonora,  usually  allow 
60  days,  with  90  days  for  the  territory  from  Culiacan  south  to  Tepic. 
Parcel-post  shipments  of  high-priced  goods  are  sold  usually  at  30  days 
from  date  of  invoice.  On  all  credit  transactions  2 per  cent  discount 
is  allowed  on  all  three-day  sight  payments  made  by  the  buyers. 

After  the  close  of  the  war  there  was  a great  deal  of  speculation 
regarding  the  ability  of  European  countries,  especially  Germany,  to 
renew  their  old  commercial  relations  with  the  West  Coast  through 
the  large  and  long-established  German  firms  of  Mazatlan,  granting 
the  same  credit  terms  as  were  common  before  the  war — usually 
six  months.  The  merchants  were  also  very  keen  to  take  advantage 
of  the  low  European  exchanges,  but  after  months  had  gone  by  they 
began  to  realize  that  prices  for  German  goods  were  increasing  and 
that  deliveries  could  not  be  depended  upon.  During  the  war  period 
all  of  the  West  Coast  trade  went  to  the  United  States,  and  com- 
mercial relations  begun  then  have  since  been  more  and  more  closely 
cemented. 

American  Pacific  coast  houses  were  eager  to  increase  their  commer- 
cial relations  with  the  West  Coast  and  maintained  salesmen  in  the 
field  constantly,  resulting  in  their  securing  practically  a monopoly 
of  the  business  in  drugs,  dry  goods,  and  minor  lines.  A good  volume 
of  business  was  obtained  during  1921,  but  in  1922  Mexico  began  to 
feel  the  effects  of  the  general  economic  depression  from  which  the 
country  is  still  suffering;  business  obtained  on  the  West  Coast  fell 
off  to  a very  considerable  extent,  and  collections  began  to  be  dif- 
ficult, except  in  the  cases  of  orders  sold  to  the  larger  and  long-estab- 
lished houses  which  have  an  adequate  commercial  capital  and  credit 
standing.  In  the  summer  and  early  fall  of  1922  business  was 
practically  stagnant  throughout  the  West  Coast  and  collections  were 
very  difficult  in  the  cases  of  the  smaller  houses.  An  improvement 
in  these  conditions  was  looked  for  in  the  late  fall  on  account  of  the 
influx  of  tomato  and  winter-vegetable  money  and  the  marketing  of 
the  corn,  bean,  wheat,  “garbanzo,”  and  rice  crops,  and  also  because 
of  the  partial  resumption  of  mining  activity,  especially  in  Sonora. 

OVEREXTENSION  OF  CREDIT. 

In  many  cases  jobbing  houses  of  the  Pacific  coast  of  the  United 
States — and  also  in  less  degree  inland  firms — have  been  guilty  of 
the  mistake  of  overextension  of  credit  to  small  firms  in  the  West 
Coast  territory,  and  bills  of  goods  have  been  shipped  on  60  and  90 
days’  time  without  proper  investigation  or  an  adequate  credit  report. 
It  Is  a fact  that  during  the  years  of  revolution  and  political  upheaval 
in  Mexico  business  in  general  has  been  greatly  disorganized.  Many 
256 


CREDITS,  TERMS,  AND  GENERAL  BUSINESS  PRACTICES.  257 

of  the  older  firms  have  lost  heavily;  in  some  cases  their  owners  or 
principals  have  been  forced  to  leave  that  part  of  the  country  after 
severe  loss.  Many  new  and  untried  people  have  gone  into  mer- 
chandising, and  there  have  been  the  failures  that  might  be  expected 
under  similar  conditions  anywhere. 

It  is  also  a fact  that  the  large  and  long-established  German  and 
Spanish  houses  of  Mazatlan,  Guaymas,  etc.,  have  for  years  been  doing 
a large  portion  of  their  buying  in  the  United  States;  they  naturally 
have  their  relations  well  cemented,  and  a new  firm  interested  in  that 
field  finds  it  difficult  to  secure  even  a small  proportion  of  their  trade. 
These  old  houses  of  the  West  Coast  have  operated  in  that  territory 
for  years  and  have  had  a force  of  salesmen  constantly  on  the  road, 
even  in  the  far  interior  only  reached  by  mule-back  travel,  such  as 
Cosala,  Chacala,  etc.  They  have  a great  influence  with  the  small 
buyers  of  the  interior  and  also  those  of  their  own  cities  on  account 
of  their  ability  to  grant  long-term  credits — usually  six  months.  It 
further  follows  that  all  the  small  dealers  of  the  larger  cities  want  to  be 
direct  importers  and  to  "wholesale”  in  the  manner  of  the  larger 
houses,  which  are  in  reality  importing  wholesalers  as  well  as  local 
retailers.  American  distributers,  in  their  desire  for  export  trade, 
have  committed  the  error  of  overestimating  the  territory’s  ability 
to  absorb  certain  lines  of  merchandise,  usually  on  account  of  having 
figured  the  same  per  capita  consumption  in  any  given  line  as  in  their 
calculations  and  estimates  for  the  United  States,  not  stopping  to 
realize  that  anywhere  in  Latin  America  the  bulk  of  the  population 
does  not  possess  an  annual  per  capita  purchasing  power  equal  to 
that  in  the  United  States  and  that  therefore  this  market  is  much 
more  limited  than  an  American  market  with  equal  population. 

The  result  has  been  sales  to  small  importers  who  were  not  adequate 
credit  risks,  having  too  little  capital  or  resources,  and  who  were  really 
legitimate  purchasers  at  wholesale  from  the  larger  importing  houses 
which  are  able  to  finance  local  and  interior  long-term  credits.  Ameri- 
can firms  that  have  gone  into  this  field  and  have  exercised  ordinary 
precaution,  restricted  their  transactions  to  the  limitations  of  the 
market,  and  proceeded  in  accordance  with  prevailing  conditions, 
have  realized  good  profits  and  have  built  up  a business  for  the  fu- 
ture that  will  prove  advantageous  to  them  during  a time  of  depres- 
sion at  home. 

PAYMENTS  AND  COLLECTIONS. 

Commercial  transactions  are  handled  on  the  West  Coast  under  the 
usual  system  of  drafts  accepted  by  the  buyer.  The  Mexican  Com- 
mercial Code  is  very  strict  in  its  requirements,  and  ample  protection 
is  afforded  the  seller  in  the  event  of  nonpayment,  at  collection  and 
payment  dates  of  drafts  accepted  by  the  buyer.  However,  on 
account  of  the  distance,  legal  costs,  delays,  and  the  difference  in  the 
Latin  American  laws  governing  seizure  of  real  and  chattel  property 
in  satisfaction  of  debts,  etc.,  it  is  a case  where  "an  ounce  of  preven- 
tion is  worth  a pound  of  cure”  every  time,  and  an  exporter’s  best 
protection  is  a careful  credit  and  reputation  investigation  before 
shipping  goods  on  credit  to  an  unknown  firm.  There  are  many 
flagrant  cases  where  American  firms  have  shipped  valuable  goods  to 


44807°— 23 18 


258 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


parties  having  no  regular  established  business  and  possessing  no  re- 
sources or  even  credit  standing  in  their  own  communities  abroad. 
Such  cases  are  hopeless,  and  the  blame  should  rest  with  the  sales  and 
credit  departments  of  the  house  making  the  shipment.  Inexperi- 
enced salesmen  also  often  make  the  mistake  of  overselling,  especially 
when  meeting  keen  competition.  The  advantage  always  lies  with 
the  exporter  having  a branch  office  or  local  representative  wffio  is 
familiar  with  the  territory  at  first  hand. 

There  are  available  two  reports — from  the  American  consuls  at 
Mazatlan  and  Guaymas — which  cover  very  thoroughly  the  subject 
of  the  cost  and  method  of  protesting  drafts.  Persons  interested  in 
this  information  should  address  the  Division  of  Commercial  Laws, 
Bureau  of  Foreign  and  Domestic  Commerce,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Reference  may  be  made  to  the  English  translations  of  the  Mexican 
Civil  Code  and  Commercial  Code,  both  of  which  contain  the  legal 
provisions  pertaining  to  these  matters  of  business  transactions  in  the 
Republic  of  Mexico.  As  had  been  said,  these  provisions  are  definite 
and  clear  and  afford  ample  protection  to  the  seller,  a defaulting 
indorser  of  a draft  being  unable  to  escape  the  penalties  imposed  by 
these  provisions.  The  default  of  payment  of  an  accepted  draft  in 
actual  practice  in  Mexico  means  the  immediate  loss  of  all  standing  and 
credit  for  the  party  involved. 

The  use  of  powers  of  attorney  is  important  in  all  Latin  American 
countries  and  is  little  understood  by  the  average  American  business 
man  interested  in  foreign  trade.  For  the  benefit  of  exporters  to 
Mexico,  and  others,  the  American  consul  at  Mazatlan,  Sinaloa, 
submitted,  under  date  of  August  8,  1922,  a report  that  covered  every 
phase  of  the  issuance  of  powers  of  attorney  by  Americans  for  use  in 
Mexico  as  follows: 

Forma  of  power  of  attorney  by  sole  owner. 

Forma  of  power  of  attorney  executed  by  a partnership. 

Forms  of  power  of  attorney  executed  by  a corporation. 

Functions  to  be  specified,  except  in  general  powers  of  attorney. 

Language  requirements  in  powers  of  attorney. 

Cancellation  of  powers  of  attorney. 

Form  of  stating  personal  appearance  in  powers  of  attorney. 

Relation  to  form  of  power  of  attorney  prepared  in  the  United  States. 

Persons  interested  in  this  information  should  address  the  Divison 
of  Commercial  Laws,  Bureau  of  Foreign  and  Domestic  Commerce, 
Washington,  D.  C. 

TIME  REQUIRED  FOR  SHIPMENTS  AND  DELIVERIES. 

The  average  time  required  by  an  importer  in,  say,  Mazatlan  to 
receive  merchandise  ordered  from  the  exporters  located  on  the  Pacific 
coast  of  the  United  States  is  30  days,  compared  to  60  days  from 
American  Atlantic  ports  of  export,  and  90  to  120  days  from  European 
ports  of  shipment.  Large  importing  wholesale  firms  of  Mexico  City 
also  sell  goods  to  the  West  Coast,  but  in  decreasing  volume  since  the 
Great  War  disrupted  Europe’s  commercial  systems  to  a very  great 
extent.  The  time  in  transit  from  Mexico  City  to  West  Coast  ports, 
via  rail  to  Manzanillo  and  steamer  to  Mazatlan  or  Guaymas,  is  about 
the  same  as  from  San  Francisco  or  Los  Angeles,  now  that  the  West 
Coast  has  a very  adequate  coastwise  steamer  service,  with  compet- 
ing lines,  although  freight  and  handling  charges  from  Mexico  City 


CREDITS,  TERMS,  AND  GENERAL  BUSINESS  PRACTICES.  259 


are  greater.  The  trade  with  Mexico  City  was  chiefly  due  to  the  in- 
fluence of  the  German,  French,  and  Spanish  houses  of  the  capital, 
having  relations  with  houses  in  their  respective  countries  and  with 
nationals  established  on  the  West  Coast.  During  the  war  these 
houses  on  the  West  Coast,  in  Mexico  City,  and  elsewhere  in  the 
country  were  forced  to  seek  their  supplies  of  merchandise  in  the 
United  States;  the  failure  of  Europe  to  recover  as  rapidly  as  was 
expected  following  the  war,  and  the  greater  suitability  of  many  of  the 
American  lines  of  manufacture  have  caused  most  of  the  trade  to  con- 
tinue to  go  to  the  United  States.  This  is  especially  true  of  the  last 
year  and  a half,  during  which  Mexico  has  been  going  through  a 
period  of  economic  depression,  and  orders  have  been  more  and  more 
limited  to  the  immediate  needs  of  the  local  markets  and  their  de- 
creased ability  to  absorb  goods — the  shorter  time  of  delivery  of 
merchandise  from  the  United  States  playing  a large  part  in  influencing 
the  placing  of  the  business  there. 

AVERAGE  VALUATIONS  TO  COVER  CHARGES. 

There  is  such  a very  considerable  variation  in  the  import  duties 
levied  on  the  different  classes  of  merchandise  that  it  is  not  practicable 
to  give  definite  percentages. 

A shipment  of  piece  goods,  if  all  cotton,  would  cost  from  5 to  10 

Eer  cent  of  the  invoice  value  for  import  duties  and  about  $10  United 
tates  currency  per  ton  for  freight  and  handling  charges,  if  shipment 
were  made  by  water  to  Mazatlan,  for  example,  including  cartage 
to  importer’s  warehouse  or  store. 

Most  heavy  hardware  and  machinery  comes  in  free  of  import 
duty.  On  small  hardware  and  tools  the  average  cost  laid  down  at, 
say,  Mazatlan  would  be  about  25  per  cent  in  excess  of  the  invoice 
value. 

Drugs  run  about  30  per  cent  in  excess  of  the  invoice  value. 

RATIO  OF  ANNUAL  TURNOVER  TO  CAPITAL  AND  STOCKS  CARRIED. 

There  appears  to  be  no  fixed  estimate  of  the  ratio  of  annual  turn- 
over to  capital  and  stocks  carried,  this  being  dependent  on  individual 
initiative  and  effort  and  also  on  the  selection  of  major  lines  by  the 
various  dealers.  As  a rule,  with  fairly  small  dealers  in  normal  times 
the  gross  sales  per  annum  are  about  double  their  capital  and  average 
amount  of  stock  carried  on  hand,  the  largest  volume  of  sales  being 
from  December  to  May — that  is,  after  the  annual  corn  harvest  and 
in  anticipation  of  the  new  planting.  There  are,  however,  cases 
where  an  importer  will  do  an  annual  volume  of  business  totaling 
$500,000  on  a total  capital  of  $75,000  United  States  currency.  There 
have  been  recent  cases  where  several  partners  have  established 
branch  stores  up  and  down  the  West  Coast  to  handle  a miscellaneous 
line  of  goods,  like  the  well-known  5 and  10  cent  stores  in  the  United 
States,  starting  out  with  a total  cash  capital  of  possibly  $5,000  and 
rapidly  building  up  their  total  annual  business  to  very  large  pro- 
portions by  their  use  of  credit  secured  in  the  United  States  and  their 
system  of  small  local  stocks  of  readily  salable  merchandise  of  wide 
variety.  However,  as  a rule  such  small  new  firms  are  not  good 
credit  risks  unless  their  experience  and  ability  are  personally  known 
to  the  firm  selling  to  them,  because  many  young  men  in  Latin 


260 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


America  go  into  merchandising  in  a small  way,  there  being  no  such 
opportunities  for  them  in  other  lines  of  endeavor  as  exist  in  the 
United  States  or  Europe.  On  the  whole,  it  may  be  said  that  mer- 
chandising is,  as  a general  rule,  overdone,  in  view  of  the  rather  re- 
stricted purchasing  power  and  limited  demand  of  the  bulk  of  the 
populations  in  the  West  Coast  commercial  districts. 

SELECTION  OF  ATTORNEYS  FOR  COLLECTIONS. 

In  connection  with  collection  matters  in  Mexico,  or  any  Latin 
American  country,  after  the  usual  procedure  (through  the  corre- 
spondent bank  of  the  exporter’s  bank  in  the  United  States)  has 
failed  to  secure  the  payment  of  the  account,  care  should  be  taken 
in  the  selection  of  an  attorney  to  take  drastic  legal  action.  It  should 
be  borne  in  mind  that  in  Latin  American  communities  family  ties 
are  very  strong,  relationship  means  a great  deal,  and  there  are  strong 
bonds  of  friendship,  political  affiliations,  etc.,  which  do  not  always 
make  it  personally  pleasant  or  convenient  for  a local  attorney  to 
push  the  collection  claims  of  his  client  in  the  United  States  or  else- 
where. The  local  bank  is  always  a good  source  of  information  re- 
garding the  selection  of  an  attorney  for  collection  work,  as  its  officers 
know  local  affiliations  and  connections  well  and  are  themselves 
experienced  in  such  matters.  It  is  always  better  to  allow  a period 
of  installment  payments  to  be  made  at  first,  rather  than  to  push  a 
claim  from  the  start.  Local  merchants  suffer  from  seasonal  condi- 
tions, such  as  partial  crop  failures  causing  a period  of  depression, 
etc.,  and  most  of  them — if,  in  the  beginning  of  the  account,  con- 
sidered good  credit  risks — will  eventually  pay  the  deferred  accounts 
that  they  owe  to  exporters. 

CREDIT  PECULIARITIES  ON  WEST  COAST. 

There  is  a very  considerable  trade  rivalry  between  San  Francisco 
and  Los  Angeles  for  the  trade  of  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico,  and 
during  the  past  three  or  four  years  the  large  jobbing  houses  of  Los 
Angeles  have  made  heavy  inroads  in  that  territory  which,  prior  to 
the  construction  of  the  Southern  Pacific  Railroad  of  Mexico  down 
the  coast  from  Guaymas,  was  considered  as  belonging  principally 
to  San  Francisco,  the  bulk  of  the  shipments  being  made  by  water 
to  Mazatlan  and  Guaymas.  San  Francisco  also  took  the  bulk  of 
the  exports  of  the  West  Coast.  A number  of  cases  have  come  to 
light,  during  the  last  year  or  so  of  economic  depression  throughout 
the  West  Coast,  in  which  certain  unscrupulous  buyers  in  that  terri- 
tory took  advantage  of  this  trade  rivalry  to  secure  shipments  of 
merchandise  without  payment,  going  to  dealers  in  one  place  after 
failing  to  pay  their  bills  at  the  other.  This  practice  can  be  stopped 
by  a comparison  of  ledger  experience  between  the  houses  engaged 
in  the  same  line  at  both  places,  or  by  the  use  of  an  American  credit 
service  which  obtains  its  ratings  on  foreign  buyers  from  the  ledger 
experience  of  the  various  American  exporters — a source  from  which 
such  data  should  come,  and  not  from  the  buyer  most  interested. 

The  first  consideration  with  regard  to  credit  allowances  for  the 
West  Coast  is  the  fact  that  the  market  is  limited  by  the  low  popu- 
lation and  relatively  small  per  capita  purchasing  power  of  the  greater 
number  of  the  inhabitants,  and  that  it  is  not  a wise  or  wholesome  policy 


CREDITS,  TERMS,  AND  GENERAL  BUSINESS  PRACTICES.  261 


to  overextend  credit  allowances  or  to  take  too  great  risks  in  an 
endeavor  to  increase  sales.  In  other  words,  the  worst  mistake  the 
West  Coast  salesman  can  make  is  to  ‘'oversell”  his  customers  who 
like  to  carry  large  stocks  on  hand  regardless  of  the  local  demand, 
and  will  do  so  (despite  the  fact  that  they  can  get  renewals  within  30 
days  from  the  United  States)  as  long  as  they  can  get  unlimited  credit. 

For  conditions  on  the  West  Coast  affecting  buying  and  credits, 
see  the  following  chapter  on  “Commerce  and  trade.”  11 

11  Much  very  valuable  aad  practical  material  in  relation  to  Latin  American  credit  practice  and  experi- 
ences has  been  collected  by  the  division  of  commercial  laws  of  the  Bureau  of  Foreign  and  Domestic  Com- 
merce, in  connection  with  the  commercial-law  survey  of  that  territory  which  this  division  has  been  carry- 
ing out  (questionnaires  Nos.  51  and  61). 


COMMERCE  OF  THE  WEST  COAST. 


The  West  Coast  trade  territory  covers  about  one-fifth  of  the  total 
area  of  the  Republic,  or  approximately  154,000  square  miles,  in- 
cluding small  portions  of  the  States  of  Durango  and  Jalisco.  The 
total  population  of  the  three  coast  States  of  Sonora,  Sinaloa,  and 
Nayarit  is  760,000,  or  only  about  one-twentieth  of  the  total  popu- 
lation of  Mexico.  As  a market  this  commercial  territory  is  limited 
by  this  rather  low  ratio  of  inhabitants  compared  with  the  area 
covered,  and,  as  compared  with  a similar  population  in  the  United 
States,  is  still  further  limited  as  a market  for  imported  goods  by  the 
low  per  capita  purchasing  power  of  80  per  cent  of  this  number  of 
people. 

The  West  Coast  States  of  Jalisco,  Michoacan,  and  Colima  have  an 
estimated  combined  population  of  2,272,156,  or  three  times  the 
number  in  the  three  West  Coast  States  that  are  the  subject  of 
report.  Guadalajara  is  the  commercial  center  of  this  latter  region. 

The  people  of  the  State  of  Jalisco  have  a higher  per  capita  produc- 
tion, and  therefore  purchasing  power,  than  the  people  of  the  States 
to  the  north  treated  in  this  report.  Since  convenient  and  adequate 
water  transportation  is  now  afforded  on  the  West  Coast  to  and  from 
American  Pacific  coast  ports,  and  is  being  found  to  be  cheaper  than 
all-rail  transportation,  it  follows  that  American  exporters  of  the 
Pacific  coast  territory  of  the  United  States  can  now  develop  their 
trade  relations  with  the  Guadalajara  commercial  territory  to  advan- 
tage, and  thereby  increase  their  commercial  transactions  with  the 
West  Coast  of  Mexico  by  three  times,  roughly  speaking,  although  it 
is  to  be  borne  in  mind  that,  as  Guadalajara  is  farther  inland  and 
more  readily  accessible  from  Mexico  City,  keener  competition  will  be 
met  in  this  latter  market,  emanating  from  the  large  importing  whole- 
sale houses  long  established  there,  winch  import  large  quantities  of 
merchandise  from  both  Europe  and  the  United  States  for  distribu- 
tion in  many  of  the  southern  and  western  commercial  regions  of  the 
country. 

However,  the  three  northern  West  Coast  States  were  formerly 
commercially  tributary  to  the  capital  to  a very  great  extent  and 
are  now  really  the  commercial  territory  of  California  and  Arizona. 
There  is  no  good  reason  why  the  American  exporters  of  the  Pacific 
coast  of  the  United  States  can  not,  by  the  emplovment  of  the  same 
diligent  methods  of  trade  building,  also  secure  their  share  of  the 
business  ^centering  in  Guadalajara  and  work  this  additional  trade 
territory  in  connection  with  their  already  organized  sales  activities 
which  'cover  the  three  northern  West  Coast  States.  The  problem 
resolves  itself  into  a question  of  proper  selection  of  merchandise, 
proper  sales  methods,  and  the  individual  initiative  and  activity  of 
firms  in  the  field. 


262 


COMMERCE  OF  THE  WEST  COAST. 


263 


DIVISION  OF  COMMERCIAL  REGIONS. 

The  trade  of  the  eastern  Sonora  region,  which  includes  the  great 
mining  centers  of  Cananea  and  Nacozari,  goes  principally  to  Douglas, 
Ariz.  The  large  stores  of  the  mining  companies  buy  directly  from 
manufacturers,  wherever  possible,  and  very  little  from  local  jobbers 
and  wholesalers.  Mining  and  cattle  are  the  principal  industries  in 
this  region,  with  the  first  named  by  far  the  more  important.  The 
estimated  population  of  this  division  is  about  36,500. 

Nogales  (both  American  and  Mexican)  gets  the  commerce  of  the 
northern  central  part  of  the  State,  including  some  of  the  trade  from 
Cananea,  its  territory  reaching  far  south  into  the  interior  and  also 
west  to  and  including  the  Altar  district.  The  estimated  population 
of  this  commercial  region  is  31,480. 

The  commercial  center  of  Hermosillo  imports  direct,  and  its  trade 
influence  covers  a wide  stretch  of  sparsely  inhabited  territory  radi- 
ating in  all  directions.  The  commercial  population  of  this  region 
is  estimated  to  be  about  33,100  people. 

Next  comes  the  Guaymas  commercial  center.  Guaymas  was 
formerly  the  second  most  important  port  of  entry  and  point  of 
distribution  on  the  West  Coast,  but  since  the  building  of  the  Southern 
Pacific  Railroad  down  the  coast  from  there  it  has  fallen  very  con- 
siderably in  commercial  importance,  although  it  is  still  headquarters 
for  the  trade  of  the  Yaqui  and  Mayo  Valleys,  both  rich  agricultural 
regions.  The  estimated  commercial  population  of  this  trade  terri- 
tory is  56,260,  although  a large  portion  of  the  trade  of  the  Alamos 
district,  containing  about  18,000  people,  now  finds  its  way  to  the 
border  or  is  being  secured  directly  by  travelers  and  traders  who 
obtain  their  stocks  of  merchandise  from  the  jobbing  houses  of  Nogales. 

The  Navojoa  region  alone  contains  some  18,000  people,  and  at 
least  two  of  the  larger  importing  houses  of  Mazatlan  have  branches 
there  and  “cut  in”  heavily  on  the  trade  of  Guaymas.  During  re- 
cent years  the  business  houses  of  Guaymas  do  not  seem  to  be  as 
active  as  they  were  formerly,  and  are  suffering  from  lack  of  sufficient 
capital  with  which  to  maintain  their  former  prestige.  The  railway 
down  the  coast  has  allowed  the  trade  to  be  variously  distributed, 
and  the  greater  capital  and  activity  of  the  Mazatlan  houses  has 
heavily  curtailed  the  business  of  Guaymas. 

The  next  important  trade  center  down  the  coast  is  San  Bias, 
Sinaloa,  located  at  the  crossing  of  the  Southern  Pacific  and  Mexico, 
Kansas  City  & Orient  Railways.  San  Bias  is  the  trading  center  of 
the  rich  Fuerte  Valley,  which  has  a population  of  45,530.  A few  of 
the  houses  here  import  directly,  principally  from  Los  Angeles  jobbers 
and  wholesalers,  but  here  also  are  found  large  branches  of  two  of 
the  Mazatlan  importing  houses  which  practically  control  the  trade, 
carrying  much  larger  stocks  than  any  other  commercial  agency  in 
the  region. 

The  next  commercial  center  is  Sinaloa,  head  of  the  Sinaloa  River 
Valley,  which  has  a commercial  population  estimated  at  about 
43,400.  Houses  in  Sinaloa  formerly  bought  principally  in  Culiacan, 
but  this  is  no  longer  the  case  since  the  trade  of  Culiacan  has  been 
disrupted  by  the  discontinuance  of  the  old  houses  there;  Sinaloa 
now  imports  directly  and  also  buys  from  the  large  importing  houses 
of  Mazatlan. 


264 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


There  are  a few  stores  at  Bamoa  and  Mocorito  that  import 
directly. 

Culiacan  controls  the  trade  of  a great  district  which  includes 
Badiraguato,  Cosala,  Tamazula,  and  even  such  isolated  towns  in  the 
Durango  Mountains  as  Chacala,  105  miles  east  of  Culiacan.  However, 
conditions  brought  about  by  the  years  of  revolution  have  practically 
wiped  out  the  old  houses  of  Culiacan,  which  has  recently  been  invaded 
by  branches  of  the  large  firms  of  Mazatlan,  which  now  do  the  bulk 
of  the  business  at  wholesale.  A few  of  the  larger  stores  import 
directly,  principally  from  Los  Angeles.  The  trade  of  Quila  (on  the 
San  Lorenzo  River),  El  Dorado,  and  even  Cosala  now  goes  principally 
to  Mazatlan  over  the  railway — mainly  on  account  of  the  lack  of 
sufficient  commercial  capital  and  enterprise  on  the  part  of  what  is 
left  of  the  old  houses  long  established  at  Culiacan.  The  commercial 
population  of  the  Culiacan  trade  region  may  be  estimated  at  about 
62,350. 

Mazatlan  has  become  the  largest  commercial  center  of  the  West 
Coast,  next  to  Guadalajara  in  Jalisco,  and,  besides  the  incursion  of  its 
merchants  into  northern  Sinaloa  and  even  southern  Sonora,  it  controls 
the  rest  of  the  commercial  territory  of  the  State  of  Sinaloa,  estimated 
in  population  at  about  172,000,  and,  in  addition,  about  one-half  of 
the  trade  of  the  neighboring  State  of  Navarit,  or,  one  may  say,  an 
additional  commercial  population  of  80,000. 

The  old  commercial  center  of  Tepic,  capital  of  Nayarit,  is  in 
much  the  same  condition  as  Culiacan.  Only  two  of  the  old  houses 
remain  in  active  business  and  import  direct,  most  of  the  rest  of  the 
trade  going  to  Mazatlan  as  the  wholesaling  center,  although  numbers 
of  the  small  and  new  traders  import  in  small  lots  for  their  own  account, 
chiefly  from  the  United  States.  Santiago  Ixquintla,  Acaponeta.  and 
Esquinapa  trade  in  Mazatlan.  Tepic  enjoys  the  trade  of  the  southern 
half  of  the  State  and  may  be  said  to  have  a commercial  territory 
of  some  60,000  people,  although  their  buying  power  has  been  very 
greatly  curtailed  during  the  revolutionary  period  and  the  popula- 
tion has  diminished  through  emigration  to  other  places. 

BUYING  SEASONS. 

In  eastern  and  northern  Sonora  the  chief  influence  on  trade  activity 
is  the  condition  of  the  mining  industry,  and  the  chief  factors  affecting 
this  industry  are  political  conditions  in  Mexico  and  the  market 
prices  for  copper  and  silver.  When  the  great  camps  shut  down, 
thousands  of  workers  in  Sonora  are  forced  to  emigrate  to  the  United 
States  to  gain  a living,  and  trade  diminishes  in  consequence.  The 
wheat  crop  and  market  price  in  the  Magdalena  Valley  just  south  of 
Nogales  also  affect  trade  conditions  of  the  Nogales  and  Hermosillo 
districts.  Some  years  the  wheat  crop  in  northern  and  central 
Sonora  suffers  severely  from  frosts. 

Trade  conditions  of  the  Hermosillo  region  are  affected  by  both 
crop  conditions  and  the  activity  in  the  mining  industry:  and  the 
same  may  be  said  of  the  Guaymas  district,  which  includes  the  Yaqui 
and  Mayo  River  Valleys.  When  the  mines  are  active  they  sustain 
demand  during  the  entire  year,  although  trade  is  more  slack  in  this 
line  during  the  rainy  season  (which  is  during  the  summer  months) 
on  account  of  the  greater  difficulties  of  transportation. 


COMMERCE  OP  THE  WEST  COAST. 


265 


In  the  agricultural  valleys  of  the  coast  proper,  including  such 
trade  centers  as  Navajoa,  San  Bias,  Sinaloa,  Culiacan,  etc.,  very 
little  merchandise  moves  during  the1' period  of  the  rainy  season. 
Most  of  the  available  labor  is  busy  with  planting,  and  pack-mule 
trains  can  not  move  into  the  interior  regions  on  account  of  the 
swollen  streams  and  the  condition  of  the  trails. 

General  buying  is  most  active  following  the  com  and  bean  harvest 
in  November  ana  December,  with  the  latter  the  peak  month,  when 
there  is  more  money  in  circulation  and  advances  contracted  in  April, 
May,  and  June  for  planting  are  paid  off  and  the  surplus  is  spent  in 
the  stores.  Again,  buying  is  active  along  in  May  and  June,  when 
planters  are  preparing  their  ground  for  the  season’s  crop  and  their 
men  are  outfitted  for  the  crop  season,  as  is  the  custom  of  the  country. 

During  the  past  few  years  the  winter  tomato  and  vegetable  in- 
dustry has  grown  rapidly  in  nearly  all  the  valleys  of  the  West  Coast 
and  employs  the  greatest  number  of  laborers  in  November  when 
the  plants  are  set  out — the  picking,  packing,  and  harvesting  lasting 
from  the  end  of  February  until  the  middle  of  May.  This  branch  of 
agriculture  is  attracting  several  million  dollars  of  new  capital  to 
the  West  Coast  and  very  considerably  increasing  the  demand  for 
general  merchandise. 

Traveling  salesmen  usually  cover  the  West  Coast  from  November 
until  May.  The  work  of  introducing  a new  line  or  of  securing  con- 
nections for  a new  house  in  this  territory  should  be  started  not  later 
than  November. 

TAXES  ON  TRAVELING  SALESMEN. 

The  State  of  Sonora  does  not  require  traveling  salesmen  to  pay  a 
tax,  but  each  municipality  (county)  makes  its  own  regulations  cov- 
ering this  matter. 

Nogales,  Sonora. — In  Nogales  traveling  salesmen  must  pay  one- 
half  of  1 per  cent  monthly  on  the  value  o?  their  sales. 

Cananea. — Salesmen  who  take  orders  do  not  have  to  pay  a tax  in 
Cananea  municipality,  but  those  who  have  no  established  business 
there  and  who  send  goods  to  customers  in  the  Cananea  district  must 
pay  a municipal  tax  of  3 per  cent  of  the  invoice  value  of  such  goods. 

Magdalena . — The  Magdalena  subdivision  of  the  State  of  Sonora 
places  no  tax  on  traveling  salesmen. 

Moctezuma. — Travelers  representing  foreign  houses  selling  goods  in 
Moctezuma  municipality  pay  a tax  of  10  pesos  (nominally  $5  United 
States  currency)  monthly. 

Altar,  Sonora.—' The  municipality  of  Altar,  in  Sonora,  requires  no 
tax  on  traveling  salesmen. 

Agua'prieta. — In  Aguaprieta  traveling  salesmen  are  subject  to  a tax 
of  1 peso  on  each  1,000  pesos  of  their  total  sales. 

Hermosillo. — Regulations  fixed  by  the  municipal  president  and 
council  of  Hermosillo  require  that  traveling  salesmen  secure  a license 
before  calling  on  the  trade,  and  pay  a municipal  tax  of  from  10  to 
100  pesos  for  each  time  a visit  is  made  to  this  political  subdivision 
of  Sonora.  The  exact  amount  of  tax  to  be  paid  is  fixed  by  the  presi- 
dent and  council.  A fine  of  from  5 to  25  pesos  is  imposed  for  oper- 
ating without  a license.  This  ordinance  is  not  always  enforced. 


266 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


Guaymas. — Old  regulations  requiring  the  payment  of  tax  by  sales- 
men are  not  enforced  at  Guaymas. 

State  of  Sinaloa. — Municipalities  in  Sinaloa  formerly  required  the 
payment  of  taxes  by  salesmen,  varying  in  each  subdivision,  but  these 
old  ordinances  are  no  longer  enforced,  although  it  is  possible  that 
salesmen  might,  from  time  to  time,  experience  difficulty  by  reason  of 
demands  of  local  authorities. 

State  of  Nayarit. — The  municipal  authorities  in  the  State  of  Naya- 
rit  have  the  right  to  impose  a tax  on  traveling  salesmen,  or  those 
temporarily  residing  in  the  municipalities  (counties)  of  the  State,  and 
payment  in  one  municipality  does  not  exempt  a person  from  pay- 
ment in  another.  At  present  some  municipalities  do  not  collect  this 
tax,  although  they  have  the  right  to  do  so.  When  collected,  it 
amounts  to  from  5 to  50  pesos  per  month.  The  municipality  of 
Tepic  charges  a minimum  of  5 pesos,  to  be  paid  by  the  traveler  upon 
securing  his  license. 

COMMERCIAL  ORGANIZATIONS. 

Nogales,  Hermosillo,  Cananea,  Guaymas,  Culiacan,  Mazatlan,  and 
Tepic  have  legally  constituted  chambers  of  commerce,  affiliated  with 
the  National  Chamber  of  Commerce  of  Mexico,  which  has  its  head- 
quarters in  Mexico  City  and  is,  in  reality,  a semiofficial  body  empow- 
ered to  pass  economic  and  commercial  resolutions  that  mav  be  brought 
to  the  attention  of  the  Congress  or  the  Executive  of  the  Nation.1 

EXPENSES  IN  CONNECTION  WITH  BUSINESS  ESTABLISHMENTS. 


The  following  statement  shows  the  average  annual  overhead 
expense  of  a commercial  business  with  a capital  of  §25,000  United 
States  currency — a typical  case  for  the  West  Coast: 


State  taxes  at  8 per  cent  annually $200 

60  per  cent  Federal  tax  on  State  tax 120 

State  tax  of  2 per  cent  on  retail  sales,  estimating  that  sales  amount  to  $15,000. . . 

per  year 300 

Stamp  tax  on  retail  sales,  at  5 mills  annually 75 

60  per  cent  Federal  tax  on  $300 180 

Municipal  tax,  considering  the  business  of  fifth  class 50 

60  per  cent  Federal  tax  on  $50 30 

Water  service  at  $2.50  per  month 30 

Electric  lights 120 

One  telephone 53 

Rent  of  building 900 

Interest  on  capital  of  $25,000  at  12  per  cent 3,  000 

Salaries  of  office  and  store  employees,  including  manager 7,  S00 

Minor  expenses,  paper,  stationery,  fixtures,  etc 142 


Total  expense 


13,000 


Taking  25  per  cent  as  the  basis  of  profit  on  the  cost  price  of  the 
merchandise,  it  would  require  annual  sales  amounting  to  §75,000  to 
obtain  a net  profit  of  $5,750,  not  counting  the  §3,000  which  the 
money  invested  would  earn  at  12  per  cent  per  annum.  In  the  above 
estimate,  taxes  on  wholesale  transactions  are  not  included,  as  these 
are  paid  by  the  purchaser. 

1 Only  the  chambers  of  commerce  of  Guaymas  and  of  Mazatlan  are  at  all  active  at  present,  and  only  the 
chamber  of  commerce  at  Mazatlan  is  doing  any  work  in  connection  with  the  collection  of  economic  and 
commercial  data,  such  as  trade  lists,  directories,  etc.  The  best  source  of  local  information  for  the  sales- 
man is  the  American  consul.  The  American  consulates  are  the  only  agencies  on  the  West  Coast  that 
have  been  keeping  up  commercial  and  statistical  work  for  the  past  11  or  12  years,  and  they  also  have  on 
hand  the  card  files  of  the  World  Trade  Directory  covering  their  consular  districts. 


COMMERCE  OF  THE  WEST  COAST. 


267 


State  governments  in  Mexico  are  seeking  to  cover  large  budgets 

{>assed  by  the  new  legislatures  and,  as  a rule,  pass  special  taxation 
aws  which  bear  heavily  on  producing  industries. 

FOREIGN  COMPETITION. 

On  the  West  Coast  the  two  chief  items  of  Mexican  domestic 
manufacture  that  compete  most  heavily  with  American  imported 
goods  are  shoes  and  the  cheaper  grades  of  cotton  textiles,  such  as  the 
unbleached  “manta,”  denims,  etc.  During  the  year  and  a half  of 
economic  depression  throughout  the  country  the  domestic  mills, 
located  principally  at  Puebla,  have  accumulated  large  stocks  of  unsold 
merchandise  for  which  an  outlet  is  being  sought,  some  being  exported 
to  Central  America. 

The  local  output  of  soaps  also  makes  the  importation  of  the  cheaper 
grades  from  the  United  States  impossible  except  along  the  border. 

The  domestic  cotton  mills  are  mostly  badly  equipped  with  old 
machinery,  are  poorly  managed,  and  produce  a very  limited  variety 
of  goods.  Labor  troubles  have  seriously  affected  the  industry,  and 
a recent  survey  report  showed  that  it  was  necessary  for  the  industry 
to  modernize  its  equipment,  improve  its  technical  forces,  and  turn  out 
a wider  variety  of  higher-grade  goods.  In  the  meantime  the  better 
and  fancy  grades  of  textiles  continue  to  be  imported  in  large  amounts, 
constituting  by  far  the  largest  single  item  of  the  country’s  imports 
of  foreign  merchandise  and  manufactures. 

GERMAN  COMPETITION. 

The  German  houses  have  long  been  dominant  in  Mexico  in  the 
wholesale  and  retail  hardware  trade,  with  the  French  leading  in  dry 
goods  and  the  Spaniards  in  the  foodstuffs  and  grocery  lines.  Prior 
to  the  Great  War  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico  took  more  European 
than  American  goods,  and  little  American  merchandise  was  stocked 
or  sold  throughout  this  territory,  which  was,  in  reality,  part  of  the 
Mexico  City  trade  territory  so  far  as  commercial  influence  was  con- 
cerned. The  Great  War,  the  disruption  of  industry  in  Europe,  and 
the  construction  of  the  Southern  Pacific  Railroad  down  the  West 
Coast  changed  all  this  very  materially.  Germany  has  not  recovered 
its  position  in  trade  as  was  expected,  and  the  railway  has  made  the 
West  Coast  commercially  tributary  to  California. 

Immediately  after  the  armistice  exaggerated  reports  disseminated 
by  the  established  German  houses  in  Mexico  led  the  buyers  to  believe 
that  Germany  would  rapidly  renew  its  foreign-trade  activities,  and 
the  low  rate  of  exchange  for  the  German  mark  was  an  additional 
attraction.  Large  orders  were  placed  in  Germany  and  with  the  old 
German  houses,  the  importers,  in  the  meantime,  continuing  to  place 
small  orders  for  seasonal  merchandise  in  the  United  States  where  they 
had  been  buying  perforce  during  the  war  years.  German  deliveries 
did  not  materialize,  and  such  goods  as  did  eventually  reach  the  West 
Coast  (and  other  commercial  centers  of  Mexico) , after  many  months 
of  delay,  were  very  disappointing  to  the  importers  as  to  quality, 
especially  in  such  lines  as  hardware,  musical  instruments,  crockery 
and  chinaware,  glassware,  photographic  supplies,  and  machinery. 
German  enameled  ware  continued  to  be  very  satisfactory  as  to  quality, 
design,  and  price,  and  the  American  line  can  not  compete  successfully. 


268 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


Judging  by  the  number  and  nature  of  complaints  on  the  West 
Coast  against  German  houses  during  the  past  two  years,  the  great 
German  system  of  exporting,  with  its  meticulous  attention  to  the 
important  details  of  packing,  billing,  drafts,  etc.,  seems  to  have 
suffered  a severe  eclipse;  or  the  present  German  exporting  houses 
appear  to  be  new  to  the  foreign-trade  field.  Shipments  have  been 
held  for  months  at  Vera  Cruz,  running  up  large  storage  charges  on 
account  of  faulty  shipping  and  billing  instructions,  even  when  cash 
was  paid  with  orders.  Other  shipments  have  been  billed  via  New 
York  and  held  up  there.  Very  often  goods,  upon  arrival,  were  found 
to  be  old  and  second  hand,  in  such  a bad  condition  as  to  be  useless. 
In  the  meantime,  trade  has  reverted  to  the  United  States  in  even 
larger  proportions,  and,  moreover,  present  economic  conditions 
make  it  imperative  for  the  importer  to  order  only  small  stocks  of 
seasonal  merchandise  on  which  prompt  delivery  and  a good  assort- 
ment is  always  required  and  very  necessary. 

The  Spaniards  compete  most  heavily  in  canned  and  bottled  food- 
stuffs, while  the  great  French  dry-goods  houses  of  Mexico  are  active 
in  the  sale — in  the  interior  and  on  the  West  Coast — of  fancy  dry-goods 
lines. 

During  1922  a great  number  of  German  and  British  catalogues 
and  price  lists,  accompanied  by  advertising  matter,  were  being  re- 
ceived by  the  merchants  of  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico,  coming 
principally  from  representatives  of  German  and  English  houses 
resident  in  Mexico  City,  a European  house  salesman  being  rarely  seen 
on  the  coast  since  the  war.  Most  of  the  importers  have  refused  to 
purchase  or  order  German  goods  on  account  of  the  absence  of  definite 
price  quotations  and  the  impossibility  of  estimating  the  time  of 
delivery.  Most  of  the  European  goods  that  have  reached  the  West 
Coast  since  the  war  have  been  purchased  from  the  larger  importers 
of  Mexico  City. 

PROGRESS  OF  AMERICAN  TRADE  ON  WEST  COAST. 

With  the  building  of  the  railway  down  the  coast  from  Guaymas  in 
1909  and  coincident  with  the  general  growth  of  business  and  pros- 
perity throughout  the  Pacific  coast  area  of  the  United  States,  the 
jobbing  and  wholesale  houses  of  Los  Angeles  and  San  Francisco 
became  more  and  more  active  in  their  efforts  to  secure  new  trade 
down  the  West  Coast.  Export  departments  were  organized  and 
salesmen  sent  to  the  territory  with  the  result  that  the  great  bulk  of 
the  trade  of  the  coast  is  to-day  controlled  by  these  two  American 
commercial  centers.  As  an  example  of  what  has  been  accomplished 
by  diligent  effort,  it  may  be  stated  that  one  Los  Angeles  wholesale 
drug  house  has  secured  what  amounts  to  practically  a monopoly  of 
the  drug  and  drug-sundry  trade  of  the  entire  West  Coast  of  Mexico, 
this  house  getting  at  least  85  per  cent  of  the  business  in  this  line. 
Another  large  and  active  Los  Angeles  dry-goods  house  has  secured 
a very  large  portion  of  the  trade  of  the  coast  in  its  line  and  has  been 
very  successful  in  exporting  to  the  entire  West  Coast  of  South  America 
as  far  south  as  Santiago,  Chile,  very  attractive  business  being  secured 
in  the  large  mining  camps  of  Peru,  etc.  A Pacific  coast  manufac- 
turer of  workmen’s  clothing,  also  distributing  allied  lines  of  mer- 
chandise, has  also  succeeded  in  working  up  an  excellent  trade  on  the 
West  Coast  during  the  past  few  years. 


COMMERCE  OF  THE  WEST  COAST. 


269 


San  Francisco  leads  in  the  exportation  of  food  products  and  heavy 
chemicals  to  the  West  Coast  and  in  handling  the  imports  from  the 
West  Coast. 

As  has  been  stated,  the  West  Coast  proper  is  to-day  practically 
tributary  commercial  territory  of  the  Pacific  coast  of  the  United 
States,  and  these  commercial  relations  are  being  more  and  more 
intimately  cemented  by  the  increasing  travel  from  the  West  Coast 
to  California. 

TARIFF:  CUSTOMS  REGULATIONS,  ETC. 

The  latest  official  publication  of  the  Mexican  tariff  of  import,  and 
export  duties  is  that  issued  in  April  6,  1922 — Tarifas  de  los  Derechos 
de  Importacion  y Exportacion  de  la  Repiibhca  Mexicana,  published 
by  Herrero  Hermanos,  Sues.,  Mexico  City  (Apartado  Postal  671). 
Special  attention  is  called  to  the  mention  in  this  volume  of  the 
various  important  decrees  issued  in  1922  affecting  import  duties  very 
materially. 

Tariff -regulation  changes  have  been  so  prolific  in  Mexico  during 
the  past  year  that  it  is  not  practical  to  give  all  of  them  here.  They 
are  published  in  Commerce  Reports,  and  information  may  be  obtained 
from  the  Division  of  Foreign  Tariffs  of  the  Bureau  of  Foreign  and 
Domestic  Commerce,  Washington,  D.  C.,  or  through  the  district  or 
cooperative  offices  of  the  bureau. 

Import  duties  are  levied  both  specifically  and  on  the  gross,  net, 
and  '‘legal”  weight  of  goods  and  materials  imported.  A few  ad 
valorem  duties  have  recently  been  established.  In  general,  it  may  be 
said  that  the  Mexican  tariff  regulations  are,  in  their  general  policy, 
highly  protective  of  domestic  industries.  Recent  increases  in  certain 
commodity  rates  have  been  purely  revenue-producing  measures,  and 
the  rates  have  been  placed  at  such  a high  figure  that  contraband  has 
been  increased  to  a very  alarming  extent. 

PRESENT  COMMERCIAL  CONDITIONS. 

It  was  impossible  in  the  late  summer  of  1922  to  paint  a bright 
picture  of  economic  and  commercial  conditions  throughout  the  West 
Coast  of  Mexico.  The  entire  country  began  to  feel  the  effects  of  10 
years  of  destruction  of  the  means  of  production  of  national  wealth, 
the  exhaustion  of  the  country’s  capital  in  the  purchase  abroad  of 
even  articles  of  first  necessity  formerly  produced  in  abundance  in 
the  country,  and  the  world-wide  conditions  that  followed  the  collapse 
of  the  commodity  markets  in  late  1920.  The  West  Coast  proper  was 
also  affected  by  the  closing  down  of  the  great  copper  camps  during 
a period  of  a year  and  a half  and  the  practical  stagnation  of  mining, 
which  had  been  almost  completely  stopped  for  several  years  because 
of  conditions  of  revolution  in  the  country,  only  a few  of  the  richer 
and  more  easily  accessible  properties  being  able  to  continue  operating. 
Mining  was  also  affected  adversely  by  the  low  prices  for  silver  and 
copper. 

The  Culiacan  Valley  had  had  two  years  of  partial  corn-crop  failures 
due  to  lack  of  sufficient  rainfall,  and  only  the  expenditure  by  the 
Government  of  more  than  2,000,000  pesos  for  the  construction  of 
the  canal  there  saved  this  region  from  complete  economic  collapse. 
The  economic  condition  of  the  coast  was  also  adversely  affected  by 


270 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


the  continued  inability  of  the  producers  and  agents  to  move  the 
“garbanzo”  crops  for  several  years  past  at  good  prices,  and  there 
was  a surplus  production  of  rice  in  the  Yaqui  Valley  in  1921.  The 
same  was  true  of  the  wheat  crop  of  1922. 

Business  conditions  were  very  poor;  buying  was  being  done  only 
in  small  lots  of  readily  moved  merchandise;  because  of  the  unem- 
ployment of  labor  there  was  but  little  money  in  circulation,  and 
credit  was  very  restricted,  exporters  to  the  West  Coast  limiting  then- 
efforts  to  collections  of  accounts  due. 

Interest  rates  quoted  by  the  local  branch  banks  and  banking 
agencies  were  11  per  cent  per  month,  and  then  loans  were  made  only 
on  the  best  security  and  prime  commercial  paper. 

The  best-equipped  mercantile  establishments  considered  then- 
wholesale  general  merchandise  business  to  be,  on  the  whole,  slightly 
better  than  in  1921,  but  variously  estimated  that  the  total  volume 
of  business  was  only  about  50  per  cent  as  great  as  in  1910  (the  year 
in  which  the  revolutions  began  in  Mexico)  and  that  the  amount  of 
money  taken  in,  considering  the  increase  in  prices  since  that  time, 
was  about  70  per  cent  as  much. 

An  important  factor  in  the  present  business  situation  of  the  West 
Coast  is  the  fact  that  many  of  the  weathier  class  of  the  population 
have  left  their  former  places  of  residence  (or  the  country)  and  rela- 
tively few  have  returned  as  yet.  A large  number  of  these  people 
are  in  the  United  States,  chiefly  residing  in  California,  while  manv 
other  families  are  living  in  the  national  capital,  Mexico  City.  Such 
little  buying  as  is  being  done  is  of  the  very  cheapest  grades  of  mer- 
chandise. Stocks  of  goods  on  hand  in  the  wholesale  places  are  small 
and  do  not  offer  a great  range  of  variety.  The  general  uncertainty 
of  the  national  political  situation  is  still  being  felt  and  further  impairs 
confidence  and  curtails  the  placing  of  orders  for  large  stocks  of  goods. 

TRAVELING  TRADERS. 

Considerable  complaint  was  being  made  by  the  local  merchants  of 
the  competition  from  the  activities  of  the  itinerant  peddlers,  or 
“falluqueros,”  as  they  are  called,  the  business  of  such  peddlers  hav- 
ing been  made  possible  during  the  various  years  of  disturbed  condi- 
tions -when  regular  mercantile  channels  were  disrupted.  These 
peddlers  penetrate  to  the  small  towns  of  the  interior  and  also  sell 
in  the  larger  centers  of  population,  realizing  large  profits  on  their 
small  portable  stocks  by  selling  directly  to  the  people.  These  traders 
buy  their  stocks  at  the  border,  principally  in  Nogales,  from  the  job- 
bing houses  there;  and  it  was  known  that  at  least  some  of  their 
goods  found  their  way  to  the  shelves  of  the  smaller  merchants  in  the 
cities  at  prices  that  made  it  impossible  for  legitimate  dealers  to 
compete. 

The  merchandise  handled  by  the  “falluqueros”  consists  principally 
of  cotton  goods,  silk  mixtures,  laces,  hosiery,  women’s  slippers  and 
shoes,  general  fancy  notions  and  dry  goods,  perfumery,  etc.,  and 
the  volume  of  their  total  sales  is  very  large. 

RESELLING  METHODS. 

American  houses  are  granting  West  Coast  importers  60  days  from 
date  of  invoice  in  northern  and  central  Sonora,  and  60  days  to  90 


COMMERCE  OF  THE  WEST  COAST. 


271 


days  at  Guaymas  and  90  days  farther  south  along  the  coast.  Whole- 
saling importers  are  granting  30,  60,  and  90  days’  credit  to  their 
buyers,  who  are  the  local  retail  dealers  and  the  stores  of  the  interior, 
with  a 6 per  cent  interest  charge  on  all  overdue  bills.  Wholesalers 
have  greatly  curtailed  credits  in  their- districts,  and  customers  are 
being  selected  with  great  care.  It  was  reported  that  wholesalers 
could  increase  their  sales  by  200  per  cent  if  they  were  willing  to  grant 
more  credit  to  their  prospective  buyers.  In  this  connection  it  should 
be  borne  in  mind  that  many  of  the  old,  long-established  houses  have 
been  discontinued  or  closed  during  the  years  of  disturbed  conditions, 
and  their  places  have  been  taken  by  new  and  smaller  firms  estab- 
lished during  the  period  of  revolution,  which  are  still  rather  unknown 
quantities  from  a credit  standpoint,  not  having  as  yet  built  up  a 
credit  reputation. 

During  1922  the  bright  spots  of  the  West  Coast  were  the  Yaqui 
and  Fuerte  Valleys,  both  of  which  have  been  developed  by  American 
agricultural  colonies.  It  is  pertinent  to  state  that  the  Fuerte  Val- 
ley was  the  only  place  -where  automobiles  were  sold  to  any  notable 
extent  during  the  year. 

NOTES  ON  MARKETS  FOR  SPECIFIC  COMMODITIES. 

AGRICULTURAL  IMPLEMENTS  AND  MACHINERY. 

The  demand  for  agricultural  implements  and  machinery  has  been 
especially  poor,  and  dealers  complained  that  they  were  not  given 
adequate  credit  by  American  manufacturers  and  that  because  of 
their  own  lack  of  capital  and  high  local  interest  rates  they  could 
not,  in  turn,  extend  credit  to  the  farmers  from  one  crop  season  to 
another.  It  was  estimated  that  only  one-tenth  of  the  agricultural 
line  was  being  sold  as  compared  with  the  10-year  period  prior  to 
the  revolutions. 

An  energetic  advertising  campaign  was  being  made  by  certain 
large  German  manufacturers  of  agricultural  implements  and  ma- 
chinery, such  as  internal  combustion  motors,  pumps,  etc.,  these 
being  offered  on  6,  9,  and  even  12  months’  time,  and  in  some  cases 
on  consignment.  Prices  on  German  machinery,  delivered  at  Man- 
zanillo, were  estimated  to  be  slightly  less  than  the  American  f.  o.  b. 
factory  prices. 

AUTOMOBILES. 

Because  of  the  lack  of  good  roads  and  even  of  proper  pavement  in 
the  more  populous  towns  and  cities,  and  also  on  account  of  the 
greatly  restricted  buying  power  of  the  population  and  the  absence 
of  the  wealthier  class,  practically  no  automobiles  were  being  sold. 
All  accessories  are  sold  on  a strictly  cash  basis. 

TEXTILES:  DRY  GOODS. 

The  cheaper  grades  of  cotton  cloth  found  in  stocks  on  the  West 
Coast  are  all  from  either  the  domestic  mills  or  the  United  States. 
There  formerly  existed  a very  large  trade  in  fancy  dry  goods  and 
women’s  wear,  but  the  demand  has  fallen  off  very  considerably  on 
account  of  present  conditions  and  the  fact  that  most  of  the  wealthier 
people  make  periodical  trips  to  California,  wdiere  the  entire  family 
obtains  the  articles  required  for  the  season  or  the  whole  year. 


272 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


FOODSTUFFS. 

Mazatlan  imports  fairly  large  quantities  of  American  potatoes, 
apples,  and  flour.  All  package  groceries  sold  are  of  American  manu- 
facture, as  well  as  canned  goods,  with  the  exception  of  certain  high- 
priced  tinned  and  bottled  goods  such  as  Spanish  sardines  and  olive 
oil.  The  Chinese  are  the  largest  grocery  and  food-supply  dealers 
on  the  West  Coast,  with  the  exception  of  two  large  Spanish  houses  in 
Mazatlan. 

HARDWARE. 

Several  German  salesmen,  representing  Mexico  City  German 
hardware-importing  houses,  have  covered  the  West  Coast  recently 
and  sold  principally  builders’  hardware  of  light  weight  and  cheap 
quality.  The  dealers  admit  that  American  tools  are  superior  in 
quality,  utility,  design,  and  appearance,  and  they  stock  them 
exclusively.  German  enameled  ware  is  sold  at  lower  prices  than 
the  American  and  is  of  better  design  and  quality.  English-made 
chains  are  sold  more  cheaply  than  American  make. 

DRUGS  AND  MEDICINES. 

With  few  exceptions  all  drugs  and  medicines  on  the  West  Coast 
are  American,  purchased  from  wholesale  houses  in  the  United  States. 

COMMERCIAL  RELATIONS  WITH  AMERICAN  FIRMS  IN  GENERAL. 

In  general,  the  merchants  of  the  West  Coast  express  themselves 
as  being  well  satisfied  with  their  commercial  relations  with  American 
exporting  firms.  Some  of  these  Mexican  houses  have  held  the  same 
American  agencies  for  20  or  even  30  years.  From  some  of  the 
smaller  houses  there  is  complaint  of  the  lack  of  credit  granted  by 
American  exporters,  but  the  larger  and  longer-established  houses 
of  the  West  Coast  state  that  under  present  economic  conditions 
in  the  country  they  prefer  to  pay  cash  for  all  merchandise  purchased, 
thus  avoiding  heavy  obligations  likely  to  cause  embarrassment 
through  poor  collections  in  their  own  commercial  regions. 

As  a matter  of  fact,  the  adequate  capital  of  the  larger  houses  is 
their  best  insurance  of  control  of  the  wholesale  trade  of  their  dis- 
tricts, as  they  are  able  to  finance  their  term  sales  to  the  interior  and 
to  local  retail  dealers  and  do  not  have  to  do  this  with  credit  secured 
from  the  exporter,  as  the  smaller  firms  desire  to  do. 

In  years  gone  by,  salesmen  for  European  houses  allowed  a system 
of  bargaining,  based  principally  on  special  discounts  consistent  with 
the  volume  of  orders,  etc.,  and  there  was  always  some  special  feature 
to  be  offered  to  each  large  buyer.  Both  buyer  and  seller  enjoyed 
the  "trading”  feature,  and  there  is  some  complaint  to  the  effect 
that  American  houses  have  inflexible  price  lists  and  a "take  it  or 
leave  it”  attitude.  However,  the  old  order  of  things  has  passed 
on  the  West  Coast,  after  its  contact  with  the  United  States,  more 
rapidly  than  it  has  in  the  rest  of  Latin  America,  and  in  the  long  run 
the  short-term  credit,  with  quick  deliveries,  fixed  prices,  and  uniform 
treatment  of  all  customers,  is  by  far  the  most  beneficial  policy  for 
all  concerned.  This  difficulty  can  be  greatly  discounted  by  American 
salesmen  through  cultivating  the  personal  relation  in  every  case. 


COMMERCE  OE  THE  WEST  COAST. 


273 


FUTURE  NEEDS  AND  PROSPECTS. 

Aside  from  the  great  necessity  (already  mentioned)  for  the  develop- 
ment of  some  additional  product  or  products  of  export  and  the 
urgent  need  for  the  railway  connection  with  Guadalajara  and  the 
interior  of  the  Republic,  the  West  Coast  needs  adequate  banking 
facilities.  No  greater  impulse  could  be  given  the  industries  of  the 
territory  than  the  establishment  of  a large  American  branch  bank 
equipped  to  handle  the  demands  of  the  mining,  agricultural,  and 
manufacturing  industries  as  well  as  those  of  commerce  and  trade. 
The  effect  of  such  an  institution  has  been  observed  in  Colombia  and 
Venezuela  and  other  Latin  American  countries  where  more  or  less 
similar  conditions  prevail,  and  it  is  very  unfortunate  that  present 
conditions  in  Mexico  and  current  legislation  in  that  country  preclude, 
for  the  time  at  least,  the  establishment  of  such  a branch  bank  on 
the  West  Coast. 

Universally  throughout  the  West  Coast,  Mexican  mining  men, 
merchants,  landowners,  and  professional  people  all  agreed  that  the 
country  was  only  waiting  for  the  return  of  American  capital  and 
enterprise,  and  that  they  themselves  did  not  have  sufficient  capital 
or  experience  to  develop  the  natural  resources  of  the  region. 

The  opening  of  the  Cananea  copper  mines  in  August,  1922,  had  a 
tremendous  effect  on  the  entire  West  Coast,  as  it  indicated  an  im- 
p rovement  in  the  metal  market  and  also — of  still  greater  importance — r 
a return  of  confidence  in  conditions  in  Mexico  in  general.  Exports 
of  silver  and  gold  had  been  increasing  steadily  during  the  first  half 
of  the  year,  a phenomenal  increase  over  the  previous  low  record 
being  noted  toward  the  end  of  the  half  year,  clearly  indicating  a 
resumption  of  mining  activities,  in  Sonora  principally.  The  last 
of  the  previous  year’s  “garbanzo”  crop  had  moved  to  Spain  and  the 
West  Indies,  and  the  large  wheat  crop  of  Sonora,  fair  corn  and  bean 
crops  in  Sinaloa  and  Nayarit,  and  the  greatly  increased  acreage  in 
winter  tomatoes  and  vegetables  for  export  to  the  United  States  were 
also  favorable  conditions. 

Buying  of  agricultural  implements  and  machinery,  mining  ma- 
chinery, and  miscellaneous  equipment  had  already  started  in  October, 
1922,  and  larger  demands  for  general  merchandise  were  predicted  for 
the  last  of  the  year  and  during  the  early  months  of  1923.  Develop- 
ment is  sure  to  come  in  the  banana  industry  in  Nayarit,  and  this  will 
give  the  West  Coast  a new  and  stable  industry — something  it  most 
needs.  A large  hydroelectric  plant  is  planned  for  Sinaloa. 

It  should  be  borne  in  mind,  however,  that  some  of  the  surplus 
earned  in  the  1922-23  crop  season  and  the  increased  influx  of  money 
due  to  the  partial  resumption  of  mining  will  have  to  go  toward  the 
satisfaction  of  old  accounts  pending  and  therefore  can  not  all  be  put 
into  new  stocks  of  goods  or  enterprises.  Considering  the  situation 
of  the  West  Coast  broadly,  it  may  be  predicted  that  that  commercial 
territory  of  Mexico  will  take,  during  1923,  at  least  twice  as  much 
imported  merchandise  as  during  1922  or  1921. 

In  order  better  to  protect  their  wholesale  business  against  the 
policy  of  the  smaller  American  jobbing  houses  of  Arizona  and  Cali- 
fornia which  sell  to  the  smaller  importers  of  the  West  Coast  on  credit 
terms,  several  of  the  larger  houses  in  Hermosillo  and  Mazatlan  have 
44807°— 23 19 


274 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


opened  their  own  offices  in  San  Francisco,  from  which  relations  with 
American  producers  are  cultivated  and  the  buying  done  for  their 
West  Coast  stocks.  In  handling  their  shipments  in  this  manner, 
proper  supervision  is  exercised  over  the  important  items  of  packing, 
consular  invoicing  for  customs,  etc.,  and  better  advantage  is  taken 
of  commodity  market  conditions  in  the  producing  centers  of  the 
United  States. 

From  the  standpoint  of  the  exporter,  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico 
is  not  an  unlimited  commercial  market  and  should  be  considered  as 
only  one  section  of  a much  wider  field  which  should  extend  to  the 
Guadalajara  district  and  down  the  west  coast  of  both  Central  and 
South  America.  Merchandising,  as  has  been  said,  is,  if  anything, 
overdone,  and  the  relative  purchasing  power  of  the  people,  per 
capita,  is  low.  A good  trade  with  the  West  Coast  can  be  developed 
only  by  slow  and  painstaking  work  based  on  the  cultivation  of  the 
personal  relation,  real  commercial  service  to  the  buyers,  and  a careful 
consideration  of  credit  allowances  incident  to  a knowledge  of  the 
economic  conditions. 

The  development  of  the  West  Coast  as  a larger  market  for  im- 
ported goods  and  materials  depends  upon  the  policy  of  the  Govern- 
ment and  people  with  regard  to  foreigners,  property  ownership,  and 
the  colonization  of  the  river  valleys  by  foreign  farmers. 

FOREIGN-TRADE  FIGURES. 

The  tables  in  the  succeeding  pages  will  furnish  the  data  on  which 
to  base  estimates  of  the  volume  of  trade  in  each  line  of  exports  and 
imports  of  the  West  Coast. 

The  following  table  shows  the  quantity  and  value  of  declared 
exports  from  the  various  American  consular  districts  to  the  United 
States  during  the  years  ended  December  31,  1921  and  1922 : 13 

EXPORTS  INVOICED  AT  NOGALES  CONSULATE. 


Articles. 

1921 

1922 

Quantity. 

Value. 

Quantity. 

Value. 

Animals  and  animal  products: 

Bones tons.. 

Cattle head.. 

Cheese pounds.. 

2 

4, 9S0 
1,220 
220 

$524 

151,909 

199 

7,3S3 

251 

9,548 

S3. 312 
136,633 

Guano ...tons.. 

336 

2,204 

36, 620 
330,407 
207 

114, 71$ 

7 767 
185 

3, 164 
20.592 
2j  544 
loo 
23,027 

Hides— 

Dry do 

Horses do 

8 

653 

SOO 

2,513 

iso 

747 

Shrimps do 

Farm  products,  fruit,  etc.: 

9,814 

3,520 

25 

1SS 

1,269,397 

623 

72,566 

1,696 

176 

68 

4,749 

7l,SS0 

43$ 

2,735 

Beans bushels.. 

Bran tons.. 

Cantaloupes pounds. . 

1,646 

96 

43» 

4,421 

3.151 

100 

Cucumbers pounds.. 

23,037 

i,  392 

is  The  export  returns  at  the  American  consulates  at  Nogales,  Guaymas.and  Mazatlan  do  not  always 
indicate  the  actual  amounts  of  commodities  exported  from  each  consular  district,  as  commodities  originat- 
ing in  northern  Sinaloa  (and  thus  coming  under  the  consular  jurisdiction  of  the  Mazatlan  district,  which 
includes  the  States  of  Sinaloa  and  Nayarit)  may  be  declared  at  Nogales  for  convenience  of  the  shippers— 
the  same  condition  applying  to  the  commodities  originating  in  the  Hermosillo  district  which  belongs  to 
the  Guaymas  consular  district. 


COMMERCE  OF  THE  WEST  COAST. 


275 


EXPORTS  INVOICED  AT  NOGALES  CONSULATE -Continued. 


Articles. 


1921 


Quantity. 


Value. 


1922 


Quantity. 


Value. 


Farm  products,  fruit,  etc. — Continued. 

Egg  plant 

Garlic 

Hay 

Okra 

Onions 

Peas— 

Blackeye 

Garbarizo 

Green 

Peppers— 

Chile 

Green 

Pineapples 

Pumpkins 

Rice 

Sugar— 

Panocha 

Refined 

Tomatoes 

Watermelons 

Forestry  products: 

Brazil  dyewood 

Cedar  logs 

Mahogany  logs 

Mora  dyewood 

Wood,  fire 

Minerals,  metals,  etc.: 

Brick 

Clay 

Copper- 

Bullion 

Ore 

Diamond,  cut 

Gold- 

Amalgam  

Bullion 

Concentrates 

Cyanides 

Ore 

Placer 

Precipitates 

Slag 

Sulphides 

Graphite  ore 

Iron, scrap 

Lead 

Lime 

Silver- 

Amalgam  

Bullion 

Coin 

Concentrates 

Cyanides 

Ore 

Precipitates 

Slag 

Sulphides 

Tungsten 

Miscellaneous: 

Films 

All  other 


.pounds. 

do... 

tons. 

.pounds. 

.bushels. 


.do... 

.do... 

.do... 


.pounds. 

do... 

do. . . 

do... 

do. . . 


do. . . 

do... 

.bushels. 

.pounds. 


tons. 

.cubic  feet. 

do. . . 

tons. 

.cubic  feet. 


.thousands. 
tons. 


. . pounds . 

do. . . 

.number. 


..ounces. 

do... 

do... 

do... 

do... 

do... 

do... 

do... 

do... 

tons. 

do. . . 

.pounds. 
do... 


. .ounces. 

do... 

do. .. 

do... 

do. . . 

do... 

do... 

do. . . 

do... 

.pounds. 

rolls. 


14,024 

16,989 

36 


5, 569 
158,  724 
6 

9,396 
153,869 
178 
900 
1,676, 340 

240,006 
24, 366, 676 
297, 861 
437, 207 

581 
41, 892 
1,574 
380 

64,000 

300 


9,104 

i' 


21, 868 

1,956 


346 
441 
310 
3,045 
122 
16, 693 
87, 670 


801, 587 
10, 130 
96, 860 


568 
332,965 
4, 134 


Total 

Returned  American  goods. 

Grand  total 


$952 

638 

1,039 


20, 088 
259, 634 
35 

2,298 
10, 224 
25 
9 

148, 788 

16, 998 
2, 475, 402 
630, 671 
15, 779 

10,  776 
14,583 
544 
9,288 
4,040 

3,910 


1,177 
■”260 ' 


443, 838 
39,349 


7,130 
8,214 
6.208 
120, 781 
3,800 
707 
415 


527, 351 
9,  768 
63,014 


5,979 
414 
204, 692 
670 


2,005 


40, 194 
48, 793 


2,140 

910 

15,255 
389, 934 
781 

5,208 

852,446 


2,424, 406 

222, 852 
43,044,087 
400,987 
302,985 

1, 33S 
394, 565 


1,733 

128,000 

41 

20 


3,660 


102 
20,577 
240 
9 
411 
88 
10 
113 
126 
1, 369 
390 
37,511 

92,000 

1,564 

730,369 


126, 665 
6, 161 
50, 185 
6, 569 
41 

44,943 


5,241,912 
33, 270 


5,275, 1S2 


$1,210 

2, 901 


1,264 

41,146 
927, 655 
1,667 

1,592 
36, 533 


97,031 

12,249 
2,995,404 
762, 865 
9, 149 

23,348 
50, 670 


31, 300 
5,873 

423 

415 


517 


2,032 
414, 962 
4,813 
188 
9,045 
1,762 
201 
2,273 
2, 544 
36,662 
4,716 
986 
472 

1,030 
493, 494 


84, 991 
4, 268 
33, 146 
4,557 
27 
30, 175 


4,806 

905 


6,420,452 

21,249 


6,441,701 


276 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


EXPORTS  INVOICED  AT  CANANEA  AGENCY  (NOGALES  CONSULAR  DISTRICT). 


Articles. 

1921 

1922 

Quantity. 

Value. 

Quantity. 

Value. 

Animals  and  animal  products: 

Bones,  dry 

40, 000 

8302 

90,000 

$.889 

Cal  tie 

head.. 

8,560 

195, 519 

9,811 

115, 102 

Hides— 

Dry,  cattle 

pounds.. 

19, 936 

1,964 

1,706 

319 

Salt,  cattle 

do 

1,288 

3, 505 

Wild  animal 

do 

25 

46 

Horns,  cow 

do 

83 

170 

Horses,  Shetland  ponies 

head. . 

80 

2,002 

Tails,  cow ‘ 

1,047 

79 

262 

31 

Farm  products,  fruit,  etc.: 

Onions,  dry 

bushels.. 

357 

492 

Potatoes,  Irish 

do 

489 

294 

Sugar,  ‘‘panocha” 

pounds.. 

550 

32 

Forestry  products: 

Wood,  fire 

cubic  feet.. 

3.072 

4S0 

Minerals,  metals,  etc.: 

Copper — 

Bullion 

pounds.. 

3, 185,  532 

489, 162 

10,  073, 338 

1,352,180 

do 

4,682 

647 

Gold- 

Bullion 

ounces.. 

324 

7,275 

1,037 

21,253 

do 

223 

2,610 

Ore 

12 

237 

37 

678 

pounds.. 

547,302 

38, 183 

Silver— 

Bullion 

89, 397 

65.  .836 

257.777 

174.224 

Concentrates 

do 

4,  745 

3, 215 

12, 2S1 

8,872 

Ore 

5,  834 

2,367 

6,  277 

3,  SS5 

88,428 

7,  082 

769, 430 

1, 729. 502 

68, 244 

4,965 

837, 674 

1, 734, 467 

EXPORTS  INVOICED  AT  AGUA  PRIETA  AGENCY  (NOGALES  CONSULAR  DISTRICT) 


Animals  and  animal  products: 

Cattle 

Guano 

Hides  and  skins 

Horses 

Farm  products,  fruit,  etc.: 

Bran,  wheat 

Sugar,  refined 

Forestry  products: 

Wood,  fire 

Minerals,  metals,  etc.: 
Copper- 

Concentrates 

Matte 

Ore 

Gold- 

Bullion 

Concentrates 

Ore 

Precipitates 

Lead- 

Concentrates 

Ore 

Molybdenum — 

Concentrates 

Ore 

Silver- 

Bullion 

Concentrates 

Matte 

Ore 

Precipitates 

All  other 

All  other 

Total 

Returned  American  goods 


...head.. 

tons.. 

pounds.. 

...head.. 

tons.. 

.pounds.. 


631 

12 


200 


S22,087 

1,202 

1,202 


3, 031 

i6, 179 
6 


5, 133 


537 
263, 449 


$45,523 


743 

311 

14,  591 
13,240 


.cubic  feet.. 


25,344 


9S3 


4,608 


1S2 


.pounds.. 

do j 

do 

.ounces.. 

do 

do 

do 

.pounds.. 
do 


10, 726, 550 


79, 9S0 


23,933 
4, 181 
5 

1,223.290 
157.  200 


1, 182,  493 


9,274 


47S.  655 
S3,  629 
95 

40,747 

5,298 


19, 92S,  440 
1.200 
167, 016 

407 

25.609 

4,532 

30 

1.  239.  640 
ISO.  055 


2, 192,  618 
161 
19, 757 

8,150 
512. 184 
90.639 
610 

41,245 

5,793 


.pounds.. 
do 

.ounces.. 

do 

do 

do 

do 

...do 


3, 375 
7, 163 


3, 083, 846 


568, S96 
761 


2, 268 
3,445 


1, 722,  649 


330,264 
517 
431 
1, 727 


3,  .892,  099 
93,  OSO 


10,500 

1,380 

4,192 
3,  410. 779 
400 
705. 699 
5.492 


5, 362 
630 

2,880 
2. 232. 512 
301 
471.301 
3.844 


1.457 


5.664.034 

29.764 


3,985,179  5,693,798 

I 


Grand  total 


COMMERCE  OF  THE  WEST  COAST. 


277 


EXPORTS  INVOICED  AT  GUAYMAS  CONSULATE. 


Articles. 


1921 


Quantity.  Value. 


1922 


Quantity.  Value. 


Bones pounds. 

Bullion: 

Gold ounces. 

Silver , do 

Coffee pounds 

Copper: 

Bars,  blister do 

Matte do... 

Cylinders,  empty number. 

Fish,  dried pounds. 

Garbanzos do,.. 

Graphite tons. 

Guano,  bat tons.. 

Horns pounds^. 

Leather,  sole do 

Ore,  silver-gold tons.. 

Pearls number.. 

Pepper,  red pounds.. 

Precipitates,  silver do 

Shrimps,  dried do 

Specimens: 

Indian cases.. 

Natural  history do 

Tomatoes pounds. . 

Tubes,  old do 

Total 

Returned  American  goods 

Grand  total 


19, 676 


38 

2,348 


$778 

1,610 


11,  856,  699 
i , 929, 983 


1,  414,  643 
97,  624 


27,  600 
105, 588 

574,171 
14,  0S0,  436 
5 


5.  966 
910, 600 
210 
232 
17,  460 
21, 966 
2 

24 

2,670 


6,079 
44, 351 
1,693 
1,112 
790 
8,333 
628 
1,922 
321 


39, 400 


2,270 

8 

'74,' 340" 


327 

385 


18,  202 

94 

87' 


2,  546 


47 

200,  580 
54, 160 


1,583,142 
10,  954 


1,  594,  096 


$197 


16, 560 
15,  568 

51,  578 
683, 007 
150 


4,052 


5,998 

"il‘128 

630 


7,200 

271 


796, 339 
16,113 


812, 452 


EXPORTS  INVOICED  AT  MAZATLAN  CONSULATE. 


Bananas bunches . 

Bullion: 

Silver ounces. . 

Gold do 

Cantaloupes boxes 

Chili pounds 

Coconuts number 

Coffee pounds 

Concentrates  and  ores: 

Silver ounces.. 

Gold do. 

Copper pounds. . 

Lead do 

Zinc do.. 

Drums,  empty number.. 

Fins,  shark pounds.. 

Fish,  salt do 

Fusel  oil gallons. 

Furniture pieces. 

Glycerin,  crude pounds. 

Hides: 

Alligator do 

Cow do 

Deerskins do 

Shark  skins do 

Honey do.... 

Ixtle  fiber do. . . 

Logs: 

Cedar board  feet.. 

Amapa do. . 

Brazil  dyewood tons 

Mixed  plates: 

Silver ounces. . 

Gold dc> 

Zinc pounds.. 

Dyewood  extract do. 

Miscellaneous do 

Oregano do 

Oysters .’.'do!... 

Pearls number. . 

Pepper pounds.. 

Personal  effects do 

Shrimp,  dried ." . "do 

Currency,  American 

Stomachs,  fish pounds’" 

Tomatoes do 

Turpentine,  crude " do 

Vegetables ,!do!!!! 

Total 

Returned  American  goods 

Grand  total 


2,239,951 

48,696 


102, 031 

138,445 
1.431 
21,095 
28, 777 
10, 181 
19 
800 
143,375 


1,861 


$1,404,528 

957,095 


12, 809 

86,959 

28,313 

2,453 

865 

242 

168 

938 

9,768 


120 


1,377 

698 

8,500 

745,633 

6, 215 


1,966 

12 

9,187 


211 
17 
831 
611 
100, 566 


37 

3,052,060 


892 

107 

1,510 

38,944 

120 


1,194 

237 

188 


32 
500 
665 
503 
17, 842 
15,556 
7 

79,872 


2,662,427 

21,084 


2,683,511 


135 

2,781,162 

53,061 

1,471 

3,095 

18,918 

13,528 

178,999 
2,433 
29,228 
58, 722 
11,974 
34 
2,041 
149,895 
345 
13 

41,087 


955 


1,919,319 

1,122,689 

5,788 

1,424 

595 

2,084 

122,495 
55,624 
2, 415 
3,150 
675 
521 
1,689 
13, 143 
217 
288 
3,698 


565 


1,103,307 

77, 217 

102,303 

20,880 

505 

3,594 

514 

2,745 

98,877 

1,369 

1,903 

200 

9,010 

1,274 

157 

30 

2,572 

1,413 

343,605 

54,916 

3, 135, 230 
275 
540 

100,566 

31 

14 

3,507,956 
29,600 


3,537,556 


278 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


The  Mexican  Government  official  returns  covering  imports  into 
that  country  do  not  segregate  commodities  except  by  the  grand 
divisions  of  “Animal  products,”  “Vegetable  products,”  etc.  “ The 
table  below  gives  a detailed  statement  of  commodities  imported  into 
the  West  Coast  of  Mexico  by  rail  for  the  years  1920  and  1921  and  is 
the  only  available  material  that  shows  the  relative  values  of  the 
many  different  classes  of  merchandise  taken  by  the  West  Coast.  It 
will  be  noted  that  textiles  take  the  leading  place  over  all  other  com- 
modities, constituting  roughly  8.5  per  cent  of  the  total,  and  that  the 
various  items  of  foodstuffs  form,  in  their  aggregate  value,  about  13.1 
per  cent  of  the  total  for  1920.  It  should  be  understood  that  this 
table  represents  principally  goods  brought  into  Mexico  for  immediate 
consumption  in  northeastern,  northern,  and  central  Sonora,  and  that 
a large  volume  of  similar  goods  was  also  sold  to  Sonora  through  the 
port  of  entry  of  Douglas,  Ariz.  (Agua  Prieta,  Sonora). 

It  is  apparent  that  the  amount  of  foodstuffs  imported  into  Mexico 
from  the  United  States  and  other  countries  has  been  steadily  increas- 
ing during  the  years  of  revolution,  which  have  caused  the  curtailment 
of  the  production  even  of  the  chief  staples  all  over  that  country, 
necessitating  large  imports  of  foodstuffs  that  were  not  formerly 
brought  in.  This  statement  must  be  qualified,  however,  with  the 
additional  explanation  that  practically  all  of  the  State  of  Sonora, 
with  the  exception  of  the  irrigated  sections  of  the  Yaqui  and  Mayo 
Valleys,  is  a desert  country  with  a very  small  production  of  foodstuffs 
other  than  wheat  and  beef  cattle,  and  that  the  various  mining  camps 
take  large  quantities  of  canned  and  package  foodstuffs. 

The  year  1921  has  seen  some  increased  movement  by  water  to  the 
ports  of  Guaymas  and  Mazatlan,  thereby  reducing  the  movement  bv 
rail  through  the  Arizona  district.  However,  the  main  cause  of  the 
big  decrease — shown  below — in  the  rail  shipments  to  the  West  Coast 
is  the  decreased  purchasing  power  of  that  region,  caused  principally 
by  the  shutting  down  of  the  mines  during  1921,  and  also  due  to  lack 
of  market  for  the  products  of  the  West  Coast.  The  imports  from 
Mexico  into  the  Arizona  district  of  the  United  States  in  1921  were 
the  lowest  in  many  years,  and  this  fully  explains  the  decrease  in 
goods  purchased  by  the  Mexicans. 

The  following  table  shows  the  American  goods  purchased  by  the 
West  Coast  as  moved  by  rail  (large  items  only,  no  sales  under  S10 
being  included) : 


Articles. 


Acids 

Agricultural  implements.. 

Animals 

Asbestos  goods 

Athletic  goods 

Automobiles,  passenger... 

Autotrucks 

Auto  accessories 

Babbitt  and  other  metals. 

Bags 

Baking  powder 

Bicycles 

Blacking 

Box  shooks 

Brass  goods 

Blankets 

Brick 

Bread 

Brooms  and  brushes 

Buttons 

Butter 


1920 

1921 

Articles. 

1920 

1921 

$43, 237 

$18,219 

Candles 

$4,576 

$2,095 

243, 373 

116,463 

Carbide 

52,558 

7,S27 

128,558 

145, 408 

Castings 

2S,  807 

9,710 

13,540 

4,737 

Cash  registers  and  adding 

45,118 

12, 444 

machines 

12,586 

6,6S7 

121,336 

114,060 

Celluloid  products 

18,238 

1,983 

96,322 

24,907 

Cement 

114.16S 

89, S95 

63,516 

45,512 

Cereal  products 

32.S15 

14,526 

21,886 

6,664 

Chains 

13,929 

12,860 

110,186 

48, 48S 

Cheese 

11.496 

29,997 

11,450 

8,775 

Chemicals 

126,395 

164,661 

1,879 

2, 474 

China  and  earthenware . . . 

34.758 

20,475 

S,011 

5,829 

Clocks  and  watches 

8,710 

3,407 

248, 420 

142,926 

Coal 

123,222 

179,324 

29,203 

20,511 

Cocoa 

11,011 

3,917 

74, 605 

20, 152 

Coffee 

82.414 

22,329 

35,370 

35, 1S8 

Coke 

765, 120 

2,571 

29,302 

16,698 

Confectionery 

9,896 

7,671 

6, 672 

8,790 

Copper  goods 

21,238 

28,580 

9,676 

9,115 

Cordage  and  twine 

46,517 

25,064 

35,509 

26,623 

Drugs  and  toilet  articles. . 

94.0S9 

C6.711 

COMMERCE  OF  THE  WEST  COAST. 


279 


Articles. 


Dry  goods 

Dyestuffs 

Eggs 

Electrical  supplies 

Electrical  machinery 

Explosives 

Extracts 

Fish,  dried  and  canned. . . 

Flour 

Furniture 

Fruits: 

Dried 

Fresh 

Canned 

Glass  and  glassware 

Grain 

Hams  and  bacon 

Hardware,  shelf 

Hay 

Horseshoes 

Iron  and  steel 

Iron  bolts,  screws,  and 

nails 

Iron,  pig; 

Jewelry 

Lamps  (not  electric) 

Lard 

Leather  goods 

Lubricating  grease 

Lumber 

Machinery 

Matches 

Meats,  canned 

Milk 

Musical  instruments 

Nuts 

Oils  and  gasoline 

Oilcloth 

Paints  and  varnish 


1920 

1921 

Articles. 

1920 

1921 

81,067,569 

81,183,019 

Paper  products 

$171,698 

$104,985 

2,256 

4,425 

Perfumeries 

24,744 

20, 403 

195,301 

100, 199 

Phonographs 

9, 178 

24,  S78 

118,809 

207,932 

Photographic  supplies 

12, 169 

8,854 

2,145 

153,715 

56, 340 

Pickles 

7,424 

514,558 

194, 151 

Pipe 

192,009 

111,199 

10,226 

5, 454 

Plumbing 

50,920 

29,714 

46,750 

23, 083 

P.efrigerators 

2,  S92 

2,290 

397,049 

156, 126 

P.oofing  material 

21,569 

12,938 

86,304 

35, 12S 

Rubber  belting 

71,074 

17,310 

17,073 

8,406 

Rubber  goods 

Salt 

59,921 

12,525 

40, 629 
5,300 

57, 469 

25,153 

Scales 

9,031 

25, 670 

7,594 

7,280 

Scientific  instruments 

25,729 

18, 436 

88,740 

63,602 

Seed 

17, 684 

19,253 

23, 605 

265, 912 

Shoes 

531 , 490 

324,747 

24,  S10 

15, 403 

Soap 

376,041 

157,574 

93,139 

99,591 

Spices 

9,730 

5,063 

31,085 

48,796 

Stationery  and  books 

95,061 

74,051 

15,833 

6,791 

Steel  plates  and  sheets — 

85,483 

79,119 

429,043 

259,863 

Stoves 

22,789 

13,065 

92,272 

64,789 

Sugar  and  sirups 

Tin  plate 

23,015 
49, 558 

37,941 

3,706 

20, 504 

2,932 

Tinware 

8,087 

5,448 

4,144 

2,155 

Tires  and  tubes 

106,037 

74,334 

28, 097 

20, 165 

Tobacco 

21,280 

11,175 

362,047 

517,892 

Tools 

119,089 

69,851 

79, 368 

30,944 
20, 327 

8,847 

14,534 

24'  300 

Trunks 

20, 578 

842, 351 

297, 162 
1,634,836 

Typewriters 

27,369 

27,063 

1 , 645, 679 

Vegetables,  canned 

14,996 

9,023 

26, 424 

20,579 

W agons 

93,102 

56,585 

20,970 

115,318 

12, 872 

Waste,  mill 

10, 882 

70',  997 

Wearing  apparel 

700, 835 

502,470 

18,®  6 

24, 109 

Wheelbarrows 

4, 490 

1,186 

38,858 

3,032 

Wire  and  wire  goods 

92,425 

141,199 

402,102 

253, 222 

W ood  manufatures 

77,929 

110,519 

8,890 

66,987 

8,155 
49, 361 

Total 

13, 325, 866 

9, 505,  602 

Commerce,  Nogales,  Ariz. 


i Nogales  Chamber  of 


Imports  and  exports  through  the  various  Mexican  customs 
districts  and  ports  in  Sonora,  Sinaloa,  Nayarit,  and  Lower  California 
during  1921,  according  to  official  Mexican  Government  figures,  are 
shown  in  the  table  below  (some  of  the  smaller  customs  offices  were 
reopened  during  1921,  and  the  figures  credited  to  them  are  not  for 
the  full  year) : 


Ports. 

Imports. 

Exports. 

Kilos. 

Pesos. 

Kilos. 

Pesos. 

PACIFIC  PORTS. 

Bahia  Magdalena  (Lower  California) 

Ensenada  (Lower  California) 

Guaymas  (Sonora) 

La  Paz  (Lower  California) 

Mazatian  (Sinaloa) 

San  Bias  (Nayarit) 

San  Jose  del  Cabo  (Lower  California) 

Santa  Rosalia  (Lower  California)1 

Topolobampo  (Sinaloa) 

Total 

$77, 797 
2,  572, 181 
2, 387, 666 
2,721,209 
11,006,  940 
1, 012,  229 
111,310 
14,  278,  240 
897,  831 

$13, 530 
709, 319 
821, 090 
1, 025, 333 
4,  963, 534 
352, 536 
37, 731 
1,383,843 
233, 547 

$548, 782 
663,  444 
131,813 
174, 799 
371, 696 
746, 629 
560, 362 
5, 074, 637 
86,072 

$9,243 
144,  847 
42,672 
1, 070,  851 
4,690,657 
18, 373 
9,961 
3, 055,  934 
39,  457 

35, 065, 403 

9,  540, 463 

8,358, 234 

9, 081,  995 

NORTHERN  BORDER. 

Agua  Prieta  (Sonora) 

Mexicali  (Lower  California) 

Naco  (Sonora) 

Nogales  (Sonora) 

Sasabe  (Sonora ) 

15, 242, 151 
8, 258, 677 
3, 643, 671 
58, 432, 933 
39,  798 
123,  516 
1,471,541 

1, 979,  415 
1,  282,  483 
537,  551 
9, 161.  713 
11,995 
S,  252 
266, 611 

1,309,580 
63, 478, 471 
3,  737, 195 
14, 735, 409 
25,  882 

27, 179 
6,  S00, 178 
3, 396, 057 
4,047,  476 
105,  876 

Tia  Juana  (Lower  California) 

Total 

170,  322 

33, 852 

87,  212, 287 

13, 248,  020 

83, 456, 859 

14, 410, 618 

Grand  total 

122, 277, 690 

22, 788, 483 

91,  815, 093 

23, 492, 613 

1 The  largest  item  of  importation  at  Santa  Rosalia  consists  of  machinery  and  equipment  for  the  copper 
mines  of  the  Boleo  Co. 


280 


MEXICAN  WEST  COAST. 


For  purposes  of  comparison,  figures  for  earlier  years  are  given 
below. 

The  total  imports  into  Mexico  for  the  calendar  year  1918  were 
valued  at  276,217,464  pesos  (1  peso  = SO. 50  at  par)  and  in  1919  at 
237,038,347  pesos. 

The  following  table  of  imports  shows  the  relative  importance  of 
various  ports  of  entry  in  western  Mexico  (including  several  that 
are  outside  the  specific  region  covered  by  the  present  monograph) : 


Ports. 

1918 

1919 

Ports. 

1918 

1919 

PACIFIC  POETS. 

Acapulco  (State  of  Guer- 
rero!  

Bahia  Magdalena 

133, 247 
3,435 
511, 161 
399, 291 
307,  237 

5,412, 162 
4,882,997 

18,  880 

4,  252, 082 
279,642 

427, 486 
20, 881 
545, 396 
1,048,539 
714, 955 

3, 659, 941 
5, 123, 867 

47,  923 

2, 996, 459 
563, 490 

PACIFIC  POETS. — Con. 

San  Jose  del  Cabo 

Santa  Rosalia 

Topolobampo 

Total 

BOEDER  PORTS  OF 
SONORA. 

Agua  Prieta  ( Douglas) 

Naco  (Cananea) 

Nogales  (Nogales) 1 

40,465 
2,394,  725 
105, 532 

1, 585,  .543 
290,794 

Guavmas 

18, 800, 856 

17,025,274 

Manzanillo  (State  of  Co- 
lima ) 

Mazatlan 

Puerto  Angel  (State  of 

Oaxaca) 

Salina  Cruz  (State  of 

5, 801.210 
2,974,043 
2, 595, 0S2 

3,641,060 
3, 259, 952 
4, 169, 914 

San  Bias 

11, 370, 335 

11, 070, 926 

i A considerable  amount  ot  goods  that  enter  Mexico  at  Nogales  find  their  way  farther  south  along  the 
coast  than  the  confines  of  the  State  of  Sonora. 


Following  is  a summary  of  import  values  for  the  ports  of  entry 
within  the  region  covered  by  this  monograph: 


Divisions. 

1918 

1919 

Pesos. 

Dollars. 

Pesos. 

Dollars. 

11,370,335 
5,635,461 
3, 335, 902 

5, 6S5, 167 
2,  S42, 730 
1,667,951 

11,070,925 

7,025,690 

2,914,698 

5,535, 462 
3, 513,345 
1,457,349 

20, 391, 69S 

10, 195, 848 

21, 012, 313 

10, 506, 156 

From  the  above  table  it  is  seen  that  the  total  imports  of  this 
commercial  territory  were  worth  more  than  810,000,000  a year 
under  very  adverse  conditions  following  several  years  of  revolution. 
The  resumption  of  mining  and  stock  raising  and  the  development 
of  agriculture  on  anything  like  a normal  scale  will  easily  increase 
this  total  by  100  per  cent  in  two  years’  time. 


Part  2.  NORTHERN  HALF  OF  LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 

INTRODUCTION. 

Isolated  by  its  geographic  position  from  the  rest  of  the  Republic 
of  Mexico  and  long  regarded  by  the  general  public  as  a desert  waste 
of  arid  plain  and  rocky,  waterless  mountains — aside  from  a few  more 
favored  spots,  such  as  Ensenada  on  the  Pacific  side,  La  Paz  on  the 
gulf  side  to  the  south,  or  the  infrequent  mining  camps — the  Penin- 
sula of  Lower  California  has  been  little  known  except  to  the  few  hardy 
miners  and  land  pioneers  of  the  country,  or  in  tales  of  fiction  dealing 
with  “lost  tribes”  or  dry  placers. 

The  Imperial  Valley  in  southern  California  was  a desert;  the  Mexi- 
cali Desert  on  the  Mexican  side  of  the  international  boundary  is  a 
continuation  to  the  south  of  what  was  formerly  a waste  of  sand  and 
heat,  little  known  and  uninhabited  except  by  a few  roving  bands  of 
Indians.  To  cross  this  waste  from  San  Diego  to  Yuma,  Ariz.,  was  once 
an  undertaking  of  danger  and  great  labor,  as  water  had  to  be  carried 
all  of  the  way,  even  for  the  draft  and  saddle  live  stock.  The  history 
of  the  Mexicali  Desert  has  been  that  of  the  Imperial  Valley.  The 
magic  of  water  has  converted  the  region  into  one  of  the  most  pro- 
ductive and  promising  agricultural  regions  of  the  Americas  to-day, 
and  trade  has  followed  the  development  of  production  and  industry. 
The  railway  has  come  and  with  it  good  roads;  a seaport  on  the  gulf 
is  to  be  developed;  and  there  are  now,  besides  the  160,000  acres  under 
cultivation  in  1922,  some  240,000  acres  of  excellent  lands  available 
for  immediate  development,  with  water  readily  accessible.  The  total 
estimate  of  irrigable  lands  on  the  Mexican  side  of  the  line  is  placed 
by  some  authorities  at  as  high  as  2,000,000  acres. 

Twenty-one  years  ago  (June  20,  1901)  the  first  irrigation  ditch 
crossed  the  line  and  gave  life  to  the  desert.  By  June,  1917,  400,000 
acres  were  being  farmed  in  the  Imperial  Valley  and  45,000  persons 
called  the  valley  “ home.”  The  total  production  that  year  was  valued 
at  approximately  $30,000,000.  Up  to  that  time  no  agricultural 
county  in  the  United  States  had  built  up  a production  of  $30,000,000 
a year.  In  1912  the  value  of  agricultural  production  was  between 
$10,000,000  and  $12,000,000.  In  other  words,  the  production  in- 
creased threefold  in  five  years.  As  has  been  said,  the  Mexicali 
Desert  is  a continuation  of  the  Imperial  Valley  on  the  American  side 
of  the  boundary.  Progress  and  development  have  not  stopped  at 
the  boundary  line.  It  should  be  remembered  that  the  main  canal 
supplying  water  to  the  American  side  has  its  intake  just  above  the 
international  boundary  near  Yuma  and  then  crosses  into  Mexican 
territory,  which  it  traverses  for  a total  distance  of  over  60  miles. 
Agriculture,  which  is  developed  by  irrigation,  calls  for  the  highest 
type  of  cooperation.  There  is  a consensus,  among  soil  experts  who 
know  the  region,  that  the  soil  on  the  Mexican  side  of  the  valley  is 
better  than  that  farther  to  the  north.  Its  grain  is  coarser  and  it  is 
said  to  take  the  water  better. 


281 


282 


LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 


Nowhere  in  the  world  has  progress  been  more  rapid.  In  1913 
there  were  32,000  acres  in  crop  on  the  Mexican  side  of  the  valley. 
By  1916  this  crop  acreage  had  been  increased  to  65,000,  in  1917  to 
80,000  acres,  and  in  1922  to  160,000  acres.  Most  of  the  ranchers  on 
the  Mexican  side  are  Americans,  and  on  every  ranch  all  operations 
are  carried  on  with  the  most  modern  implements  and  methods. 
Practically  the  only  difference  on  the  Mexican  side  is  that  landhold- 
ings are,  on  the  average,  much  larger  than  on  the  American  side  of 
the  valley.  In  1919  the  value  of  the  cotton  produced  in  the  Mexican 
part  of  the  valley  exceeded  $20,000,000  United  States  currency. 

Besides  the  field  crops  of  cotton  and  alfalfa,  the  Imperial  Valley 
has  many  thousands  of  acres  devoted  to  early  fruits  and  vegetables. 
Asparagus,  lettuce,  tomatoes,  peas,  onions,  beans,  etc.,  go  on  the 
market  first  and  gain  for  their  growers  the  margin  of  extra  profit  of 
early-season  high  prices.  Grapefruit,  grapes,  dates,  and  cantaloupes 
are  of  high  quality  and  are  rapidly  increasing  sources  of  wealth. 
On  the  Mexican  side  of  the  valley  development  in  these  highly  cul- 
tivated lines  has  not  been  so  far  advanced  and  there  exist  great 
opportunities,  especially  in  the  growing  of  early  vegetables  and 
citrus  fruits. 

Commercially  the  northern  half  of  Lower  California  can  not  be 
said  to  be  foreign  sales  territory,  but  is  in  reality  domestic  sales 
territory  to  be  handled  by  the  southern  California  selling  organiza- 
tions. 

In  1539  Cortez  sent  an  expedition  of  three  vessels  under  the  com- 
mand of  Francisco  de  Uloa  up  the  gulf  from  Acapulco,  the  Gulf  of 
California  then  being  supposed  to  be  a long  strait  leading  to  the 
northern  seas.  Uloa  found  the  mouth  of  the  Colorado  Kiver  and  in 
1540  the  Viceroy  of  Mexico,  Mendoza,  sent  the  explorer  Alarcon 
with  instructions  to  explore  the  river  and  to  operate  in  the  interior 
with  a land  expedition  under  Coronado,  which  started  at  the  same 
time  from  Culiacan  on  the  West  Coast  of  the  mainland.  Alarcon 
ascended  the  river  for  some  distance  in  boats.  It  is  said  in  history 
that  the  name  “California”  came  from  “Cali  fornax”  or  “oven 
heat,”  the  expression  of  Cortez  when  he  felt  the  heat  of  the  Lower 
California  Desert.  The  first  survey  of  the  gulf  was  made  in  1746  by 
Father  Consag,  early  Jesuit  missionaries  having  entered  the  peninsula 
m 1697.  They  found  the  Indians  submerged  in  the  lowest  barbarity, 
but  also  encountered  certain  ancient  remains  of  a former  and  superior 
civilization.  The  Jesuits  were  given  possession  of  the  peninsula  as 
early  as  1636  and  held  it  until  their  proscription  in  1767  by  the 
Spanish  Crown.  There  followed  several  other  religious  orders,  all 
of  which  founded  Indian  missions,  the  ruins  of  which  still  may  be 
seen,  until  Mexico  secured  its  independence  from  Spain.  The  first 
exploration  was  ordered  by  Carlos  I of  Spain  in  1522.  Cortez  sent 
the  first  expedition  in  1524  and  he  followed  with  two  ships  in  1526 
from  Tehuantepec.  The  first  real  land  exploration  took  place  under 
command  of  Sebastian  Viseaino  in  1596.  Esteban  Carbonelli  dis- 
covered the  first  pearl  fisheries  near  Muleje  in  1632. 

Mention  should  also  be  made  of  the  first  American  expeditions 
from  the  north  following  the  discovery  of  gold  in  California  and 
emanating  from  the  national  interest  in  and  necessity  for  a western 
transcontinental  railway.  Lieut.  R.  S.  Williamson,  of  the  L'nited 
States  Topographical  Engineers,  commanded  one  of  the  four  expedi- 


INTKODUCTIOJT. 


283 


tions  authorized  by  Congress  under  President  Pierce  in  1853.  Jeffer- 
son Davis  was  Secretary  of  War  at  the  time.  The  object  of  the 
Williamson  expedition  was  to  find  and  locate  a route  to  California 
by  following  the  Sierra  Nevadas  of  California  southward,  seeking  a 
suitable  pass  through  which  a railway  might  be  built  across  the 
mountains  from  the  Missouri  River  to  the  Pacific  Ocean.  Dr.  Wil- 
liam R.  Blake,  geologist  of  this  party,  made  the  first  geological 
survey  of  the  country  covered  and  of  the  Imperial  Basin  and  Desert. 

The  discovery  of  the  San  Gorgonia  Pass  between  the  peaks  of 
San  Bernardino  and  San  Jacinto  meant  a practical  and  easy  route 
and  made  necessary  the  purchase  of  the  territory  in  southern  Arizona 
through  what  is  called  the  Gadsden  Purchase. 

The  first  reclamation  project  was  promoted  by  Dr.  O.  M.  Wosen- 
craft  of  San  Francisco,  Calif.,  between  1853  and  1859,  but  Congress 
failed  to  sanction  the  grant  of  3,000,000  acres  of  land.  In  1875  and 
1876  examination  of  the  irrigable  part  of  the  delta  was  made  by 
Lieut.  George  M.  Wheeler  to  determine  the  feasibility  of  irrigation. 
About  the  same  time  Thomas  Blythe,  a capitalist  of  San  Francisco, 
Calif.,  and  General  Guillermo  Andrade  formed  a partnership  for  the 
development  by  irrigation  of  the  latter’s  enormous  landholdings  in 
Lower  California.  This  same  large  landholding  was  subsequently 
taken  over  by  General  Harrison  Grey  Otis  and  his  associates  and 
became  the  present  California  & Mexican  Land  & Cattle  Co.  on  the 
American  side  and  the  Colorado  River  Land  Co.  on  the  Mexican 
side.  The  acreage  on  the  Mexican  side  alone  totals  some  835,000 
acres,  all  subject  to  irrigation  from  the  Colorado  system,  and  approxi- 
mately 150,000  acres  of  this  area  is  now  under  cultivation. 

Like  the  Nile,  the  Colorado  River  is  a great  fertilizer  of  the  soil 
which  it  irrigates,  and  Mexico  has  received  its  share  of  the  benefits 
accruing  from  the  enterprise  of  the  West  which  has  made  possible 
the  Salt  River  Basin  development  in  Arizona,  the  Elephant  Butte 
Dam  on  the  Rio  Grande,  and  the  Yaqui  River  project  of  the  Yaqui 
River  Land  & Water  Co.,  which  is  a similar  irrigation  project  in 
Sonora  south  of  the  port  of  Guaymas. 

About  1870  interest  in  placer  gold  was  still  much  alive  all  over  the 
West,  and  Lower  California  first  came  to  the  attention  of  the  gen- 
eral public  in  that  year,  when  the  first  gold  discovery  was  made  at 
Real  del  Castillo,  located  in  the  northwestern  part  of  the  territory. 
By  reason  of  this  discovery  the  district  became  the  scene  of  consid- 
erable activity,  and,  while  official  data  are  lacking,  it  is  said  that  one 
miner  alone  extracted  811,000  worth  of  gold  from  a small  vein  of 
rich  ore.  In  1880  the  dry  placers  of  Calmalli  were  opened.  These 
were  situated  near  the  twenty-eighth  parallel  on  the  line  dividing 
the  north  district  from  the  south  district.  Here  thousands  of  pros- 
pectors gathered,  and  the  ground  worked  was  of  greater  extent  and 
richer  than  that  of  the  original  discovery  at  Real  del  Castillo.  In 
1889  the  famous  placers  of  Santa  Clara,  now  called  Mineral  del  Alamo, 
were  found,  and  for  a time  this  field  was  thought  to  rival  the  gold 
placers  of  the  old  California  days  of  ’49.  Pockets  worth  830,000  and 
even  S60,000,  were  discovered  and  taken  out  in  a short  time,  and 
the  old  town  of  Ensenada  rivaled  the  famous  mining  camps  of  the 
early  days  of  the  western  gold  rush.  It  is  estimated  that  from  1880 
to  date  the  yield  of  veins  and  placers  of  the  North  District  of  Lower 


284 


LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 


California  has  exceeded  in  value  30,000,000  pesos,  or  $15,000,000 
United  States  gold  currency. 

Several  small  mines  working  gold  vein  deposits  are  still  being 
operated,  and  it  may  be  predicted  that  Lower  California  will  again 
see  activity  in  mining.  There  are  known  to  be  extensive  deposits 
of  good  iron  ore,  magnesite,  kaolin,  nitrate,  gypsum  sand,  and  other 
commercially  valuable  minerals  used  in  manufacturing  and  industry, 
the  potential  value  of  which  is  great  and  the  development  of  which 
is  only  a question  of  the  development  of  manufacturing  on  the  Pacific 
coast  of  the  United  States. 

In  fisheries  alone  Lower  California  possesses  great  natural  wealth, 
not  only  on  the  more  accessible  Pacific  coast,  but  also  in  the  Gulf  of 
California.  Recent  reports  of  surveys  made  show  the  existence  of 
good  commercial  fish  in  the  northern  part  of  the  gulf. 

Commercially,  the  northern  half  of  the  peninsula  may  be  said  to  be 
domestic  territory,  so  far  as  the  exporters  of  the  United  States  are 
concerned.  The  commercial  interest  is  small  as  compared  with  that 
of  agriculture  and  fishing,  and  the  great  opportunities  lie  undoubtedly 
in  the  three  basic  industries — agriculture,  mining,  and  fishing.  The 
most  immediate  development  is,  of  course,  that  of  the  easily  accessible 
and  irrigated  lands  of  the  Mexicali  region  opposite  the  Imperial 
Valley  of  California. 

Being  isolated  from  the  rest  of  Mexico  and  depending  upon  the 
one  great  source  of  wealth,  cotton,  it  is  a fact  that  never  during  the 
past  10  years  of  disturbed  conditions  in  Mexico  have  the  growers 
failed  to  make  a crop  or  to  export  it  freely  into  the  United  States 
for  marketing  and  shipment. 


GEOGRAPHY,  TOPOGRAPHY,  AND  CLIMATE. 

GEOGRAPHIC  FEATURES. 


The  Peninsula  of  Lower  California  lies  just  south  of  the  interna- 
tional boundary  line  between  Mexico  and  the  United  States,  the 
dividing  line  running  almost  straight  west  from  Yuma,  Ariz.,  to 
Tia  Juana,  a few  miles  south  of  San  Diego,  Calif.  The  head  of  the 
peninsula  is  about  140  miles  in  width  and  lies  between  117°  15' 
and  115°  15'  W.  longitude,  while  the  body  extends  to  the  southeast 
for  a distance  of  approximately  800  miles.  The  Pacific  coast  line, 
wTdch  is  a continuation  of  that  of  California,  begins  at  32°  30'  N. 
latitude  and  117°  5'  W.  longitude  and  extends  south  by  east  to  Cape 
San  Lucas,  almost  opposite  the  Mexican  West  Coast  port  of  Mazatlan 
and  just  south  of  the  Tropic  of  Cancer.  The  eastern  boundary  in 
the  north  is  formed  by  the  Colorado  River  from  a point  34  miles  west 
of  Yuma  on  the  Colorado  to  the  mouth  of  the  Colorado  at  the  north- 
ern extremity  of  the  Gulf  of  California.  The  Peninsula  of  Lower 
California  is  separated  from  the  mainland  of  Mexico  by  the  Gulf  of 
California,  an  arm  of  the  Pacific  Ocean  having  a length  of  600  miles 
and  an  average  width  of  about  100  miles.  The  mouth  of  the  gulf  is 
about  130  miles  wide  and  its  narrowest  between  the  Islands  of  Tiburon 
and  Angel  de  la  Guardia,  where  it  is  only  35  miles  (not  counting  the 
width  of  the  Ballenas  Channel).  The  peninsula  presents  an  irregular 
shape  with  Point  Santa  Eugenia  extending  far  out  into  the  Pacific 
at  28°  N.  latitude  and  forming  San  Sebastian  Vizcaino  Bay  to  the 
north  of  it.  Farther  to  the  south  on  the  Pacific  side  another  bulge 
in  the  coast  line  is  made  by  Cape  San  Lazaro,  just  south  of  25°  N. 
latitude.  The  peninsula  gradually  narrows  from  the  American  border 
for  a distance  of  240  miles  and  then  widens  abruptly  at  Point  Santa 
Eugenia,  where  the  maximum  width  is  160  miles.  It  narrows  again 
at  a distance  of  about  120  miles  to  the  south,  then  increases  to  a 
width  of  approximately  100  miles  at  Cape  San  Lazaro.  At  La  Paz 
Bay,  on  the  gulf  side,  the  peninsula  is  only  about  30  miles  wide. 

South  of  Cape  San  Lazaro  lies  Magdalena  Bay,  formed  by  the 
peculiar  shore  formation  of  Cape  San  Lazaro  to  the  north  and  the 
large  islands,  Margarita  and  Creciente,  which  lie  to  the  southward. 
Magdalena  Bay  is  famous  as  a good  harbor  and  fishing  ground,  and 
in  former  years  was  the  scene  of  maneuvers  and  target  practice  by 
the  American  Pacific  Fleet. 

AREA. 

The  total  surface  area  of  the  North  District  of  Lower  California 
comprises  some  77,376  square  kilometers,  or  48,079  square  miles, 
which  is  approximately  one-half  of  the  total  area  of  the  peninsula. 

Generally  speaking  the  peninsula  is  rough  and  mountainous,  with 
a small  proportion  of  good  lands  in  comparison  with  its  total  surface 
area.  The  exceptions  are  the  irrigable  region  of  the  Mexicali  Plain, 
containing  approximately  2,000,000  acres  of  good  soil;  the  wheat- 
lands  adjacent  to  Ensenada  at  Guadalupe;  the  San  Quentin  Plains; 

2S5 


286 


LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 


the  Magdalena  Plains,  lying  inland  from  the  bay  of  that  name  and 
south  of  San  Quentin;  a "few  small  isolated  valleys  of  the  interior;  and 
rough  areas  of  pasture  lands  in  the  northwestern  part. 

TOPOGRAPHY. 

SURFACE  AND  RELIEF. 

Two  irregular  lines  of  short  mountain  ranges  run  more  or  less 
parallel  to  the  coasts,  each  sending  off  spurs  here  and  there  which 
connect  one  line  with  the  other.  Between  these  spurs  lie  easy  nat- 
ural passes  from  the  Pacific  to  the  gulf.  Such  a pass  leads  from  the 
port  of  San  Felipe  on  the  gulf,  about  90  miles  south  of  Mexicali  and 
opposite  Santo  Tomas  on  the  Pacific. 

The  principal  watercourses  are  found  on  the  Pacific  slope  in  the 
northwestern  part  of  the  peninsula.  These  streams  are  all  short  and 
swift,  running  during  the  brief  season  of  rain  but  usually  dry  or  par- 
tially dry  during  most  of  the  year.  The  largest  is  the  Guadalupe 
River,  which  rises  on  the  western  slope  of  the  Sierra  de  Juarez  and 
flows  into  the  Pacific  just  north  of  Ensenada. 

The  Pacific  line  of  ranges  is  heaviest  in  the  northwestern  part  as 
far  down  as  Cape  Santa  Eugenia,  where  two  transverse  spurs  connect 
with  the  gulf  line  of  ranges.  These  ranges  average  about  4,000  feet 
above  sea  level  but  have  peaks  of  4,400  feet  and  even  4,900  feet,  such 
as  Three  Peaks,  northeast  of  Ensenada,  and  Las  Animas,  southeast 
of  Ensenada.  The  highest  range  is  that  of  San  Pedro  Martir,  which 
has  two  peaks  10,000  feet  high. 

The  northwestern  part  south  of  San  Diego  is  very  rough.  Many 
high  mesas  or  table-lands  occur  in  the  inland  region  south  of  Ensenada 
and  west  of  the  short  but  high  range  of  San  Pedro  Martir.  This 
range  is  in  line  north  and  south  with  the  Sierra  Juarez,  which  extends 
to  the  border  west  of  Mexicali.  Between  the  Sierra  de  Juarez  and 
tin  rough  country  to  the  west  there  is  a stretch  of  fairly  level  country 
lying  between  Tecate  (on  the  international  boundary  line)  and  the 
main  range  to  the  east  and  extending  into  a hilly  and  fairly  well  tim- 
bered country  toward  the  mountains.  Back  of  Ensenada  are  found 
a number  of  small  and  fairly  well  watered  valleys,  among  them  being 
that  of  Guadalupe,  now  occupied  by  a colony  of  Russian  farmers 
engaged  in  growing  wheat. 

The  eastern  slope  of  the  Sierra  Juarez  is  very  precipitous,  falling 
from  4,000  to  5,000  feet  in  8 to  10  miles.  To  the  east  of  this  range 
is  a great  sink  or  level  desert  basin  now  partially  filled  by  what  is 
known  as  the  Laguna  Salada,  which  is  35  miles  long  and  which  is  fed 
by  the  overflow  waters  of  the  Colorado  (through  the  Hardy  and  Pes- 
cadero  Rivers,  which  are  really  overflow  mouths  or  channels  of  the 
Colorado)  during  the  season  of  high  water  and  backwaters  of  the  tides 
in  the  gulf.  Between  the  Laguna  Salada  and  the  irrigated  section  in 
the  northeastern  corner  of  the  peninsula  lies  the  well-defined  and 
precipitous  Cocopas  Range,  terminating  at  Signal  Mountain  near  the 
border  a few  miles  west  of  Mexicali.  This  range  marks  the  western 
boundary  of  the  present  irrigation  system  of  Lower  California  in  that 
part  which  lies  opposite  the  famous  Imperial  Valley  of  the  Lhiited 
States.  This  region  is  the  ancient  fill  of  the  delta  of  the  Colorado 
River  and  contains  some  2,000,000  acres  of  excellent  lands  subject  to 
irrigation.  These  lands  he  in  a great  triangle  which  extends  from 
Yuma  on  the  northeast  to  Signal  Mountain  on  the  west  and  down 


GEOGRAPHY,  TOPOGRAPHY,  AND  CLIMATE. 


287 


to  the  end  of  the  Coe.opas  Range  to  the  south.  It  is  said  that  even  the 
Laguna  Salada  can  be  dried  and  cultivated  and  that  also  the  lowlands 
along  the  coast  to  the  south  can  be  brought  under  the  present  system 
of  water  supply  from  the  Colorado  River. 

GEOLOGICAL  FORMATIONS. 

The  entire  peninsula  is  of  volcanic  origin,  the  mountain  ranges 
showing  numerous  evidences  of  heavy  scarifying  by  fire.  There  are 
large  areas  of  burnt  lime  and  red  shales,  granite  outcroppings,  and 
the  usual  dikes  of  syenites,  rhyolites,  and  pegmatites.  The  granite 
is  the  oldest  rock  and  forms  the  pedestal  of  the  islands  in  the  gulf. 
Only  small  strips  of  the  calcareous  rocks  are  seen  and  these  carry 
numerous  concretions  of  flint.  Sandstones  constitute  an  important 
formation  of  great  thickness.  Of  the  marls  only  small  layers  are 
found.  Andesites  and  basalts  are  frequent  in  mam?-  localities. 
There  are  also  several  types  of  argillaceous  formations.  The  geo- 
logical order  appears  to  be  as  follows:  Granites,  syenites,  diabases, 
and  pegmatites  to  the  Paleozoic;  sandstones  and  marls  to  the 
Triassic;  tufas,  andesites,  and  rhyolites  to  the  Tertiary;  basalts  and 
argil  banks  to  the  Quaternary. 

Deposits  of  diatomaceous  earths,  kaolins,  gypsums,  nitrates, 
sulphur,  and  other  substances  much  used  in  manufacture,  are  known 
to  exist  on  the  peninsula.  Gold,  silver,  copper,  and  iron  are  found, 
but  paying  ores  have  been  discovered  only  in  small  bodies,  with 
three  or  four  notable  exceptions.  Prospecting  is  very  difficult  on 
account  of  the  lack  of  water  in  the  interior. 

The  mountain  system  of  Lower  California  is  a continuation  of  the 
Coast  Range  of  the  United  States,  which,  on  entering  the  peninsula, 
runs  in  two  branches  toward  the  south  and  southeast.  The  highest 
peaks  in  these  ranges  are  Tecate  and  Picachos  in  the  northwestern 
part.  The  Sierras  of  Real  del  Castillo,  Santo  Domingo,  San  Vicente, 
Santo  Tomas,  and  Rosario  form  the  chain  that  crosses  the  district, 
all  of  them  forming  part  of  the  axis  which  in  the  southern  section 
of  the  district  is  known  as  the  Sierra  de  San  Pedro  Martir,  the  highest 
and  largest  of  the  entire  peninsula.  The  other  less  conspicuous 
ranges  are  those  running  parallel  to  the  western  coast  from  north 
to  south,  as  Mesa  Redondo  near  Tiajuana;  Sierra  de  Santa  Rosa, 
Ensenada,  Punta  Banda,  San  Isidro,  and  their  continuations  follow- 
ing due  southeast. 

valleys  and  plains. 

The  mountains  covering  the  north  district  form  many  small 
valleys  but  these  are  all  of  a very  limited  extent  and,  as  a ride,  have 
insufficient  water  for  agriculture.  The  main  valleys  are  those  of 
Tiajuana,  Descanso,  Vallecitos,  Las  Palmas,  Guadalupe,  Santo 
Tomas,  Maneadero,  San  Telmo,  El  Rosario,  Ojos  Negros,  La  Trini- 
dad, La  Hechicera,  and  others  of  less  importance.  By  far  the  most 
extensive  plains  are  those  of  Mexicali,  watered  by  the  irrigation 
system  of  the  Colorado  River  and  containing  some  2,000,000  acres 
of  level  lands;  the  plains  of  San  Quentin  south  of  Ensenada  and 
extending  inland  from  the  port  of  that  name;  and  the  Magdalena 
Plains,  which  extend  inland  from  the  bay  of  that  name  and  which 
are  said  to  contain  more  than  250,000  acres  of  good  agricultural  lands 
subject  to  irrigation  by  means  of  artesian  wells  which  have  been 
located. 


288 


LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 


The  most  notable  canons  in  the  north  district  are  those  of  Cancio 
and  El  Burro  on  the  road  from  Ensenada  to  Tiajuana;  that  of  Las 
Cruces,  from  Ensenada  to  Real  del  Castillo;  de  la  Grulla,  on  the 
road  to  El  Alamo;  and  that  of  Los  Llanos,  crossed  in  1917  by  the 
new  military  road  from  Ensenada  to  Mexicali. 

RIVERS  AND  CREEKS. 

The  steep  slope  and  the  limited  area  of  the  drainage  basins  cause 
the  streams  of  the  north  district  to  be  short  and  swift  in  their  course 
to  the  sea  on  the  Pacific  side.  The  Colorado  River  is  the  natural 
boundary  that  separates  Lower  California  from  the  State  of  Sonora 
in  Mexico  and  the  State  of  Arizona  in  the  United  States.  The 
Colorado  River  has  several  branches  in  Mexican  territory.  The 
Mexicali  River  sprang  from  an  overflow  of  the  Colorado;  Rio  Prieto 
comes  from  Laguna  Prieta,  or  Volcano  Lake  as  it  is  also  called,  and 
is  used  for  irrigation  in  the  Mexicali  district  as  well  as  on  the  Ameri- 
can side  of  the  dividing  line;  Hardy  River  also  has  its  source  in 
Volcano  Lake  and  empties  into  the  gulf  near  the  old  main  channel 
of  the  Colorado.  When  the  tide  in  the  gulf  is  extremely  high, 
Hardy  River  overflows,  causing  its  waters  to  cover  a large  area  of 
lowlands  to  the  northwest  of  the  Cocopas  Range  and  creating  a 
shallow  salt  lake  called  Laguna  Salada,  which  measures  35  to  40 
miles  in  length  by  15  to  20  miles  in  width. 

The  Tiajuana  River  has  its  source  in  the  United  States,  crosses 
the  line  into  Mexico  at  Tecate,  and  again  enters  the  United  States  at 
Tiajuana.  The  San  Vicente  River  runs  from  El  Alamo  to  San 
Vicente,  and  thence  into  the  Pacific.  The  San  Rafael  River  has  its 
source  in  the  San  Pedro  Martir  Range  and  flows  into  the  Pacific  via 
San  Telmo.  The  Santo  Domingo  River  also  has  its  source  in  the  San 
Pedro  Martir  Mountains,  crosses  the  Santo  Domingo  section  and  also 
San  Quentin,  and  flows  into  San  Ramon  Bay  on  the  Pacific.  The 
Rosario  River  comes  from  the  Rosario  Mountains  and  empties  into 
the  Pacific.  Guadalupe  Creek  runs  north  of  Alamo  through  Real  del 
Castillo  to  the  Pacific;  San  Carlos  Creek  runs  north  of  Alamo,  passes 
through  the  lands  around  Ensenada  and  empties  into  the  Maneadero 
Estuary;  Santo  Tomas  Creek  comes  from  near  the  old  Alamo  mines 
to  Santo  Tomas  and  the  Pacific.  There  are  a number  of  less  important 
watercourses,  all  of  which  flow  into  the  Pacific  and  are  usually  dry 
during  the  greater  part  of  the  year.  There  are  a few  water  holes  and 
springs. 

LAKES  AND  LAGOONS. 

Laguna  Salada  has  already  been  mentioned.  Volcano  Lake 
(Laguna  Prieta),  Laguna  Mayor  at  Mexicali  (formed  by  the  Hardy 
River),  and  the  Laguna  Manuela  to  the  south  near  the  boundary  line 
of  the  south  district  on  the  Pacific  side  are  the  principal  lakes. 

The  Maneadero  Estuary  is  located  near  Punta  Banda;  San  Quentin 
Estuary  is  also  on  the  Pacific  coast. 

The  bays  within  the  north  district  are  generally  small  and  of  little 
importance,  with  the  exception  of  the  harbor  of  Ensenada.  The  bays 
on  the  Pacific  coast  are  JDescanso  Bay,  south  of  San  Diego,  Cali- 
fornia; the  Bay  of  Todos  Los  Santos  at  Ensenada,  the  best  and 
largest  harbor  in  the  north  district;  and  the  undulations  of  the 
littoral  where  these  form  the  Bay  of  San  Ramon,  and  farther  south 


GEOGRAPHY,  TOPOGRAPHY,  AND  CLIMATE. 


289 


the  Bay  of  San  Quentin.  At  the  mouth  of  the  Rosario  River  is  the 
small  bay  of  Rosario,  while  far  to  the  south  are  found  the  smaller  and 
shallow  bays  of  Blanco,  Falsa,  and  Playa  Maria.  South  of  the  mouth 
of  the  Colorado  River  there  are  two  bays,  Ometepec  and  San  Felipe, 
where  large  deposits  of  salt  are  found.  This  region  may  soon  become 
of  importance  on  account  of  the  proposed  railway  or  highway  to 
connect  the  Mexicali  district  with  tidewater. 

ISLANDS. 

There  are  numerous  islands,  though  generally  small  and  unin- 
habited, on  both  sides  of  the  peninsula  included  under  the  jurisdiction 
of  the  north  district  of  Lower  California.  The  best  known  are  the 
Coronado  Islands,  south  of  San  Diego  Bay,  and  Todos  Los  Santos 
Island  at  the  entrance  to  the  Bay  of  Ensenada  at  the  extreme  north 
end  of  Punta  Banda.  These  islands  are  very  rough  and  have  no 
water.  Some  guano  is  obtained  from  them.  In  Rosario  Bay  there 
are  two  small  islands,  San  Geronimo  and  Sacramento,  both  without 
water.  Offshore  from  these  islands  lies  the  rich  island  of  Guadalupe, 
where  thousands  of  goats  are  pastured.  There  are  springs  of  good 
water  but  the  island  does  not  nossess  any  good  agricultural  lands. 
The  islands  of  San  Benito  and  Cedros  also  belong  to  the  jurisdiction 
of  the  north  district.  Cedros  Island  has  deposits  of  sulphur  and 
magnesite  which  were  studied  by  Mexican  Government  experts  in 
1917.  Montague  Island,  which  lies  in  the  very  mouth  of  the  Colorado 
River,  is  a low  flat  formation  surrounded  by  numerous  bars.  Farther 
to  the  south  in  the  gulf  the  islands  of  San  Luis  and  Angel  de  la  Guardia 
form  the  Ballenas  Channel.  Southeast  of  Angel  de  la  Guardia  lies 
Tiburon,  a large  island  inhabited  by  the  semisavage  “Seri”  Indians. 
These  islands  do  not  belong  to  the  jurisdiction  of  the  north  district 
of  Lower  California,  but  to  the  State  of  Sonora  and  are  used  at  certain 
seasons  of  the  year  as  bases  for  fishing  for  pearls,  sharks,  seals,  and 
whales.  It  is  of  interest  to  note  that  in  1917  the  Mexican  geologist 
F.  Paredes  made  a study  of  these  islands  and  also  those  of  Monserate, 
Catalina,  and  Carmen,  under  the  direction  of  the  Ministeria  de 
Fomento,  to  determine  their  prospective  value  as  sources  of  petro- 
leum, it  having  been  rumored  that  seepages  of  petroleum  had  been 
discovered  on  them,  and  also  that  oil  had  appeared  on  the  sea  waters 
near  by. 

CLIMATE  AND  RAINFALL. 

GENERAL  SURVEY  OF  CONDITIONS. 

The  Mexicali  Valley  lies  somewhat  below  sea  level  and  is  affected 
by  the  same  climatic  conditions  that  affect  the  desert  areas  of 
California  and  Arizona.  The  land  is  very  hot  in  summer,  and  the 
humidity  is  increasing  on  account  of  the  increasing  use  of  water  for 
irrigation.  On  the  mesas  of  3,000  feet  or  more  above  sea  level,  there 
is  found  a cool  semimountain  climate  similar  to  that  of  certain  regions 
of  California,  although  light  frosts  occur  in  the  winter.  Unlike  the 
mainland  of  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico,  where  the  mean  annual  rain- 
fall increases  from  about  7 inches  in  the  Sonora  Desert  and  Yaqui 
Valley  to  about  42  inches  in  the  region  of  Mazatlan  opposite  the  end 
of  the  peninsula,  Lower  California  is  uniformly  dry  with  the  exception 
of  the  upper  reaches  of  the  ranges  on  the  Pacific  side.  In  that  section 
44807°— 23 -20 


290 


LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 


cloud  banks  form  during  the  spring  and  fall  equinoxes,  and  in  August, 
at  which  times  precipitation  is  somewhat  increased.  The  Pacific 
littoral  is  subject  to  the  influence  of  the  prevailing  winds  and  the  effect 
of  the  Japan  Current  which  strikes  the  coast  from  the  north  between 
Cedros  Island  and  Cape  San  Lucas. 

The  region  around  Ensenada  has  a climate  like  that  of  San  Diego, 
Calif.,  although  the  mean  annual  rainfall  is  slightly  less  at  Ensenada 
than  at  San  Diego.  In  the  northwestern  part  of  the  peninsula  the 
climate  is  not  excessively  hot  except  in  the  small  and  inclosed  valleys 
of  the  interior  or  along  the  international  line  farther  to  the  east, 
where  desert  conditions  prevail. 

CLIMATE  AND  RAINFALL  OF  THE  IRRIGATION  DISTRICT. 

Before  irrigation  was  developed,  the  Imperial  Valley  and  its 
continuation  on  the  Mexican  side  Avas  a desert.  At  times,  periods  of 
13  months  passed  Avithout  rain.  The  soil  AA'as  not  lacking  in  native 
fertility,  as  the  formation  is  that  of  the  ancient  bed  of  the  sea  filled 
in  by  the  alluvial  deposits  of  the  Colorado  River.  Irrigation  has 
furnished  the  needed  water  to  render  the  region  productive. 

The  folloAving  table  shoAvs  the  total  annual  rainfall  from  1912  to 
1920.  There  is  little  variation  in  the  averages  for  1921  and  1922. 
The  same  totals  can  be  used  for  the  total  precipitation  during  the 
crop  season  of  the  year. 


Years. 

Total 

annual 

rainfall. 

Mean 

annual 

tempera- 

ture. 

Years. 

Total 

annual 

rainfall. 

Mean 

annual 

tempera- 

ture. 

1912  

Inches. 
2. 40 
1.92 
2.8S 
2.  76 
4.44 

• F. 

70.0 
69.9 
71.6 
71.2 

71.1 

1917 

Inches. 
1. 68 
1.S0 
2.S8 
4.92 

“ F. 

71.0 
70.9 

70.0 

70.1 

1913  . 

1918 

1914  . 

1919 

1915 

1920 

1916 

The  loAvest  temperature  recorded  for  any  year  was  IS0  F.  Pro- 
tected from  the  cold  north  winds  by  hills  or  ranges,  there  are  several 
favored  spots  which  are  frostless  and  particularly  desirable  for 
citrus  fruit  groAving.  Windbreaks  of  trees  have  been  found  very 
useful  not  only  as  a protection  from  Ioav  temperatures,  but  also  as  a 
protection  for  young  plants,  especially  fruit  trees,  from  the  sand 
drifted  by  the  AA'inds  in  the  hottest  time  of  the  year. 

The  season  of  high  average  temperature  is  expected  in  June  and 
lasts  until  fall.  The  season  of  lower  average  temperature  is  expected 
in  the  months  of  December  and  January. 

The  heaviest  precipitation  always  occurs  in  August.  A fall  of 
2.75  inches,  almost  the  total  for  the  year,  has  been  noted  in  a single 
12  hours  during  this  month.  Light  rains  are  usual  in  January  and 
February. 

In  the  fall  and  spring  the  prevailing  winds  are  from  the  Avest. 
Their  maximum  velocity  is  about  30  miles  per  hour.  Windstorms  of 


291 


GEOGRAPHY,  TOPOGRAPHY,  AYD  CLIMATE. 

sufficient  velocity  to  damage  buildings  or  crops  are  unknown  in  this 
section. 

While  the  summer  temperature  of  the  valley  is  high,  the  heat  is 
not,  as  a rule,  felt  nearly  so  much  as  a temperature  of  90°  F.  in  the 
more  humid  atmosphere  of  the  middle  western  or  the  eastern  part 
of  the  United  States,  although,  as  has  been  said,  the  moisture  content 
in  the  irrigated  section  of  the  valley  is  increasing.  A temperature 
of  100°  F.  means  less  in  the  Imperial  Valley  than  one  of  85°  F.  in 
Chicago,  New  York,  or  Philadelphia.  As  a rule,  no  work  is  done  in 
the  fields  during  the  middle  of  the  day  through  the  crop  season, 
except  in  cases  of  emergency. 

Tropical  weight  clothing  is  worn  in  the  summer.  In  the  business 
district  of  Calexico  and  Mexicali,  El  Centro,  and  other  valley  towns, 
the  buildings  are  designed  to  cover  the  sidewalks,  the  second  story 
extending  out  to  the  curb  line.  The  nights,  even  in  the  height  of  the 
hot  season  of  the  year,  are  comfortable  after  10  o’clock. 

It  has  been  demonstrated  that  the  Anglo-Saxon  can  stand  exces- 
sively hot  climates  if  there  are  no  tropical  diseases  prevalent  and  if 
he  can  be  provided  with  his  usual  form  of  diet.  In  fact,  with  proper 
food,  the  white  races  seem  to  withstand  high  temperatures  better 
than  the  usual  native  populations  are  able  to  do.  In  the  valley  there 
is  no  effect  of  anemia  noticeable  in  the  white  population,  which 
appears  to  be  quite  normal  as  to  health  in  general  and  able  to  do 
heavy  labor  in  the  fields. 

Concerning  housing  methods  and  facilities,  it  was  noticed  that 
wood  is  much  used  for  dwelling  construction,  and  the  low-roofed  type 
of  California  bungalow  is  much  in  evidence.  Mexican  adobe  or  the 
new  type  of  hollow  tile  carried  up  to  higher  ceilings  would  seem  to 
be  much  more  suitable  for  this  climate,  and  if  wooden  roofs  were 
used,  these  could  be  air  spaced.  In  this  climate  the  small  frame 
house  is  unbearable  during  the  middle  of  the  day  in  the  hot  time  of 
the  year.  Some  means  of  heating  has  to  be  provided  for  the  winter 
months.  Small  single-room  electric  heaters  have  been  found  to  be 
quite  adequate  for  all  purposes  and  are  much  used. 

With  the  provision  of  some  means  of  shade,  live  stock  of  all  kinds 
does  very  well  in  the  open. 

CLIMATE  OF  THE  ENSENADA  AND  PACIFIC  COAST  REGION. 

The  climate  of  the  Pacific  littoral  of  the  peninsula  is  unequaled 
anywhere,  winter  or  summer.  The  temperature  ranges  from  75° 
in  summer  to  50°  F.  in  midwinter,  and  there  is  practically  no  rain- 
fall between  the  months  of  May  and  November.  Last  season  18 
inches  were  recorded  as  the  average  throughout  the  coast  region. 
The  annual  average  precipitation  at  Ensenada  is  10.1  inches,  with 
about  20  inches  for  the  country  inland  from  the  port  on  the  higher 
elevations  of  the  mountains.  Ninety  per  cent  of  the  rainfall  occurs 
between  November  and  May.  The  mean  humidity  is  75  per  cent. 
The  prevailing  winds  are  from  the  northwest,  with  their  velocity 
greatest  in  May  and  lowest  in  December.  The  average  summer 
temperature  is  68°  and  the  average  winter  temperatue  60°  F.  The 


292 


LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 


variation  in  temperature  is  shown  by  the  following  figures  taken 
from  the  records  at  Ensenada: 


Months. 

Minimum 

tempera- 

ture. 

Maximum 

tempera- 

ture. 

Average. 

January 

°F. 

50.0 

°F. 

62.4 

*F. 

.56.2 

February 

51. 1 

62.3 

56.7 

March 

52.8 

63.3 

58.0 

April 

54.8 

65.6 

58.6 

68.2 

63.4 

62.5 

71.6 

67.0 

74.2 

68.  8 

August 

67.0 

75.7 

71.3 

63.7 

74.5 

69. 1 

October 

64.7 

74.5 

69.6 

54.5 

67.8 

61.1 

52.0 

61.7 

58.3 

The  mountain  ranges  farther  inland  carry  considerable  snow  in 
the  winter. 

Ensenada,  with  its  good  bay,  excellent  fishing  and  bathing,  wonderful 
climate,  and  back  country  of  mountains,  has  few  rivals  as  a resort  for 
both  winter  and  summer,  but  the  lack  of  good  hotel  accommoda- 
tions, the  lack  of  automobile  roads  from  the  border  and  to  the  moun- 
tains, and  the  competition  of  California  (which  provides  all  facilities 
for  the  tourist  traffic  both  summer  and  winter)  lessen  the  attractions 
of  Ensenada.  However,  the  new  motor  highway  from  Tia  Juana  to 
Ensenada  is  now  being  repaired  after  having  been  washed  out  in 
several  places  during  the  winter  rains,  and  it  is  to  be  expected  that 
Ensenada  will  make  a bid  for  its  share  of  the  traffic. 


POPULATION. 


The  population  of  the  entire  peninsula  is  about  25,000.  The  north 
district  contains  about  one-half  of  this  number,  averaging  1 in- 
habitant to  an  area  of  6 square  kilometers.  The  bulk  of  this  popula- 
tion in  the  northern  half  of  the  peninsula  is  found  in  the  three  prin- 
cipal towns,  Mexicali,  Ensenada,  and  Tiajuana.  Mexicali  district 
is  credited  with  having  6,500  people,  Ensenada  district  4,250,  and 
Tecate  550.  The  population  of  Tiajuana  is  included  in  that  of  the 
district  of  Ensenada.  The  town  of  the  latter  name  contains  about 
1,800  people.  The  preceding  figures  include  the  municipal  dis- 
tricts, or  counties,  and  include  the  smaller  towns  of  Santo  Tomas, 
San  Telmo,  Santo  Domingo,  San  Quentin,  and  El  Rosario. 

The  aboriginal  inhabitants  of  the  region  are  the  Guaycures,  Cuca- 
pahs,  and  Yuma  Indians,  few  in  number  and  living  far  removed 
from  contact  with  the  towns  of  the  country.  In  addition  to  their 
own  dialects  these  tribes  speak  Spanish  to  some  extent. 

During  the  cotton  planting  and  picking  seasons,  Mexicali  becomes 
the  center  and  headquarters  for  a large  floating  population,  several 
thousand  workers  coming  from  the  interior  of  Mexico  and  the  fruit 
districts  of  California. 

NATIVE  AND  FOREIGN  POPULATION. 

While  the  bulk  of  the  inhabitants  is  composed  of  native  Mexicans, 
there  are  many  foreigners  in  the  north  district,  principally  at  Mexicali. 
Several  hundred  Americans  are  employed  on  the  various  ranches  as 
engineers,  automobile,  tractor,  and  truck  drivers,  expert  mechanics, 
etc.,  also  as  executives  and  as  agricultural  experts. 

The  largest  foreign  population  is  Chinese.  It  is  estimated  by  the 
Chinese  Association  that  there  was  a total  of  3,500  Chinese  in  the 
north  district  of  Lower  California  in  1922,  of  which  at  least  3,000 
were  located  in  the  Mexicali  region  and  were  engaged  in  cotton 
planting  or  in  commerce  allied  with  the  cotton  industry.  The 
Pacific  port  of  Ensenada  has  50  to  100  Chinese,  and  Tiajuana  is 
credited  with  about  the  same  number.  The  Chinese  population  of 
the  district  in  1918  and  1919  was  estimated  at  5,000,  but  this  number 
has  been  depleted  by  the  slump  in  the  cotton  market  since  the  fall 
of  1920.  Numbers  of  Chinese  have  drifted  away  to  other  parts  of 
Mexico  and  a few  of  them  have  made  their  way  into  the  United 
States.  With  the  return  of  more  normal  prices  for  the  principal 
product  of  the  district,  these  men  are  rapidly  returning  and  it  is 
expected  that  soon  the  region  of  Mexicali  will  again  have  a Chinese 
population  of  5,000. 

The  principal  employment  of  these  people  is  on  the  large  cotton 
farms,  either  under  contract  with  the  American  growers  as  free 
laborers  or  on  a share  basis  with  wealthy  Chinese  lessors  of  cotton 
lands.  The  bulk  of  the  cotton  crop  (in  1922  the  area  planted  was 
estimated  at  160,000  acres)  is  put  in  and  harvested  by  these  people. 

293 


294 


LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 


Mexicali,  Tiajuana,  and  Ensenada  all  have  small  foreign  populations. 

On  account  of  the  better  housing  and  living  conditions  and  the 
better  school  facilities  on  the  American  side,  many  Mexicans  of  the 
better  class  who  have  their  offices  and  business  on  the  Mexican  side 
reside  on  the  American  side  of  the  line  in  Calexico,  opposite  Mexicali, 
the  two  towns  being  divided  only  by  a street  and  railway  tracks. 

There  is  a small  Russian  colony  of  about  60  families  located  at 
Guadalupe,  near  Ensenada,  and  engaged  principally  in  growing 
wheat. 

There  are  about  25  Americans  scattered  throughout  the  district 
among  the  small  mining  camps  and  ranches  to  the  east  and  south  of 
Ensenada  and  on  the  gulf  to  the  east  and  south  of  Mexicali. 

EFFORTS  AT  COLONIZATION. 

Several  attempts  have  been  made  to  colonize  the  lands  of  Lower 
California  outside  of  the  valley  in  the  Mexicali  region.  The  principal 
effort  was  made  by  a Canadian  and  British  company  in  the  San 
Quentin  region,  where  a large  area  of  level  land  is  available;  and  an 
American  company  is  now  engaged  in  an  effort  to  colonize  the  lands 
of  the  Magdalena  Plains  adjacent  to  Magdalena  Bay,  far  to  the  south 
and  outside  the  political  division  of  the  north  district. 

With  the  exception  of  the  Russian  colony  at  Guadalupe  and  the 
lands  east  of  Mexicali  under  direction  of  the  new  Mexican  Govern- 
ment agrarian  measures,  these  efforts  have  not  been  successful,  per- 
haps on  account  of  the  general  lack  of  water  and  the  expense  attached 
to  its  provision  by  means  of  storage  dams  and  artesian  wells.  The 
Pacific  coast  of  the  United  States  continues  to  absorb  the  surplus  of 
agricultural  immigration  in  spite  of  the  rising  value  of  lands  avail- 
able for  settlement. 

RACIAL  CHARACTERISTICS 

While  the  bulk  of  the  native  Mexican  population  is  composed  of 
the  peon  element,  with  the  exception  of  those  coming  in  now  from 
the  interior  of  Mexico  to  work  in  the  cotton  fields,  most  of  the  men 
cross  freely  into  the  United  States  where  they  follow  railway  work, 
construction  work,  seasonal  agricultural  employment,  etc.,  and 
become  further  advanced  than  them  compatriots  of  the  interior  of 
Mexico.  They  wear  better  clothing,  and  increase  their  standard  of 
living  in  general.  On  the  Mexican  side  of  the  valley  they  are  employed 
as  ranch  foremen,  irrigation  watermen,  teamsters,  general  farm  hands, 
etc.  They  become  very  skillful  in  ditch  construction  and  are  credited 
with  being  quite  as  dependable  on  the  whole  as  any  of  the  modern 
class  of  floating  agricultural  laborers. 

The  chief  advantage  in  the  use  of  the  Chinese  laborers  was  their 
system  of  organization  among  themselves,  enabling  them  to  under- 
take large  work  under  contract  with  one  central  head.  The  Chinese 
of  the  district  work  together  under  their  own  organizations,  and, 
except  over  the  counters  of  their  small  stores  in  the  towns,  have  very 
little  contact  with  the  native  population.  They  have  formed  their 
own  association  for  mutual  understanding  and  protection  in  business, 
marketing,  labor,  etc.,  and  are  closely  affiliated  with  the  Chinese  of 
San  Francisco,  Los  Angeles,  and  elsewhere.  They  are  noted  for  their 


POPULATION. 


295 


faithful  compliance  with  their  contract  terms,  and  they  constitute  a 
powerful  element  of  the  Mexicali  Valley. 

As  has  been  said,  many  Mexicans  ot  the  better  class  reside  on  the 
American  side,  and  the  Mexican  population  of  California  has  in- 
creased to  such  an  extent  during  recent  years  that  it  may  be  said  that 
in  the  northern  part  of  Lower  California  and  Sonora  the  influence  is 
almost  entirely  American — certainly  commercially,  and,  to  a great 
extent,  socially  as  well.  This  is  still  further  true  of  the  immediate 
Mexicali  region,  where  development  has  been  almost  entirely  Ameri- 
can, although,  on  account  of  the  new  Mexican  land  laws  and  agrarian 
measures,  there  has  been  an  increasing  number  of  small  independent 
Mexican  farmers  during  the  last  two  years.  Although  the  Mexicali 
part  of  the  irrigated  region  is  a continuation  of  the  Imperial  Valley  of 
California,  conditions  of  development  are  different,  inasmuch  as  the 
lands  on  the  Mexican  side  are  held  in  most  part  by  owners  of  large 
tracts,  and  undertakings  are  on  a large  scale,  with  little  individual 
effort  in  small  holdings,  as  is  the  rule  on  the  American  side  of  the  val- 
ley. Since  1917  the  Mexican  land  laws  have  not  been  favorable  to 
the  development  of  agriculture  in  small  individual  farms  by  foreign- 
ers ; and  it  is  a question  of  time  and  education  before  the  average  Mexi- 
can farmer  can  take  land,  even  in  small  holdings  in  an  irrigated  sec- 
tion like  that  of  Mexicali,  and  compete  with  his  neighbor  to  the  north. 
This  class  of  Mexicans,  unfortunately,  seems  to  lack  the  initiative, 
the  spirit  of  energy  and  organization,  and  the  persistent  application 
necessary  for  such  development  under  existing  conditions. 


GOVERNMENT  AND  EDUCATION. 

POLITICAL  ORGANIZATION. 

The  peninsula  of  Lower  California  is  a Mexican  Federal  Territory 
divided  into  two  districts,  the  north  district  and  the  south  district, 
the  dividing  line  running  across  the  peninsula  just  north  of  Cape  Santa 
Eugenia  and  the  twenty-eighth  parallel.  The  two  divisions  are  about 
equal  in  area  and  population.  Ensenada  was  formerly  the  capital 
of  the  north  district,  but  for  political  and  military  reasons  Mexicali 
was  made  the  capital  by  Governor  Cantu  during  the  Carranza  regime 
in  Mexico,  Mexicali  having  become  a center  of  greater  importance. 

Mexicali  municipality  includes  the  numerous  agricultural  centers 
which  have  sprung  up  to  the  south  and  east  of  the  town,  the  Tecate 
section,  and  that  of  Algodones.  The  municipality  of  Ensenada  in- 
cludes Tiajuana,  Real  del  Castillo,  El  Alamo,  Santo  Tomas,  San  Telmo, 
San  Quentin,  Rosario,  and  Galmalli. 

The  capital  of  the  south  district  is  La  Paz.  The  governors  of  the 
respective  districts  are  appointed  by  the  Federal  Executive,  who.  in 
turn,  appoints  the  “jefe  politico”  of  each  subdivision,  while  under 
the  new  political  regulations  in  Mexico  the  municipal  presidents  are 
elected  by  popular  vote. 

EDUCATIONAL  MATTERS. 

During  the  past  two  years  the  north  district  of  Lower  California 
has  had  35  primary  schools,  one  of  which  is  exclusively  for  girls,  one 
for  boys,  and  the  remainder  for  both  sexes.  There  are  no  private 
schools,  and  all  schools  are  sustained  by  the  government  of  the 
district.  The  total  number  of  pupils  is  2,600,  of  a total  enumeration 
of  2,693  children  between  5 and  14  years  of  age,  representing,  with 
the  exception  of  93  children  enumerated  in  the  school  census,  all  of 
the  children  of  primary  school  age  in  the  district — a record  for 
Mexico  and  many  Latin  American  countries.  One  hundred  and  three 
teachers  are  employed.  These  teachers  are  assisted  and  supervised 
by  four  traveling  school  inspectors. 

The  district  is  now  spending  an  annual  sum  of  818,355  pesos 
($409,177.50  United  States  currency),  or  314.75  pesos  per  pupil.  A 
great  deal  of  the  credit  for  this  new  impulse  toward  popular  education 
is  due  to  Governor  Cantu,  who  also  had  constructed  the  new  and 
modern  high-school  building  at  Mexicali,  a model  of  its  kind  and  well 
worthy  of  a much  larger  and  richer  community.  For  higher  educa- 
tion pupils  have  to  rely  on  the  private  or  public  schools  of  the  United 
States  or  travel  to  the  interior  of  Mexico,  where,  in  Guadalajara  and 
Mexico  City,  there  are  many  students  from  all  over  the  Republic. 

BUDGET  AND  PUBLIC  IMPROVEMENTS. 

According  to  the  treasury  accounts  of  1921.  the  movement  of 
funds  from  revenues  and  expenditures  reached  approximately 
1,500,000  pesos  ($750,000  United  States  currency).  At  the  time  of 

296 


GOVERNMENT  AND  EDUCATION. 


297 


the  reception  of  Governor  Lugo  in  February,  1922,  there  appeared 
82,000  pesos  on  hand,  which  was  not  enough  to  cover  the  accounts 
due.  Since  then,  without  allowing  gambling,  revenue  has  not  been 
less  than  150,000  pesos  per  month,  sufficient  to  allow  the  new  Govern- 
ment to  complete  the  new  Government  palace,  keep  up  the  road 
work  in  the  cultivated  sections  of  the  valley,  carry  out  waterworks 
improvements,  do  paving  in  Tiajuana,  and  even  afford  pecuniary 
assistance  to  small  farmers.  There  is  now  a surplus  of  200,000  pesos 
on  hand,  and  even  the  close  of  the  racing  season  in  Tiajuana  did  not 
greatly  affect  current  revenue. 

The  new  Government  palace  at  Mexicali  was  started  by  General 
Cantu  with  a sum  of  105,000  pesos  appropriated  for  the  purpose. 
During  the  term  of  Governor  Balarezo,  an  additional  50,000  pesos 
was  appropriated  for  this  palace,  the  total  cost  of  which  is  not  known. 
Recently  826,000  was  appropriated  to  furnish  the  lighting,  plumbing, 
and  other  fixtures  of  the  building,  which  is  a reinforced-concrete 
structure,  modern  in  every  way. 

Plans  have  been  made  for  sewer  construction  in  Mexicali,  the  work 
also  to  include  improvements  of  the  water  supply.  Streets  have 
already  been  laid  out  for  a large  town.  The  work  of  laying  the  sewer 
pipes  is  well  under  way  and  paving  will  follow.  The  municipality 
(county)  of  Mexicali  keeps  up  the  dirt  roads  in  the  irrigation  district 
as  far  to  the  south  as  Cerro  Prieto  (Black  Butte)  and  east  halfway  to 
Yuma  along  the  railway. 

Plans  for  the  future  include  permanent  buildings  in  Mexicali  for 
the  customs,  municipal  government,  irrigation,  and  colonization 
service,  and  Ensenada  plans  to  rebuild  the  old  pier,  now  in  a state  of 
partial  decay.  Tiajuana  receives  a comparatively  large  revenue 
from  racing,  gambling,  saloons,  and  other  concessions,  and  is  rapidly 
carrying  out  paving  and  other  improvements. 

In  all  of  this  work  native  contractors  are  preferred,  but,  on  account 
of  the  proximity,  American  materials,  fixtures,  etc.,  are  used  exclu- 
sively. Sufficient  native  skilled  labor  is  available,  as  many  Mexicans 
have  worked  at  trades  in  the  United  States  and  have  become  fairly 
good  mechanics. 


SURVEY  OF  INDUSTRIES. 

In  the  northern  half  of  Lower  California  the  leading  industries,  in 
order  of  their  importance,  are  agriculture,  fishing,  and  mining.  A 
small  amount  of  grape  wine  is  manufactured  near  Ensenada,  and 
there  is  a small  plant  for  fruit  packing  at  the  same  port.  Two  fish- 
packing  plants  are  located  farther  south  on  the  coast.  There  are 
also  four  small  flour  mills,  three  at  Ensenada  and  one  at  Tecate,  and 
some  cotton  gins  at  Mexicali.  Each  of  the  three  more  important 
towns  has  a small  ice  plant  and  an  electric  light  plant. 

Forest  products  are  limited  to  pine  lumber  coming  into  Ensenada 
from  the  near-by  mountains  for  local  building  purposes,  and  to 
“ orchilla”  dye  moss.  The  collection  of  the  latter  was  once  an  im- 
portant industry  and  is  now  regaining  its  importance  on  account  of  a 
renewed  market  demand.  This  industry  does  not  properly  belong  to 
the  north  district,  as  the  best-known  fields  for  its  collection  lie  on 
the  Pacific  coast  south  of  the  dividing  line  between  the  two  districts. 
Magdalena  Bay  is  the  principal  port  of  export  shipment.  This  dye 
material  went  formerly  to  San  Francisco  for  reexport  to  England, 
which  is  again  bidding  for  new  supplies. 

The  greatest  and  most  immediate  opportunity  in  industry  lies  in 
fish  canning  and  curing.  Plants  have  been  established  on  both  the 
Pacific  and  gulf  coasts,  but  little  progress  has  been  made  in  face  of 
the  difficulties  of  disturbed  political  conditions,  lack  of  sufficient 
capital,  and  general  scarcity  of  native  labor  supply.  The  interior  of 
Mexico  is  a large  and  increasing  consumer  of  American  and  European 
canned  and  cured  fish,  and,  with  the  heavy  import  duty,  a medium- 
sized cannery  ought  to  prove  an  excellent  investment,  even  though 
conditions  so  far  do  not  seem  to  have  worked  out  to  this  end. 

An  enterprising  Japanese  and  one  American  and  Mexican  firm 
have  small  plants  on  the  Pacific  side  of  the  peninsula.  The  main 
difficulties  seem  to  be  competition  from  American  packers,  lack  of 
capital  sufficient  to  bring  production  up  to  a competitive  marketing 
basis,  and  present  general  overproduction  and  world  market  condi- 
tions. The  fish  are  there,  climatic  conditions  are  ideal,  and  it  is 
probably  only  a question  of  time  until  the  large  companies  will 
develop  the  field,  now  that  the  old  exclusive  fishing  concessions  of 
the  Diaz  Government  have  been  canceled  and  the  field  opened  freely 
by  means  of  a system  of  individual  permits,  and  the  recent  Mexican 
export  duty  on  fish  removed. 

There  are  also  opportunities  in  mining,  especially  in  the  production 
of  industrial  minerals,  such  as  kaolin,  magnesite,  gypsum,  iron  ore,  etc. 

The  Mexicali  region  offers  great  opportunities  in  agriculture. 
Good  land  subject  to  irrigation  costs  from  S160  to  S250  an  acre  on 
the  American  side  of  the  valley.  The  same  class  of  soil  located 
approximately  the  same  distance  from  town  and  railway  can  be  had 
on  the  Mexican  side  for  a third  of  this  valuation,  or  less,  while  con- 
ditions of  water,  climate,  labor,  transportation,  etc.,  are  exactly  the 
same.  The  question  of  property  titles  has  never  come  up  in  this 
section,  and  even  during  the  years  of  political  disturbances  in  Mexico 
the  growers  on  the  Mexican  side  have  never  failed  to  raise  a crop  and 
export  it  to  market  in  the  United  States  without  hindrance.  One 
concern  alone  has  invested  nearly  a million  dollars  in  a 10.000-acre 
cotton  tract,  and  smaller  planters  are  being  attracted  from  Texas 
and  elsewhere. 


298 


AGRICULTURE. 

AGRICULTURAL  DISTRICTS. 

The  northern  half  of  Lower  California  contains  four  agricultural 
districts:  The  Mexicali  Valley,  a part  of  the  Colorado  delta  and  a 
continuation  of  the  Imperial  Valley  of  California;  San  Quentin 
Valley,  on  the  Pacific  coast  to  the  south  of  Ensenada,  containing 
some~70,000  hectares  (172,970  acres),  at  present  undeveloped,  but  of 
potential  value  with  the  development  of  irrigation  by  means  of 
storage  dams  and  wells;  and  two  smaller  valleys,  Las  Palmas  and 
Valle  Redondo,  located  between  Ensenada  and  Tiajuana. 

Farther  south  on  the  Pacific  coast  and  extending  inland  from 
Magdalena  Bay  are  the  Magdalena  Plains,  also  of  potential  value  for 
development  by  irrigation  from  wells  and  storage  dams.  Mention 
should  also  be  made  of  the  wheat  lands  of  Guadalupe,  near  Ensenada, 
now  being  farmed  by  the  Russian  colonists.  The  San  Quentin 
Valley,  in  reality  a large  alluvial  plain,  was  the  scene  of  an  attempt 
at  colonization  by  a British  and  Canadian  company,  but  development 
is  not  active  at  present. 

MEXICALI  VALLEY. 

The  Mexicali  Valley  is  a part  of  the  Colorado  delta  lying  in  Mexi- 
can territory,  and  is  also  a part  of  the  great  Salton  Sink.  The  Colo- 
rado River  runs  for  a distance  of  some  90  miles  south  of  Yuma,  Ariz., 
through  Mexican  territory  before  emptying  into  the  Gulf  of  California. 

For  the  purpose  of  this  report,  it  is  sufficient  to  state  that  on  ac- 
count of  the  formation  of  the  land  lying  immediately  west  of  Yuma  on 
the  western  side  of  the  Colorado  River  it  was  found  necessary,  in  fol- 
lowing the  contour  of  the  land,  to  carry  the  main  supply  canals  from 
the  intake  just  above  the  international  boundary  in  the  United  States 
down  into  Mexican  territory  to  a point  west  of  Calexico,  the  longest 
main-supply  canal,  running  for  an  approximate  distance  of  65  miles 
in  Mexico.  Other  branch  canals  take  the  water  into  American  terri- 
tory east  of  Calexico.  The  main  canals  of  the  irrigation  district 
include  9.6  miles  in  the  United  States  and  132.6  miles  in  Mexico,  with 
waste  canals  totaling  8.1  miles.  Flood-protection  levees  total  70 
miles  of  heavy  border  work,  and  this  does  not  include  the  previous 
work  done  by  the  original  water  company  and  the  Southern  Pacific 
Co.  for  the  flood  protection  of  the  valley.  The  above  totals  do  not 
include  the  mileage  of  the  canals  and  ditches  of  the  mutual  water 
companies. 

The  Mexicali  district  may  be  said  to  be  divided  into  two  sections. 
The  first  of  these  forms  a great  triangle  with  its  base  to  the  north  along 
the  international  boundary  line  from  Yuma  to  just  west  of  Calexico, 
a distance  of  62  miles,  with  its  eastern  line  formed  by  the  Colorado 
River,  and  its  western  line  that  of  the  Cocopah  Range.  This  area 
is  the  present  scene  of  development.  The  other  section  is  the  sink 
lying  west  of  the  Cocopah  Range,  now  partly  covered  by  the  Laguna 
Salada.  The  lands  along  the  border  immediately  west  of  Yuma  are 
slightly  higher  than  the  main  canal  levels  and  therefore  have  to  be 
supplied  with  water  by  means  of  electrical  pumps,  power  for  which 
comes  from  the  Yuma  station. 


299 


300 


LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 


SOIL  FORMATION. 

The  entire  district  is  part  of  the  great  alluvial  fill  of  the  Colorado 
and  may  be  compared  to  the  Nile  region.  The  waters  of  the  river 
constantly  bring  down  silt  and  humus,  forming  a rich  deposit  on  the 
surface.  Textures  encountered  may  be  described  as  follows:  Soft 
silt  composed  principally  of  leaf  matter  and  decomposed  woods;  sand 
and  silt  in  almost  equal  proportions;  silt  mixed  with  clay  in  varying 
proportions;  medium  hard  sand;  hard  clayey  soil,  which  apparently 
washes  only  under  concentrated  flow  of  water,  and  which  seems  to 
seal  with  a slippery  surface;  exceptionally  hard  sand,  which  evidently 
changes  into  quicksand  when  encountered  below  the  surface. 

Clay  deposits  underlie  the  entire  district,  as  is  shown  by  numerous 
outcroppings.  The  clay  formation  becomes  the  foundation  for  the 
other  formations.  It  is  the  consensus  of  opinion  among  experts  who 
know  the  valley  well  that  the  soil  on  the  Mexican  side  is  better  than 
that  on  the  American  side,  as  it  takes  the  water  better,  is  of  some- 
what coarser  texture,  and  hence  works  more  easily  under  the  plow. 

HISTORICAL  NOTES  ON  IRRIGATION. 

It  has  been  previously  noted  that  the  first  effort  toward  the  develop- 
ment of  the  valley  by  means  of  irrigation  was  promoted  in  the  years 
1853-1859  by  Dr.  O.  M.  Wosencraft  of  San  Francisco,  Calif.,  but 
Congress  failed  to  grant  the  3,000,000  acres  asked  for  at  the  time. 
Again  in  1875  and  1876  Lieut.  George  M.  Wheeler  carried  out  a survey 
of  the  region  for  the  United  States  Government  to  determine  its 
practical  value  as  an  irrigation  and  reclamation  project.  About 
the  same  time  Thomas  Blythe,  a capitalist  of  San  Francisco,  Calif., 
and  Gen.  Guillermo  Andrade  formed  a partnership  for  the  develop- 
ment by  irrigation  of  the  latter’s  immense  landholdings  on  the  Mex- 
ican side.  The  Andrade  property  was  afterwards  taken  over  by  Gen. 
Harrison  Grey  Otis  and  associates,  who  formed  the  California-Mexican 
Land  & Cattle  Co.  and  later  the  present  Colorado  River  Land  Co. 
(Colorado  River  Land  Co.,  S.  A.,  in  Mexico),  which  owns  a total  of 
835,  000  acres  of  the  best  land  in  the  Mexicali  district. 

In  1900  the  California  Development  Co.  was  formed.  The  leaders 
were  C.  R.  Rockwood,  engineer  and  promotor,  George  E.  Heber, 
General  Chaffee,  and  others,  and  active  work  was  started  to  put 
water  on  the  land,  the  work  beginning  at  a point  on  the  Colorado 
River  just  west  of  Yuma,  Ariz.  The  years  1905  and  1906  brought 
exceptionally  heavy  summer  floods.  The  original  channel  silted  up, 
and  the  river  cut  a short  new  channel  on  the  Mexican  side;  and  a 
portion  of  the  stream  diverted  itself  by  forming  a new  channel  and 
flowing  west  and  north  into  the  Salton  Sink  far  to  the  northwest  in 
American  territory.  The  British-owned  salt  springs  and  mines  in  the 
Salton  Sink  were  covered  with  the  water,  and  the  Southern  Pacific 
main  line  between  Los  Angeles  and  Yuma  had  to  be  moved  several 
times  to  higher  ground.  It  should  be  remembered  that  the  Salton 
Sink  is  over  200  feet  below  sea  level  and  that  therefore  the  flood 
waters  cut  through  to  the  west  and  north  instead  of  following  the 
old  main  channel  of  the  river,  which  flows  due  south  into  the  head  of 
the  Gulf  of  California.  The  conditions  caused  by  these  floods  called 
for  heavy  flood  protection  and  channel  diversion  works  which  the 
company  was  not  prepared  to  undertake  on  account  of  lack  of  suffi- 
cient capital.  The  company  called  on  President  Roosevelt,  who 


AGRICULTURE. 


301 


turned  the  work  over  to  the  Southern  Pacific  Co.,  which  also  con- 
trolled large  landholdings  in  the  district  and  was  interested  in  the 
promotion  of  its  development.  The  Southern  Pacific  engineers, 
working  with  the  Government  engineering  experts,  were  successful  in 
turning  the  river  back,  and  in  1915  the  entire  irrigation  system 
was  taken  over  by  what  is  known  as  the  irrigation  district,  organized 
as  a political  unit  for  public  benefit,  all  qualified  voters  being  part 
of  the  organization  and  passing  on  matters  coming  up  just  as  in 
municipal,  county,  or  State  elections. 

The  California  Development  Co.  went  into  receivership  at  the  time 
that  the  work  was  taken  over  by  the  Southern  Pacific  Co.  The  latter 
undertook  to  satisfy  the  damage  claim  of  the  British  company  owning 
the  salt  springs  in  the  Salton  Sink.  The  irrigation  district  issued 
bonds  to  the  amount  of  $7,500,000,  of  which  the  Southern  Pacific 
Co.  holds  $3,500,000  as  reimbursement  for  its  share  of  the  invest- 
ment. The  present  total  investment  is  $8,500,000,  and  a new  bond 
issue  is  being  proposed  by  the  district  to  take  over  the  intermediate 
water  companies  in  order  that  the  entire  system  may  be  operated 
as  a unit.  There  are  15  mutual  water  companies  which  take  the 
water  from  the  main  supply  canals  of  the  district  and  distribute  it 
to  the  various  landowners  who  are  subscribers  to  the  mutual  com- 
panies. This  is  on  the  American  side  of  the  line.  In  Mexican  ter- 
ritory of  the  district  the  company  operates  under  the  name  of  the 
Compania  de  Terrenos  y Aguas  de  la  Baja  California,  and  land- 
owners  or  lessors  take  their  water  from  the  main  supply  canals  in 
their  own  ditches  constructed  for  their  individual  accounts.  The 
original  California  Development  Co.  operated  under  a concession 
from  the  Diaz  Government,  the  terms  of  which  included  the  clause 
that  lands  on  the  Mexican  side  were  entitled  to  one-half  of  all  of  the 
water  passing  through  Mexican  territory  to  the  United  States.  The 
question  of  the  division  of  water  from  the  river  is  again  coming  up 
in  connection  with  the  proposed  Boulder  Dam  farther  up  the  river, 
plans  for  which  are  well  under  way,  with  Mexican  officials  and 
engineers  cooperating.  In  this  same  connection  there  is  the  project 
of  the  all-American  main  canal  from  Yuma  to  the  Imperial  Valley 
on  the  American  side,  a project  long  agitated,  which  will  be  made 
possible  by  the  higher  levels  of  intake  to  be  provided  by  the  Boulder 
Dam. 

IMPROVEMENTS  AND  DRAINAGE. 

The  Mexicali  Valley  being  a continuation  of  the  Imperial  Valley 
on  the  Mexican  side  of  the  line,  it  is  inseparably  involved  in  any 
development  affecting  the  entire  region  under  irrigation.  The 
Boulder  Dam  project  has  for  its  principal  object  flood  control  of  the 
Colorado;  but  great  areas  of  new  agricultural  lands  will  become 
available  with  water  in  California,  Arizona,  Colorado,  and  New 
Mexico,  and  there  is  also  the  great  consideration  of  hydroelectric 
power  development  to  be  taken  into  account.  Flood  control  and 
drainage  measures  to  prevent  damage  by  the  water-logging  of  the 
lands  are  also  important  to  the  valley  on  the  Mexican  side. 

A new  bond  issue  of  $7,500,000  is  before  the  voters  of  the  Imperial 
Valley  in  accordance  with  the  provisions  of  the  California  Irrigation 
District  Act,  for  the  purpose  of  taking  over  the  intermediate  water 
companies  (mutual  companies)  by  the  purchase  of  their  canals, 
ditches,  machinery,  and  equipment.  The  total  value  placed  on  the 


302 


LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 


improvements  of  the  mutual  companies  is  an  average  of  $10  per  acre 
irrigated  for  a total  of  446,525  acres,  or  $4,465,250,  with  an  addi- 
tional inventory  value  of  equipment  placed  at  a total  of  §534,750 
for  the  15  mutual  companies,  the  total  purchase  estimate  being 
$5,000,000.  By  such  purchase  all  irrigation  on  the  American  side 
would  be  handled  direct  by  the  district. 

Reports  by  experts  show  that  there  is  also  an  urgent  need  for 
drainage  provision  for  the  reclamation  and  protection  of  the  lands  of 
the  valley  from  becoming  water-logged  by  the  rising  of  subsurface 
water.  It  is  estimated  that  at  present  there  are  some  50,000  acres 
so  affected  and  that  for  the  assessed  valuation  of  property  for  1921, 
as  compared  with  1920,  the  difference  in  valuation  was  approxi- 
mately $4,000,000,  or  9.1  per  cent.  Certain  portions  of  the  district 
need  drainage  works  to  lower  the  level  of  the  ground  water,  and 
present  surveys  are  being  carried  out  to  determine  the  depth  of  this 
ground  water  over  the  entire  district.  It  is  estimated  that  for  the 
drainage  of  lands  already  affected  by  the  rising  ground  water  or  in 
danger  from  water-logging  and  for  prevention  in  the  future,  a total 
of  $2,500,000  is  necessary,  and  this  sum  is  included  in  the  new  bond 
issue  proposed  to  the  voters. 

As  at  present  organized,  the  mutual  companies  take  the  water  from 
the  main  supply  canals  of  the  district,  paying  85  cents  per  acre-foot. 
Each  landowner  holds  as  many  shares  of  stock  in  his  mutual  company 
as  he  has  acres.  Stockholders  are  assessed  for  the  expense  of  cleaning 
canals  and  ditches  and  for  payment  for  water.  Assessments  are  levied 
on  a pro  rata  basis,  idle  lands  not  using  water  being  exempt  from 
payments. 

On  the  Mexican  side  of  the  valley  the  cost  of  leveling,  constructing 
main  canals,  ditching,  putting  in  water  gates,  etc.,  may  be  estimated 
at  an  average  cost  of  $10  per  acre  for  large  tracts  of  land. 

ACREAGE  ON  MEXICAN  SIDE  OF  VALLEY. 

The  great  triangle  of  the  Mexicali  Valley  contains  something  over 
1,000,000  acres,  of  which  it  is  estimated  that  there  are  approximately 
200,000  acres  available  for  irrigation,  including  the  Laguna  Salada 
west  of  the  Cocopah  Range.  There  were  160,000  acres  under  culti- 
vation and  water  in  the  summer  crop  season  of  1922.  The  total 
number  of  acres  irrigated  on  the  Mexican  side  in  1921  was  121,604. 
The  irrigated  area  showed  a decrease  from  136,560  acres  in  1919  and 
188,716  acres  in  1920  during  the  cotton  boom. 

The  first  water  crossed  the  line  in  canals  June  20,  1901.  In  190S 
there  was  a total  of  6,935  acres  irrigated  and  planted  on  the  Mexican 
side  and  this  total  rapidly  increased  year  by  year  until  the  figures 
given  above  were  reached.  With  flood  control  of  the  river  an  accom- 
plished fact,  assuring  sufficient  water  at  all  times,  there  is  practically 
no  limit  to  the  possibilities  of  development  in  agriculture  on  the 
Mexican  side  of  the  great  valley.  The  total  number  of  irrigable  acres 
on  the  American  side  is  placed  at  506,000  under  the  present  system. 
In  1921  the  total  irrigated  was  410,070  and  the  total  placed  for  1922 
was  446,525  acres.  Irrigated  acreage  on  the  American  side  increased 
from  141,030  in  1906  to  the  high  figure  of  414,440  in  1920.  These 
totals  do  not  include  the  Holtville  district. 


AGRICULTURE. 


303 


IRRIGATION  DATA:  WATER.  WEATHER.  AND  CROP  FIGURES. 

Taking  the  calendar  year  1920  as  a basis,  the  reports  of  the  irri- 
gation district  show'  a total  of  603,440  acres  irrigated  during  the  year, 
of  which  188,716  acres  were  in  Mexico.  The  total  quantity  of  water 
diverted  for  direct  use  during  the  year  was  3,097,957  acre-feet.  The 
total  quantity  wasted  was  772,576  acre-feet  and  the  amount  lost 
230,092  acre-feet.  The  total  quantity  of  water  delivered  to  the  mutual 
water  companies  was  2,095,289  acre-feet.  The  amount  of  water 
delivered  to  the  mutual  companies  was  0.10  acre-feet  in  January, 
0.54  in  July,  and  decreased  to  0.14  in  December. 

Cotton  constitutes  by  far  the  largest  acreage  on  the  Mexican  side  of 
the  valley  and  the  highest  consumption  of  water  is  during  the  cotton 
planting  and  first  growing  season  from  May  to  August,  the  peak  of 
water  consumption  coming  in  July.  Fortunately,  June  is  the  season 
of  highest  water  in  the  river,  so  that  the  flood  season  coincides  with 
that  of  a greater  water  consumption.  With  the  development  of  agri- 
culture and  a corresponding  increase  in  water  consumption,  this  is  an 
important  point  to  remember.  The  total  average  consumption  per 
year  is  3.47  acre-feet,  the  highest  record  being  4.12  acre-feet  in  1914. 
The  rainfall  during  the  planting  and  growing  season  averages  be- 
tween 0.14  inch  and  0.41  inch,  the  latter  being  the  record  in  1920. 

PERCENTAGES  OF  CROPS. 

Although  on  the  Mexican  side  cotton  is  grown  to  a far  greater  ex- 
tent than  any  other  crop,  there  are  now  considerable  acreages  de- 
voted to  alfalfa,  wdieat,  and  fruit.  On  the  American  side,  in  1920, 
cereals  and  seed  made  up  20.6  per  cent  of  the  acreage,  which  had  di- 
minished for  these  crops  from  a percentage  of  47.9  in  1912.  Cotton  on 
the  American  side  totaled  only  3.3  per  cent  in  1912  and  increased  to 
49.2  in  1920.  Alfalfa  and  forage  crops  decreased  on  the  American  side 
from  44  per  cent  in  1912  to  only  16.9  in  1920.  Fruits  and  vegetables 
(lettuce  and  cantaloupes)  increased  on  the  American  side  from  4.8 
per  cent  in  1912  to  13.3  per  cent  in  1920. 

VALUE  OF  CROPS  AND  PRODUCTION. 

The  total  estimated  value  of  the  agricultural  products  of  the  valley 
in  1912  was  between  S10,000,000  and  812,000,000.  In  1917  the  total 
value  was  estimated  at  $30,000,000,  production  having  trebled  in  five 
years.  In  1915,  32,000  acres  were  in  crop  on  the  Mexican  side,  and  the 
acreage  was  increased  to  65,000  in  1917.  In  1912  the  acreage  devoted 
to  cotton  on  the  American  side  was  8,000.  In  1917  the  total  cotton 
acreage  of  the  valley  had  been  increased  to  70,000,  with  50,000  on  the 
Mexican  side.  The  crop  values  on  the  Mexican  side  are  about  in 
direct  proportion  to  the  acreage  planted.  The  industry  is  greatly 
favored  on  the  Mexican  side  by  the  lower  cost  of  the  original  land,  the 
investment  therefore  being  much  less.  In  fact,  the  same  class  of  land 
with  the  same  relative  location  costs  one-third  less  than  on  the  Ameri- 
can side  of  the  line. 

COTTON  PLANTING. 

OUTLINE  OF  DEVELOPMENT. 

The  first  cotton  was  grown  on  the  Mexican  side  in  1910  when  a small 
amount  was  raised.  Production  increased  in  1911-12  when  prices 
averaged  $0.17  per  pound.  The  cotton  crop  of  1919  totaled  125,000 


304 


LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 


acres,  with  an  estimated  132,000  acres  planted  in  the  1922  season. 
Peak  prices  were  obtained  in  1919  for  the  1918  crop,  when  as  high  as 
$0.58  a pound  was  received  for  the  shorter  lengths  of  staple  and  as 
high  as  $1  per  pound  for  the  long-staple  Durango  cotton.  Prices  ran 
between  $0.18  and  $0.22  for  what  was  left  of  the  1921  crop,  the  best 
price  paid  being  $0,234  in  May. 

The  world  cotton  production  in  1910  was  estimated  at  19,992,780 
hales.  The  average  annual  yield  is  about  21,000,000  bales.  All 
world  estimates  for  this  year  show  a probable  total  yield  of  only 
15,000,000  bales. 

The  prospect  for  an  increase  in  price  for  cotton  has  greatly  encour- 
aged the  growers.  The  cost  of  production  of  the  1920-21  crop 
delivered  in  January,  1921,  was  about  $0.25  per  pound,  wages  and 
other  expenses  being  still  much  inflated  all  along  the  line  of  produc- 
tion, while  prices  dropped  to  as  low  as  $0.08  per  pound.  The  1921 
crop  paid  off  the  losses  of  the  1920  crop.  Wages  have  now  been 
forced  back  to  normal  and  the  consensus  of  opinion  among  the  growers 
is  that  they  can  make  money  if  the  production  cost  is  held  down  to 
$0.13  to  $0.15  per  pound  delivered  in  bale,  the  return  depending  upon 
the  location  of  the  land,  the  class  of  soil,  and  methods  and  seed  used. 

The  boll  weevil  has  not  as  yet  made  its  appearance  in  the  valley, 
climatic  conditions  do  not  affect  the  growing  of  the  staple  in  any  way, 
and  water  is  to  be  had  just  at  the  right  times  during  the  season. 

A new  seed  has  also  been  developed  by  the  United  States  Depart- 
ment of  Agriculture  at  the  experimental  station  located  at  Mellow- 
land  near  El  Centro,  13  miles  from  Calexico  and  Mexicali.  The  seed 
of  this  variety,  called  “Acala,”  was  first  tried  out  on  the  Mexican 
side  in  1921  and  produced  nearly  twice  as  much  per  acre  as  ordinary 
cotton.  Production  had  been  about  6,500  bales  for  every  8,500  acres 
of  cotton  land,  and  with  this  new  seed  a production  of  li  bales  per 
acre  is  expected.  The  staple  of  the  new  product  is  much  better,  also. 
Not  enough  seed  of  this  kind  could  be  secured  by  the  planters  this 
year  for  all  of  the  acreage  desired. 

GRADES  OF  COTTON. 

The  valley  got  its  cotton  reputation  by  its  unusually  bright  white 
cotton,  the  bulk  of  which  goes  to  Japan,  where  the  buyers  want  a 
high  grade  of  cotton,  but  pay  no  attention  to  staple.  The  Continent 
gives  more  attention  to  staple  than  to  grade;  grade  counts  for  25  per 
cent  in  price,  while  the  length  of  the  staple  counts  for  75  per  cent. 
Three  or  four  years  ago  the  valley  produced  mostly  Durango  long- 
staple  cotton,  the  fiber  running  from  l^g-  inches  to  1^  inches  in 
length.  The  bulk  of  the  cotton  this  year  will  be  Lone  Star,  which 
runs  liV  to  1J  staple,  and  Acala,  which  gives  a good  l|-inch  Liver- 
pool staple.  The  estimated  yield  for  1922  is  at  least  100,000  bales 
from  the  Mexican  side  of  the  valley.  The  grades  are  as  follows, 
according  to  Liverpool  standards:  Strict  good  middling,  good  mid- 
dling, strict  middling,  middling,  low  middling,  strict  good  ordinary, 
and  good  ordinary. 

The  United  States  Department  of  Agriculture  maintains  an  experi- 
mental station  near  El  Centro  in  the  valley  and  also  a branch  office 
at  Calexico.  Strict  seed  and  plant  inspection  is  enforced,  and  growers 
on  the  Mexican  side  receive  the  same  benefit  from  this  service  as 
those  on  the  American  side. 


AGRICULTURE. 


305 


METHODS  OP  PLANTING. 

The  delta  lands  are  level,  but  need  to  be  graded  for  irrigation. 
The  first  work  is  that  of  ditching,  which  costs  on  an  average  $10  per 
acre.  Before  the  land  is  handled  for  water  it  has  to  be  cleared  of  the 
brush — principally  mesquite,  which  in  places  is  of  very  heavy  growth. 
On  the  Mexican  side  of  the  valley  the  average  cost  of  clearing  is  about 
$45  per  acre;  in  many  places  this  cost  includes  the  work  of  leveling. 
The  highest  average  cost  for  clearing  and  leveling  has  been  $60  per 
acre.  The  mesquite  is  unusually  heavy  and  has  to  be  grubbed  and 
pulled.  For  this  work  tractors  are  used  to  a great  extent.  The  soil 
is  left  perfectly  clean  and  free  of  roots  and  other  hindrances  to  plows 
and  implements. 

After  the  ditching  has  been  done,  the  land  is  plowed  with  disks, 
listed,  then  irrigated,  after  which  a harrow  is  passed  over  it  to  top 
the  ridges  of  the  furrows.  The  land  is  planted  by  means  of  two  and 
four  row  drills.  The  rows  are  cultivated  by  plows  and  the  cotton  is 
“chopped”  once  or  twice  as  the  need  may  be. 

WAGES. 

The  1922  scale  of  wages  for  various  classes  of  labor  is  as  follows: 
Carpenters,  $6  per  day;  tractor  men,  $5  per  day  and  board;  teamsters, 
$2  per  day;  choppers,  $1.50  per  day  (under  contract,  $1  per  acre). 
Irrigation  water  men  get  $2  per  day  and  feed  themselves;  foremen 
are  paid  $150  per  month  besides  their  board  and  lodging. 

LABOR  CONDITIONS. 

The  Chinese  have  raised  80  per  cent  of  the  cotton  grown  on  the 
Mexican  side  of  the  valley  and  their  system  of  operation  is  as  follows: 
One  Chinese  with  money  of  his  own,  or  capital  which  he  controls, 
gets  a lease  from  the  company  owning  the  land  and  forms  a coopera- 
tive company  with  an  average  of  16  men  to  the  1,000  acres  of  cotton 
land.  The  land  may  be  raw  and  may  have  to  be  cleared,  leveled,  and 
ditched,  or  it  may  be  developed  land,  the  price  paid  per  acre  per 
season  varying  accordingly. 

The  men  of  the  company  contribute  small  sums  varying  from  a 
few  hundred  dollars  to  a thousand  or  more  dollars  toward  the  enter- 
prise. They  also  work  for  a share  in  the  crop.  Wages  are  not  paid 
during  the  working  season  and  only  food  and  clothing  are  advanced 
to  the  men  during  the  crop  and  picking  season.  In  this  manner 
each  person  is  interested  in  the  success  of  the  crop  and  has  an  in- 
dividual stake  in  the  venture.  The  plan  makes  the  initial  invest- 
ment very  low  as  regards  cash  outlay,  and  the  Chinese  thereby 
require  less  financing  than  the  other  ranchers  for  their  crop  season. 

For  their  mutual  protection  the  Chinese  of  the  valley  have  formed 
an  association  with  headquarters  in  their  own  building  at  Mexicali 
where  hospital  facilities  are  also  provided  for  the  men.  The  Chinese 
merchants,  many  of  whom  are  also  cotton  planters  on  a large  scale, 
belong  to  this  association,  which  makes  negotiation  with  the  Chinese 
easy  and  practical  at  all  times.  The  association  maintains  an  Amer- 
ican representative  and  is  in  close  touch  with  other  Chinese  interests 
in  the  United  States,  principally  in  San  Francisco,  Calif.  The  total 

44807°— 23 21 


306 


LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 


number  of  Chinese  in  the  valley  on  the  Mexican  side  of  the  line  in 
1919  was  5,000,  in  round  numbers,  is  now  3,500,  and  is  increasing. 
The  men  are  returning  because  of  the  attraction  of  better  prices  for 
cotton. 

The  Chinese  have  been  able  to  finance  heavily  from  among  their 
own  people  in  San  Francisco  in  the  past,  but  this  source  of  capital 
was  hard  hit  by  the  drop  in  the  rice  market  in  the  fall  of  1920  and 
their  principal  need  at  present  is  a new  and  sure  source  of  capital 
with  which  to  finance  their  planting  operations.  Their  cotton  is  all 
marketed  in  the  United  States  through  the  usual  channels  and  they 
purchase  their  equipment  and  the  bulk  of  their  supplies,  with  the 
exception  of  certain  foods,  in  the  United  States.  Such  items  of 
food  as  rice,  dried  fish  of  certain  kinds,  and  special  edibles  dear  to 
the  Chinese  palate  come  from  Hongkong,  the  gross  amount  of  such 
imports  being  calculated  at  about  $250,000  a year.  Cheap  hats 
for  work  in  the  fields,  sandals,  and  some  textiles  and  dishes  used  also 
come  from  China. 

In  view  of  the  preceding,  the  only  benefits  not  contributing  to 
American  trade  in  general  may  be  said  to  be  the  small  proportion  of 
their  wages  sent  out  of  the  country  by  the  Chinese. 

LANDHOLDINGS  AND  METHODS  OF  DEVELOPMENT. 

By  far  the  largest  landholdings  on  the  Mexican  side  are  those 
of  the  Colorado  River  Land  Co.  with  a total  area  of  832,000  acres, 
reaching  from  the  Cocopas  Range  to  the  gulf  and  as  far  north  as  the 
line  of  the  railway  and  to  the  border  west  of  Calexico.  This  enor- 
mous property  is  the  old  Andrade  estate,  which  was  purchased  by  the 
Calif ornia-Mexican  Land  & Cattle  Co.,  and  which  is  being  developed 
by  far-seeing  and  energetic  California  capitalists. 

The  second  largest  holding  is  that  of  the  Southern  Pacific  Co., 
whose  lands  lie  north  of  the  railway  (Inter-California  Railway)  and 
reach  to  the  boundary  line  for  a distance  of  about  46  kilometers 
(28.5  miles)  west  of  Yuma,  Ariz.  The  original  tract  totalled  22,336 
hectares,  or  55,192  acres,  but  to  date  11,176  hectares,  or  27,615  acres, 
have  been  sold  to  farmers  under  the  plan  of  the  company  to  dispose 
of  the  lands  at  very  reasonable  terms  to  promote  then-  active  develop- 
ment in  agriculture.  The  eastern  half  of  these  lands  is  not  subject 
to  gravity  irrigation,  lying  too  high  to  take  the  water  from  the  present 
canals,  and  electrically  driven  pumps  are  being  used  to  elevate  the 
water  from  the  main  supply  canals  to  the  level  of  the  land.  The 
western  half  is  subject  to  gravity  irrigation  under  the  present  system. 

The  lands  are  held  in  Mexico  under  the  name  of  the  Compahia  de 
Terrenos  y Aguas,  S.  A.,  to  comply  with  the  new  agrarian  regulations 
of  Mexico  which  require  that  all  lands  be  held  by  Mexicans  or  Mexican 
companies.  Even  small  owners  are  forced  to  hold  their  titles  under 
the  name  of  a Mexican  company. 

Prices  of  these  lands  run  from  $35  to  $40  (United  States  currency) 
or  a little  more  per  acre,  according  to  class  of  soil,  location,  etc. 
Similar  lands  on  the  American  side  of  the  valley  are  selling  for  $160 
to  $200  per  acre. 

The  company  has  had  considerable  trouble  with  squatters  recently. 
Small  tracts  of  some  of  the  best  lands  in  the  western  part  of  the 
section  have  been  taken  by  natives,  presumably  under  the  new 
agrarian  provisions  of  Mexico,  and,  although  court  orders  have  been 


AGR I CULTURE  • 


307 


obtained  under  existing  Mexican  laws,  the  authorities  have  not  acted 
for  their  actual  ejection.  It  is  estimated  that  in  the  entire  Mexican 
side  of  the  valley  there  are  not  over  120  native  Mexicans  engaged  in 
agriculture  for  their  own  account. 

The  railway  companv  maintains  a land  office  in  Mexicali,  which  is 
actively  engaged  in  selling  off  the  remainder  of  these  lands  to  settlers. 

On  account  of  the  large  profits  being  made  in  the  valley  from  early 
vegetables,  fruits,  fodder,  and  cotton,  a very  considerable  number  of 
newcomers  are  being  attracted,  especially  farmers  from  Texas,  who 
understand  cotton  growing  and  the  handling  of  native  Mexican  labor. 

The  next  largest  landholding  in  the  valley  on  the  Mexican  side  is 
that  of  the  now  famous  Cudahy  ranch,  purchased  some  years  ago  by 
G.  C.  Cudahy  of  Chicago,  and  located  at  Hechicera  Station  on  the 
Inter-California  Railway  about  halfway  between  Calexico  and  Yuma. 
The  tract  contains  16,000  acres  in  a square  block,  and  over  one-half 
of  it  is  now  under  cultivation.  The  property  produced  4,300  acres  of 
Durango  long-staple  cotton  in  1917  and  employs  400  men  in  the  crop 
season.  Special  attention  is  being  given  to  stock,  and  the  Duroc- 
Jersey  hogs  produced  are  the  pride  of  the  country. 

There  are  in  the  valley  on  the  Mexican  side  about  60,000  acres 
located  principally  west  of  Calexico.  This  land  is  held  by  small 
colonists  who  are  engaged  in  cotton  planting,  with  about  10,000 
acres  in  cotton  in  1922. 

DEVELOPMENT  POLICY  OF  COLORADO  RIVER  LAND  CO. 

The  Colorado  River  Land  Co.  owns  the  old  Andrade  estate  total- 
ing 832,000  acres.  This  year  there  are  about  125,000  acres  in  cotton, 
10,000  acres  in  alfalfa  (’which  can  be  cut  from  6 to  8 times  a year), 
160  acres  in  lettuce  and  vegetables  for  export,  and  3,800  acres  in 
wheat.  The  experiment  with  lettuce  for  export  was  very  successful. 
A profit  of  $1,100  per  acre  has  been  realized  in  many  cases  on  account 
of  the  early  production  and  the  exceptionally  fine  quality.  The 
experiment  in  wheat  was  also  very  successful,  the  yield  being  large 
and  samples  of  the  grain  running  Al.  An  experiment  in  Chinese 
hemp  is  being  carried  out.  One  hundred  acres  have  been  planted 
and  the  estimated  yield  is  from  1,500  to  2,000  pounds  per  acre, 
averaging  in  price  15  cents  per  pound.  In  anticipation  of  the  coming 
crop  of  hemp,  $10,000  has  been  invested  in  decorticating  machinery. 
The  success  of  this  experiment  will  mean  a new  and  large  industry 
for  the  valley  and  it  is  thought  that  many  acres  of  lands  not  well 
adapted  to  other  crops  can  soon  be  devoted  to  hemp. 

It  has  been  said  that  80  per  cent  of  the  cotton  crop  of  the  valley 
on  the  Mexican  side  has  been  produced  by  the  Chinese  planters. 
The  Colorado  River  Land  Co.  was  the  pioneer  in  this  means  of 
development.  The  Chinese  were  used  on  account  of  the  lack  of 
other  available  labor  supply  and  also  because  other  features  of 
Chinese  organization  methods  made  it  possible  to  develop  large  areas 
at  a minimum  expense. 

It  is  not  the  policy  of  this  great  company  to  sell  lands  now,  but 
to  develop  the  raw  land  by  a sytem  of  leasing  whereby  such  areas 
are  gradually  put  into  first-class  condition.  As  development  of  the 
region  advances,  the  lands  will  be  worth  a great  deal  more  than  at 
present  valuations. 


308 


LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 


According  to  the  class  of  soil,  location,  and  condition  of  develop- 
ment, tracts  of  land  are  leased  to  planters,  at  a varying  scale  of 
rental,  running  from  15  to  25  per  cent  of  the  crop  delivered  at  gin 
or  warehouse,  or  from  $1  to  $10  an  acre  per  year.  Undeveloped 
land  is  charged  for  at  the  rate  of  $1  per  acre  for  the  first  year,  then 
$2.50,  $5,  $7.50,  and  $10,  according  to  the  condition  of  the  lands 
leased.  Land  which  has  to  be  cleared,  stumped,  and  ditched  is 
charged  for  at  the  rate  of  $1  per  acre  for  the  first  year.  All  leases 
carry  an  overhead  charge  of  $1.30  per  acre  per  year  to  cover  taxes 
and  other  assessments. 

Water  for  irrigation  is  taken  from  the  main  supply  canals  of  the 
irrigation  district  at  the  rate  of  $0.85  per  acre-foot. 

Several  groups  of  California  capitalists  have  been  attracted  by  the 
exceptional  advantages  offered  for  development  on  a large  scale  in 
cotton  planting  on  the  lands  of  the  Colorado  River  Land  Co.  and 
have  leased  large  tracts.  The  largest  of  these  is  known  as  the  Shenk 
lease  and  totals  over  12,000  acres,  of  which  10,000  acres  are  in  cotton 
this  year.  This  block  is  situated  in  the  southern  part  of  the  present 
developed  district  of  Mexicali  near  the  landmark  of  the  Black  Butte, 
or  Cerro  Prieto,  about  30  miles  southeast  of  Mexicali.  The  tract 
presents  a remarkable  spectacle  of  10,000  acres  of  perfectly  level  land 
all  in  cotton,  ditched,  and  with  roads  between  the  sections  leading 
to  the  various  divisional  camps  of  the  workmen  and  superintendents. 
The  tract  was  leased  in  1921,  when  3,000  acres  of  land  were  releveled 
and  8,500  acres  of  cotton  planted  which  produced  6,421  bales  of 
clean  cotton.  A check  was  given  recently  for  over  $536,000  for  a 
part  of  this  crop  in  one  sale,  at  a price  of  well  over  $0.20  per  pound. 

Over  $800,000  has  been  expended  in  the  development  of  this  tract, 
exclusive  of  planting  the  crops.  The  value  of  the  equipment,  camps, 
etc.,  is  placed  at  $300,000  and  the  money  spent  on  the  1922  crop  of 
10,000  acres  of  cotton  is  placed  at  $200,000,  exclusive  of  the  picking 
at  the  end  of  the  season. 

Some  of  the  mesquite  clearing  on  this  land  was  exceptionally  heavy 
and  cost,  on  an  average,  $60  per  acre.  The  average  cost  of  the  water- 
works was  $10  per  acre,  including  main  intake  ditches,  water  gates, 
structures,  etc.  To  give  some  idea  of  the  magnitude  of  this  under- 
taking it  may  be  stated  that  this  tract  of  10,000  acres  of  cotton  under 
irrigation  has  22  miles  of  mam  water  intake  canals,  carrying  500 
acre-feet  of  water,  or  more,  and  68  miles  of  delivery  ditches. 

In  connection  with  the  proposed  Boulder  Dam  project,  which  will 
provide  flood  control  for  the  entire  irrigated  region  on  both  sides  of 
the  line,  it  can  be  said  here  that  flooding  of  this  tract  alone  or  diver- 
sion of  the  water  supply  would  cause  actual  damage  between  S500,000 
and  $1,000,000  United  States  currency.  With  160,000  acres  under 
crop  on  the  Mexican  side  this  year  and  with  a potential  acreage  of 
over  1,000,000  acres  of  land  available  for  irrigation  and  production, 
the  importance  of  the  project  to  American  interests  on  the  Mexican 
side  can  not  be  overestimated. 

As  has  been  noted,  the  policy  of  the  company  is  to  develop  its 
holdings  by  this  system  of  leasing  until  large  bodies  of  land  have  been 
put  into  first-class  condition  ready  to  crop,  when  they  will  be  sold 
to  small  colonists  at  $50  to  $150  per  acre,  depending  upon  location, 
class  of  soil,  and  other  conditions. 


AGRICULTURE. 


309 


From  the  standpoint  of  the  small  farm  investor,  there  is  a great 
advantage  in  the  first  cost  of  the  land  on  the  Mexican  side.  Relative 
locations,  so  far  as  transportation  and  commercial  centers  are  con- 
cerned, are  practically  the  same  as  on  the  American  side  of  the  line. 
Market  conditions  are  the  same,  and  the  same  fruit  express  service 
and  other  transportation  facilities  are  provided  by  the  Inter-California 
line  of  the  Southern  Pacific  Co.  all  along  the  northern  portion  of  the 
region.  Even  during  the  past  10  years  of  disturbed  conditions  in 
Mexico,  growers  have  never  failed  to  harvest  their  crops  and  freely 
move  them  to  the  American  side  for  market  disposal  without  excessive 
taxation  or  other  interference.  All  agricultural  equipment  is  im- 
ported into  Mexican  territory  free  of  duty  at  a very  small  charge 
for  customs  brokers’  services,  etc.,  and  general  supplies  in  small 
quantities  are  allowed  to  pass  the  border  freely  when  not  intended 
for  resale  or  merchandising  enterprises.  Seed  for  planting  carries  no 
duty. 

An  additional  advantage  on  the  Mexican  side  is  the  fact  that  first 
delivery  is  secured  on  the  water  supply,  which  crosses  Mexican  terri- 
tory before  reaching  the  lands  on  the  American  side;  and  it  is  con- 
ceded that  in  general  the  soil  on  the  Mexican  side  is  better. 

AGRICULTURAL  IMPLEMENTS  AND  MACHINERY. 

IMPORT  DUTY. 

All  agricultural  equipment  and  machinery  is  imported  duty  free 
into  Mexico.  There  is  a small  customs  brokerage  charge  for  clearing 
shipments  through  customs.  The  shipping  point  for  clearing  is 
Mexicali,  although  such  shipments  can  cross  the  line  by  rail  at  the 
border  station  of  Andrade,  near  Yuma,  if  coming  from  the  southwest. 

PLOWS  AND  HARROWS. 

The  plow  most  used  for  cotton  is  the  26-inch  disk  in  sets  of  two 
for  mules  and  in  six  and  four  gang  for  tractors,  six  being  used  in  the 
lead  and  four  in  the  rear,  and  cutting  a 100-inch  swath.  The  John 
Deere  heavy-duty  plow  of  this  type  was  most  seen  and  is  preferred 
by  the  larger  planters.  A listing  plow  of  24  and  26  inch  size  is  used 
for  putting  the  soil  into  rows  for  planting  on  top  with  drills.  These 
are  for  mule  traction.  A one-mule  sweep  plow  is  also  used  for  clean- 
ing between  the  rows  after  planting.  Plowing  is  done  to  an  average 
depth  of  6 to  8 inches.  Heavy-duty  equipment  is  always  advisable 
for  tractor  traction.  The  spiked-tooth  harrow  is  used,  hooked 
behind  the  plows,  with  tractor  traction. 

A new  form  of  cultivator  which  is  being  used  consists  of  a double 
or  quadruple  row  of  close-set  small  thick  disks  having  serrated 
edges  like  a gear  with  sharp  edges.  This  is  passed  over  the  land 
after  disking  when  it  is  dry  enough  to  break  up  the  clods.  This 
machine  breaks  up  the  clods,  pulverizing  the  surface  soil  and  making 
a much  better  seed  bed. 

IMPLEMENTS  AND  TOOLS. 

The  principal  implements  used  are  the  long-handled,  round- 

Eointed  shovel  for  ditch  work  and  watering,  and  the  broad,  heavy 
oe  for  “chopping”  the  cotton  during  the  first  part  of  the  growing 
season. 


310 


LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 


TRACTORS. 

Many  types  both  large  and  small  are  used,  but  for  work  on  a large 
scale  the  60-horsepower  machine  having  the  long  track  is  much 
preferred,  as  the  track  runs  the  entire  length  of  the  machine  and 
rides  over  and  across  the  tops  of  the  rows. 

A new  and  special  type  of  cultivator  tractor  was  seen,  having 
the  motor  ahead  under  an  automobile  type  of  hood.  This  tractor 
was  mounted  on  a high  chassis  carrying  exceptionally  wide  axles 
and  having  wide-tread  steel  wheels  which  compass  two  rows.  Cul- 
tivation is  effected  by  means  of  ordinary  wide  cultivator  shares 
carried  down  from  a frame  extension  in  the  rear  of  the  motor.  The 
operator’s  seat  is  mounted  in  the  back  and  the  machine  is  furnished 
with  a long  rod  to  the  steering  wheel  (the  guide  being  forward)  and 
with  ready  hand  levers  for  the  adjustment  of  the  cultivator  shares. 

Mules  do  very  well  in  the  soft  irrigated  soil,  stand  the  heat  better 
than  any  other  draft  animals,  need  less  care  than  horses,  and  can  be 
fed  cheaply,  as  alfalfa  is  grown  on  the  ranches  for  the  purpose;  but 
tractors  of  the  type  mentioned  are  much  preferred,  as  they  can  be 
worked  day  and  night  during  the  short  season  of  scarcely  90  days 
between  picking  and  the  new  planting.  Tractors  can  also  be  used 
for  the  scraper  work  in  ditching. 

AGRICULTURAL  INSURANCE. 

Ranchers  on  the  Mexican  side  have  only  recently  been  able  to 
obtain  the  usual  flood,  hail,  rain,  wind,  and  fire  insurance  from  the 
companies  specializing  in  agricultural  insurance.  However,  this 
additional  advantage  is  now  obtainable  freely  under  the  same  con- 
ditions as  on  the  American  side. 

The  irrigation  district  maintains  a system  of  telephone  lines, 
and  flood  prevention  equipment  is  maintained  at  various  stations. 

FINANCING  CROPS— BANKING. 

The  banking  laws  of  the  State  of  California  do  not  permit  national 
banks  in  the  State  to  loan  money  on  security  located  in  a foreign 
country.  For  the  last  five  or  six  years  nearly  all  of  the  financing  in 
the  Mexicali  region  in  connection  with  cotton  planting  has  been 
done  by  the  Globe  Cotton  Oil  Mills  (Inc.),  a subsidiary  of  the 
Globe  Grain  & Milling  Co.,  the  business  being  conducted  in  Mexico 
through  an  agent.  Tins  company  was  the  first  to  erect  cotton  gins 
at  Mexicali  to  take  care  of  the  crop  grown  on  the  Mexican  side  of  the 
valley. 

During  the  cotton  boom  in  the  war  period  costs  became  excessive. 
Prices  ranged  from  SO. 56  to  SI  per  pound,  and  costs  of  actual  pro- 
duction reached  $0.25  per  pound,  and  even  more.  As  in  other 
industries  during  this  period,  excessive  expansion  occurred  and 
credits  were  overextended  on  all  sides.  When  the  sudden  slump  in 
the  cotton  market  took  place  in  1920,  heavy  losses  were  sustained 
and  the  Globe  company  was  forced  to  take  over  large  quantities  of 
equipment  and  low-priced  cotton  in  payment  of  advances  on  the 
crop  being  marketed  that  year. 

The  financing  of  the  crop  in  1922  was  done  by  private  capital, 
and  the  Colorado  River  Land  Co.  took  care  of  its  own  lessors  in 
the  way  of  necessary  advances  on  the  crop,  consistent  with  the  work 
accomplished,  market  prices  to  be  expected,  and  other  factors.  A 


AGRICULTURE. 


311 


careful  supervision  is  being  maintained  whereby  overextension  of 
credit  is  checked  in  time. 

The  two  banks  of  Calexico — the  Calexico  Bank  and  the  Central 
Bank  of  the  Imperial  Valley — in  connection  with  interested  Cali- 
fornia capital  have  organized  a branch  on  the  Mexican  side  at  Mexi- 
cali under  the  name  of  the  Mercantile  Banking  Co.,  S.  A.,  for  the 
purpose  of  taking  care  of  banking  and  credit  needs  of  the  growers  in 
the  Mexicali  region  this  year.  One  of  the  largest  cotton  concerns 
of  the  South  also  is  represented  in  the  same  manner  by  a resident 
agent,  and  several  smaller  private  concerns  have  been  formed  for 
cotton  financing  and  planting  under  the  leasing  system. 

CREDIT  CONSIDERATIONS  WITH  RESPECT  TO  CHINESE  PLANTERS. 

It  has  been  explained  how  the  Chinese  are  growing  80  per  cent  of 
the  cotton  on  the  Mexican  side  of  the  valley  under  their  peculiar  plan 
of  cooperative  work  in  the  form  of  a mutual  company  in  which  one 
Chinese  with  backing  secures  the  lease  from  the  owners  of  the  land 
and  then  organizes  a mutual  cooperative  company  among  his  fellows. 
The  Chinese  need  less  in  the  way  of  advances  of  cash,  as  no  wages  are 
paid  during  the  season  and  all  men  working  get  their  share  at  the  end 
of  the  picking  and  delivery  season.  Only  food  and  clothing  are 
advanced  and  this  end  of  the  business  is  taken  care  of  by  the  Chinese 
merchants  of  Mexicali,  who  are  very  often  owners  of  the  leases  as  well. 

The  Chinese  were  able  to  get  some  money  from  their  countrymen 
in  San  Francisco,  Calif.,  up  until  the  heavy  losses  sustained  in  the 
rice  market  failure  in  the  fall  of  1920.  Their  need  now  is  additional 
capital,  for  which  they  will  pay  handsome  bonuses  and  heavy  interest. 
While  the  Chinese  are  considered  first-class  credit  risks  from  the 
moral  standpoint,  their  tendency  is  to  overdraw  on  their  credit  during 
the  season.  No  unused  portion  of  a loan  is  ever  returned,  it  either 
being  used  later  during  the  season  or  sent  out  of  the  country;  but  the 
Chinese  involved  will  most  certainly  pay  back  the  full  amount 
received  sooner  or  later.  As  an  example,  there  is  one  authentic  case 
where  a Chinese  leaseholder  paid  off  the  losses  on  his  1920  crop  with 
his  1921  crop,  clearing  up  a total  indebtedness  of  $595,000  without 
any  difficulty  when  given  the  time  to  do  so.  In  other  words,  he 
worked  all  of  1921  to  pay  back  what  he  owed  and  had  lost  in  the 
market  slump  in  cotton  in  1920. 

Business  with  the  Chinese  is  easily  handled  through  their  head  men, 
and  in  conducting  their  business  on  the  American  side  relating  to 
land  or  money  interests  they  much  prefer  to  deal  with  one  man 
whom  they  know  and  trust.  The  Chinese  planter  is  an  excellent  risk 
when  strict  supervision  is  carried  out  over  his  needs  in  accordance 
with  his  work,  market  conditions,  etc.  Through  their  association 
representatives  the  Chinese  are  now  making  a strong  bid  for  addi- 
tional credit  facilities  in  California,  but  investigation  seems  to  point 
to  the  fact  that  their  present  facilities  are  adequate,  particularly  as 
the  principal  landowners  leasing  them  their  cotton  lands  each  year 
are  much  interested  in  their  progress  and  success  and  have  been 
instrumental  in  the  protection  of  their  interests.  Confidence  is  being 
rapidly  restored  by  the  management  of  the  company  under  this 
policy,  and  the  financial  strength  back  of  the  interests  owning  the 
lands  is  entirely  adequate  for  all  demands  for  a long  time  to  come. 


312 


LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 


LABOR  NOTES. 

As  laborers  in  the  fields  the  Mexicans  are  preferred  by  the  inde- 
pendent owners  and  lessors.  It  is  claimed  that  the  Chinese  are  poor 
workmen  when  it  comes  to  heavy  work.  Raw  land  leased  and 
worked  by  them  is  often  found  in  poor  condition  and  has  to  be 
releveled  for  proper  watering,  and  the  clearing  and  stumping  is  not 
carried  out  in  a thorough  manner.  In  other  words,  the  work  of  the 
Chinese  on  the  land,  when  attempted  on  a large  scale,  is  less  effectual 
than  that  of  the  Mexicans.  The  advantage  with  the  Chinese  is  their 
talent  for  organization  among  themselves  and  their  competence  in 
carrying  out  contracts  and  leases. 

COTTON  GINS  AND  COMPRESSES. 

There  are  four  companies  engaged  in  this  phase  of  the  cotton 
business.  The  Globe  Cotton  Oil  Mills  Co.  has  one  5-stand  gin  on  the 
Mexican  side  (having  recently  lost  two  units  by  fire),  and  ten  5-stand 
gins  on  the  American  side  which  could  be  used  also.  The  Goorey- 
Hartman  Gin  Co.  has  one  5-stand  gin  on  the  Mexican  side  at  Mexicali 
and  two  of  the  same  capacity  on  the  American  side.  The  Chinese- 
Mexican  Gin  Co.  has  four  5-stand  gins  in  Mexicali.  The  Colorado 
River  Land  Co.  is  erecting  several  5-stand  gins  on  the  American  side 
this  year.  The  Calexico  Compress  Co.  has  a large  compress  of 
sufficient  capacity  for  the  field  and  handles  the  product.  The  cost 
of  ginning  averages  about  $7.45  per  bale. 

COTTON  SEASONS. 

The  cotton  planting  season  lasts  from  March  until  late  in  May, 
if  there  is  a warm  spring,  although  the  seed  can  be  planted  as  late 
as  June.  The  picking  starts  in  the  latter  part  of  August  and  lasts 
until  the  first  of  the  following  March.  The  month  of  September  is 
the  height  of  the  picking  season.  The  cotton  ripens  early  but  it  is 
usually  too  hot  to  do  much  picking  in  August.  The  first  shipments 
of  ginned  cotton  are  made  during  the  latter  part  of  September.  It 
takes  from  one  to  two  pickings  to  clean  fields.  The  yield  is  very 
even  on  account  of  the  combination  of  heat  and  irrigation.  Experi- 
ments have  been  made  with  a new  cotton-picking  machine,  and  it  is 
thought  that  with  certain  changes  the  machine  will  work  well  in  the 
valley. 

COTTON  EXPORTS  FROM  MEXICALI  DISTRICT  TO  UNITED  STATES. 

To  give  some  idea  of  the  extent  and  value  of  the  cotton  industry 
in  this  region  the  following  figures  taken  from  the  import  statistics 
of  the  United  States  customs  service  are  given.  In  the  calendar  year 

1920  exports  of  short-staple  cotton  from  Mexicali  through  the  border 
port  of  Calexico  were  35,604,827  pounds,  valued  at  $9,359,827.  In 

1921  the  figure  was  35,707,797  pounds,  and  the  declared  value 
$5,681,836.  Long-staple  cotton  exported  for  1920  was  given  as 
13,000  pounds,  valued  at  $7,S00,  and  in  1921  a total  of  36,359  pounds, 
valued  at  $14,286,  were  sent  over  to  the  American  side. 

The  United  States  emergency  tariff  act  of  May,  1921,  placed  an 
import  duty  of  $0.06  and  then  $0.07  per  pound  on  long-staple  cotton 
coming  into  the  United  States,  “long  staple”  being  applied  to  a 
length  of  fiber  of  If  inches  or  over.  It  was  pointed  out  that  previ- 
ously shipments  of  cotton  from  the  Mexican  side  were  declared  as 


AGRICULTURE. 


313 


long  and  short  staple,  but  that  now  only  short  staple  was  declared. 
It  was  argued  in  the  valley  that  this  emergency  tariff  was  primarily 
devised  for  the  protection  of  the  cotton  growers  of  the  South  and  that 
the  Imperial  Valley  would  be  harmed  by  the  strict  application  of  the 
regulation  to  that  section  also. 

Imports  of  short-staple  cotton  seed  into  the  United  States  through 
the  port  of  Calexico  during  1920  totaled  69,891,454  pounds,  valued  at 
$1,154,361.  In  the  calendar  year  1921  the  amount  was  77,943,176 
pounds,  valued  at  $515,996.  Seed  of  long-staple  varieties  imported 
through  Calexico  in  1920  amounted  to  25,000  pounds,  valued  at  $588, 
and  in  1921  none  was  declared,  so  far  as  the  records  show. 

Imports  of  cotton  linters  in  the  calendar  year  1920  were  6,000 
pounds,  valued  at  $2,906,  with  none  recorded  for  1921. 

In  the  calendar  year  1920  imports  of  cottonseed  cake  amounted  to 
906,951  pounds,  valued  at  $14,582;  and  in  1921,  to  81,804  pounds, 
valued  at  $1,636. 

Cottonseed  oil  imported  from  the  Mexicali  side  in  1920  totaled 
157,196  pounds,  valued  at  $21,082;  and  in  1921,  51,000  pounds, 
valued  at  $2,816.  Hulls  imported  in  1920  amounted  to  1,142,300 
pounds,  valued  at  $3,390,  and  in  1921  a total  of  only  25,000  pounds 
were  declared,  valued  at  $447.  The  oil  mill  shut  down  in  June  of  1921. 

OTHER  AGRICULTURAL  EXPORTS  OF  MEXICALI  DISTRICT. 

In  the  calendar  year  1921  Mexicali  exported  to  the  United  States 
a total  of  35,186  bushels  of  milo  maize,  valued  at  $30,898.  This 
was  the  first  export  of  this  product  for  the  region.  The  soil  of  the 
district  is  very  good  for  milo  maize  and  the  nonsaccharine  sorghums, 
owing  to  the  absence  of  rainfall. 

EXPORTS  OF  LIVE  STOCK. 

In  1920,  2,808  head  of  sheep,  valued  at  $31,811,  were  sent  into  the 
United  States  through  Mexicali;  in  1921  only  322  head,  valued  at 
$3,340,  were  sent  over.  During  the  first  half  of  1922,  3,901  head  of 
sheep  and  lambs,  valued  at  $27,527,  had  been  exported  to  the  United 
States  through  Mexicali.  A few  head  of  beef  cattle  were  also  exported 
during  these  periods.  All  other  exports  from  the  Mexicali  region 
to  the  United  States  amounted  to  only  $182,192  in  1920  and  $79,853 
in  1921. 

The  Mexicali  consular  district  includes  the  territory  from  Yuma  to 
the  Pacific  beyond  Tiajuana  and  takes  in  the  border  ports  of  entry 
of  Mexicali,  Tiajuana,  Tecate,  and  Andrade.  The  line  of  division 
between  this  consular  district  and  that  of  Ensenada  extends  from  the 
Pacific  point  of  the  boundary  line  down  to  the  mouth  of  the  Colorado 
River. 

ENSENADA  DISTRICT. 

The  hilly  and  mountainous  surface  of  the  Ensenada  district  limits 
agriculture  to  a few  small  valleys  in  which  a variety  of  products  are 
grown.  The  climate  in  these  valleys  is  like  that  of  southern  Cali- 
fornia. 

Wheat  was  formerly  raised  in  the  Tiajuana  and  Tecate  Valleys 
and  one  25-barrel  capacity  flour  mill  is  still  located  at  the  latter 
place,  although  the  °;rain  is  no  longer  planted  to  any  extent. 

At  times  during  the  disturbances  in  Mexico,  which  were  reflected 
at  Ensenada,  local  taxation  and  petty  interferences  militated  against 


314 


LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 


maximum  production,  but  these  conditions  have  long  since  disap- 
peared. 

Santo  Tomas  is  famous  for  its  grape  wines.  A very  good  grade 
of  both  red  and  white  table  wine  is  produced,  the  annual  production 
of  which  is  estimated  at  200,000  gallons.  This  wine  sells  at  an 
average  price  of  6 pesos  (approximately  $3  United  States  currency) 
per  gallon.  The  Santo  Tomas  section  also  produces  dried  peaches, 
apricots,  figs,  quinces,  and  some  fruit  pastes.  The  largest  plan- 
tations of  olives  exist  here,  having  been  introduced  by  the  old  mission 
fathers.  Olive  production  is  not  sufficient  for  exportation. 

San  Telmo  has  the  advantage  of  large  springs  of  water  sufficient 
for  some  irrigation  and  enough  corn,  beans,  and  other  products  are 
raised  for  local  consumption  and  for  shipment  on  a small  scale  to 
Ensenada.  The  dried  pears  of  this  section  are  famous  throughout 
the  peninsula. 

On  account  of  the  watershed  formation  from  the  Sierra  de  San 
Pedro  Martir,  there  is  an  opportunity  here  for  irrigation  on  a much 
larger  scale  by  means  of  retention  dams  for  storage. 

Santo  Domingo  is  in  a state  of  partial  abandonment  at  the  present 
time,  although  a flourishing  mission  existed  here  in  colonial  times. 
At  an  elevation  of  2,500  to  2,700  meters  back  on  the  slopes  of  the 
San  Pedro  Martir  Range  there  are  several  large  natural  lakes  where 
pasturage  is  good  during  the  year.  In  this  section  good  sport  is 
offered  in  hunting  the  wild  goats  and  mountain  sheep  and  fishing  for 
mountain  trout  in  the  creeks. 

Situated  on  the  coast  not  far  south  of  Ensenada  and  possessing  a 
small  harbor,  San  Quentin  lies  at  the  coast  edge  of  a large  plain,  the 
scene  of  the  scheme  of  the  Lower  California  Development  Co.  to  colo- 
nize the  region.  A 3-foot  gauge  railway  16.7  miles  long  was  con- 
structed along  the  coast  to  San  Ramon;  a flour  mill,  the  largest  on 
the  peninsula,  was  installed;  and  plans  were  evolved  for  utilizing  the 
water  coming  down  from  the  San  Pedro  Martir  Range  for  exten- 
sive irrigation.  The  work  was  interrupted  by  the  conditions  during 
the  revolutions  in  Mexico,  and  the  company  is  at  present  inactive. 

Since  then,  at  San  Ramon,  the  Mexican  Agrarian  Commission  has 
established  an  agricultural  colony  near  the  Santo  Domingo  Creek, 
where  some  water  is  accessible  for  irrigation.  The  colony  receives 
no  financial  aid  from  the  Government  and  is  slowly  progressing,  as  a 
ready  market  is  found  for  all  products.  The  distance  from  this  colony 
to  San  Quentin  proper  is  32  kilometers  (19.88  miles). 

The  mission  of  Rosario  was  established  by  the  Dominicans  in  1774, 
and  sufficient  water  is  carried  by  the  arroyo  for  the  sustenance  of  a 
town  of  about  450  people.  Farther  up  the  stream  there  is  a small 
colony  of  Yaqui  Indians  engaged  in  agriculture  on  a small  scale. 

South  of  Rosario,  which  lies  south  of  San  Quentin,  are  found  the 
ruins  of  various  other  colonial  missions.  At  San  Xavier  a few  Indians, 
said  to  be  the  vestiges  of  the  Cochimies  tribe,  are  still  found. 

The  Secretaria  de  Agricultura  y Fomento  has  recently  published 
an  agrarian  map  of  Mexico  on  which  are  shown  the  national  lands 
held  by  the  Federal  Government,  lands  of  doubtful  ownership,  and 
“baldios,”  or  unclaimed  lands  of  the  Republic.  This  map  also  carries 
an  isothermal  scale  for  the  entire  country,  and  has  been  carefully 
compiled  under  direction  of  the  Agrarian  Commission  engaged  in 
carrying  out  the  land  allotment  provisions  of  the  constitution  ol  1917. 


AGRICTTLTTTIE. 


315 


The  population  of  the  district  is  too  small  to  allow  of  more  develop- 
ment in  agriculture.  Many  projects  have  been  forwarded  for  the 
colonization  of  the  San  Quentin  Valley  and  of  the  Magdalena  Plains, 
which  lie  adjacent  and  inland  from  Magdalena  Bay.  As  has  been  said, 
the  effort  at  colonization  of  the  British-Canadian  company  at  San 
Quentin  failed  and  the  title  to  the  lands  is  now  under  dispute  with 
the  Mexican  Government  in  connection  with  the  new  Mexican 
agrarian  laws. 

MAGDALENA  BAY  COLONIZATION  SCHEME. 

The  Magdalena  Plains  constitute  the  only  other  level  stretch  of 
good  agricultural  lands  of  any  size  on  the  Pacific  coast  of  Lower 
California;  and,  while  belonging  to  the  jurisdiction  of  the  south 
district,  mention  of  this  project  is  made  here  because  the  ownership 
is  n vested  in  San  Diego  interests. 

Under  the  Diaz  administration  of  Mexico,  for  many  years  the 
larger  part  of  the  area  of  the  peninsula  was  covered  by  land  grants 
from  the  Federal  Government  of  Mexico,  ostensibly  for  colonization 
purposes.  One  company  held  nearly  12,000,000  acres  at  one  time. 
During  the  last  half  century  all  attempts  at  colonization  failed  with 
the  exception  of  that  of  the  Russians  at  Guadalupe,  previously 
mentioned.  This  small  colony  began  with  only  20  families  and  had 
increased  to  45  families  in  1906,  and  to  60  families  in  1920. 

The  property  now  owned  by  the  Magdalena  Bay  Improvement  Co. 
of  San  Diego,  Calif.,  was  originally  a grant  similar  to  the  old  Diaz  land 
grants,  but  the  title  has  been  recently  confirmed  by  the  Obregon 
Government  of  Mexico  on  March  22,  1921,  after  having  been  con- 
fiscated by  the  Carranza  Government  on  April  12,  1917. 

Under  the  new  agreement  with  the  present  Government  of  Mexico 
the  company  ceded  a zone  5 kilometers  (3.1  miles)  wide  around  the 
shores  of  Magdalena  Bay  in  order  that  the  bay  might  be  under  direct 
control  of  the  Government;  and,  while  the  Government  confirmed 
the  title  to  the  property,  it  stipulated  that  all  lands  not  colonized 
within  the  time  specified  were  to  be  returned  to  the  Government. 
At  the  same  time  the  Government  conceded  the  fact  that  high  land 
taxes  had  always  been  paid  by  the  owners  and  again  accepted  these 
tax  payments,  but  reduced  them  by  one-half.  The  assessed  valuation 
of  the  property  was  placed  at  3,466,893  pesos  (1  peso  equals  $0.50 
at  par).  According  to  the  terms  of  the  new  agreement  the  company 
has  a period  of  5 years  in  which  to  make  a complete  survey  of  the 
property,  and  an  additional  15  years  in  all  in  which  to  colonize  the 
holding  in  blocks  of  5,000  hectares  (1  hectare  equals  2.47  acres)  at  a 
time. 

The  holdings  of  this  company  extend  along  the  Pacific  coast  of  the 
peninsula  from  latitude  23°  30'  to  29°  N.,  a distance  of  about  500 
miles,  and  extend  inland  for  a depth  of  6 leagues  (1  league  equals 
2.7637  miles)  from  extreme  high-water  mark  on  the  beach.  The  total 
area  involved  is  about  5,000,000  acres,  of  which  it  is  estimated  that 
about  3,000,000  acres  are  arable,  with  over  250,000  acres  of  excellent 
land  immediately  adjacent  to  the  shores  of  Magdalena  Bay  and 
harbor.  The  remainder  of  2,000,000  acres  is  foothill  and  mesa  land. 
A shallow  inland  waterway  navigable  for  vessels  of  an  8-foot  draft 
reaches  from  Magdalena  Bay  along  the  coast  to  the  north  for  a 
distance  of  135  miles  with  numerous  good  landings. 


316 


LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 


These  lands  are  judged  to  be  equal  to  the  best  lands  of  southern 
California,  and  underground  veins  of  fresh  water  have  been  located 
at  a depth  of  14  to  50  feet  in  many  areas.  Water  for  irrigation  can  also 
be  developed  by  means  of  storage  dams.  The  company  also  owns 
10,000  acres  of  land  on  Margarita  Island  in  Magdalena  Bay  and  on 
this  tract  are  found  large  deposits  of  high-grade  magnesite.  Magda- 
lena Bay  is  17  miles  long  and  12  miles  wide,  with  an  area  of  about 
100  square  miles  of  good  anchorage  in  which  the  depth  of  water 
varies  from  5 to  54  fathoms.  This  bay  is  one  of  the  best  fishing 
grounds  on  the  Pacific  Ocean. 

Minerals  found  on  the  property  are  gold,  magnesite,  onyx,  phos- 
phates, salt,  and  gypsum  sands  of  high  quality.  The  magnesite 
runs  99.36  per  cent  pure  carbonate  of  magnesium,  with  only  .21 
per  cent  of  ferric  oxide,  and  0.43  per  cent  of  carbonate  of  lime. 

Another  indigenous  product  is  the  candelilla,  a plant  well  known 
in  Mexico  as  a producer  of  a high-grade  vegetable  wax  much  used 
in  the  arts  and  as  an  ingredient  in  making  phonograph  records,  for 
electrical  insulation  material,  etc.,  because  of  its  high  melting  point. 

Improvements  already  on  the  property  amount  to  §100,000  United 
States  currency,  in  buildings,  landings,  wells,  fences,  etc. 

UNCULTIVATED  VEGETABLE  PRODUCTS. 

Orchilla  is  the  native  name  in  Lower  California,  and  also  the 
trade  name,  for  a moss  or  lichen  from  which  a valuable  vegetable 
dye  is  extracted.  The  dye  is  used  for  coloring  woolens,  feathers, 
silks,  and  the  more  delicate  textiles,  and  also  for  coloring  matter 
in  confectionery  where  the  pure-food  regulations  do  not  allow 
the  use  of  certain  chemical  substances  for  coloring.  Orchilla  (or 
archil)  is  also  found  in  the  Hawaiian  Islands  and  in  certain  parts 
of  the  coasts  of  Africa.  In  Lower  California  it  is  most  prolific  in 
the  southern  part  of  the  peninsula.  The  moss  clings  to  growth  of 
cacti  and  scrub  vegetation  of  the  semidesert.  From  1878  to  18S9 
the  strip  of  land  6 leagues  wide  lying  inland  from  the  Pacific  coast 
north  and  south  of  Magdalena  Bay  produced  orchilla  to  the  net 
value  of  $1,559,425,  or  an  annual  income  of  $129,952.  The  moss 
is  gathered  by  hand,  then  packed  in  pressed  bales.  These  bales 
are  covered  with  burlap  and  shipped  from  Magdalena  Bay  princi- 
pally to  Liverpool  via  San  Francisco. 

The  industry  was  destroyed  by  the  introduction  of  aniline  dyes, 
but  the  tendency  seems  now  to  go  back  to  the  use  of  certain  of  the 
vegetable  dyes.  The  prices  formerly  received  averaged  SI 50  per 
ton;  recent  offers  are  for  $44  per  ton. 

As  the  existing  supply  renews  itself  every  few  years  and  is  com- 
pletely restored  in  a period  not  exceeding  five  years,  the  supply 
may  be  considered  a permanent  one.  The  product  is  also  exported 
in  smaller  quantities  from  La  Paz  and  San  Jose  del  Cabo,  two  south- 
ern ports  of  the  peninsula. 

Caravoniea,  or  tree  cotton,  is  another  product  which  is  perennial 
in  Lower  California  and  from  which  large  returns  could  be  expected 
with  the  provision  of  water  for  irrigation  on  the  San  Quentin  and 
Magdalena  Plains.  The  plants  were  first  introduced  into  Mexico 
from  Australia  in  1906.  Experiments  have  also  been  carried  out 
with  this  product  in  the  Rio  Grande  Valley  near  Matamoras.  It 


AGRICULTURE.  317 

is  said  that  this  tree  cotton,  so  called,  is  obtained  by  crossing  the 
coarse  Peruvian  cotton  with  the  Mexican  cotton. 

Plants  of  the  agave  (henequen)  are  indigenous  in  the  peninsula. 
There  are  no  plantations. 

FRUITS. 

Grapes,  the  citrus  fruits,  melons,  figs,  dates,  and  olives  do  well  in 
this  climate  when  water  for  irrigation  is  provided.  The  climate  is 
particularly  well  adapted  to  date  culture,  and  this  region  could  be 
made  to  produce  dates  as  fine  as  the  best  varieties  of  Egypt  and  Per- 
sia. Dried  figs  and  dates  have  been  sent  for  many  years  from  the  gulf 
coast  of  the  peninsula  to  the  mainland  of  Mexico. 

LIVE  STOCK. 

On  account  of  the  general  scarcity  of  water  and  rainfall,  cattle 
raising  can  not  be  said  to  be  a flourishing  industry  of  Lower  California. 
It  is  estimated  that  there  are  some  25.000  head  of  beef  stock  in  the 
northern  half  of  the  peninsula.  The  industry  is  best  developed  on  the 
high  mesas  and  slopes  of  the  higher  ranges,  where  conditions  of  water 
and  pasturage  are  better.  By  far  the  largest  herds  are  owned  by  a 
few  American  ranchers. 

Cattle  have  received  considerable  attention  by  native  ranchers  in 
the  southern  portion  of  the  peninsula,  where  the  country  is  less 
broken  by  high  and  rough  mountain  ranges  and  where  there  is 
generally  more  moisture  for  pasturage.  However,  judging  from  the 
history  of  the  industry  in  this  region,  the  condition  seems  to  be  that 
large  herds  are  built  up  during  a period  of  a few  good  years,  only  to 
be  wiped  out  by  a series  of  bad  years.  It  is  very  doubtful  whether  the 
provision  of  sufficient  drinking  water  for  the  cattle  would  remedy  this 
condition,  as  the  chief  difficulty  is  the  lack  of  sufficient  good  pasturage 
during  the  protracted  dry  seasons. 

The  wild  burros  have  become  so  numerous  as  to  be  considered  a 
nuisance  in  many  regions.  Sheep  have  diminished.  From  1885  to 
1905  it  was  estimated  that  there  was  a total  of  over  30,000  head 
of  these  animals  in  the  North  District,  and  the  wool  was  sold  to  the 
woolen  mill  at  Ensenada,  where  it  was  woven  into  shawls  and  woolen 
clothes.  This  mill  employed  105  hands,  but  has  been  closed  down 
for  some  years  on  account  of  the  lack  of  sufficient  wool  supply. 

In  the  Mexicali  Valley  there  exists  a good  opportunity  in  stock 
farming  wdth  high-bred  herds  fed  by  alfalfa  and  other  forage  crops 
grown  on  fenced  land  under  irrigation.  Land  is  still  cheap,  and  good 
alfalfa  lands  can  be  leased  for  a reasonable  sum  per  year  on  long-term 
leases  or  purchased  for  $50  or  less  per  acre.  The  yield  from  such 
lands  is  very  high.  The  Imperial  Valley  on  the  American  side 
produces  large  quantities  of  dairy  products,  estimated  at  second 
place  in  the  State  of  California.  Two  crops  of  forage  and  from  six 
to  nine  cuttings  of  alfalfa  can  be  obtained  each  year  and  pasturage  is 
available  all  the  year  round. 

Large  herds  of  wild  goats  exist  on  Guadalupe  Island,  lying  off  the 
Pacific  coast,  and  these  animals  were  exported  to  the  United  States 
under  a Federal  Government  concession  during  the  war.  These 
herds  have  been  the  prey  of  poachers  from  time  to  time.  The  island 
is  very  rugged  and  possesses  no  good  agricultural  lands,  but  has 
springs  of  good  water.  A small  military  guard  against  poaching  is 
maintained  by  the  present  Government. 


FISHING. 

POTENTIALITIES  OF  INDUSTRY. 

The  potential  importance  of  the  fishing  industry  of  Lower  Cali- 
fornia, both  on  the  gulf  and  Pacific  coasts,  can  not  be  overestimated. 
The  waters  teem  with  marine  life,  and  reports  show  that  runs  of 
edible  fish  in  the  headwaters  of  the  gulf  are  as  heavy  as  anywhere 
in  the  world. 

The  kinds  of  commercial  fish  found  include  the  corbina,  croaker, 
flounder,  sea  bass,  halibut,  silver  sea  trout,  jack  smelt,  English 
mackerel,  Spanish  mackerel,  barracuda,  turtle,  shrimp  of  the  prawn 
species  (usually  considered  too  large  for  the  American  market), 
lobster,  and  three  varieties  of  tuna  called  albacore,  yellowtail,  and 
bonito.  The  shellfish  are  represented  by  the  abalone  and  clam, 
both  of  which  are  found  on  the  Pacific  side  in  commercial  quantities. 
Sardines  should  also  be  mentioned,  as  these  are  second  in  importance 
in  the  total  fish  pack  each  year.  These  small  fish  run  practically  the 
year  round  and  are  fished  and  canned  principally  from  September 
to  June. 

The  coastal  currents,  shallow  banks,  warm  waters,  runs  of  the 
tides,  and  favorable  climate  make  conditions  ideal  for  the  industry. 

About  June  1 the  albacore  start  to  run,  a little  later  the  bonito, 
and  the  yellowtail  tuna  follows,  running  some  years  until  late  in 
November  and  keeping  the  canneries  in  San  Diego  and  San  Pedro 
in  full  blast  with  the  pack. 

The  bulk  of  the  fish  used  in  the  canneries  are  caught  in  Mexican 
waters,  while,  with  two  exceptions,  all  of  the  canneries  are  located  at 
San  Diego  and  San  Pedro,  Calif.  In  1919  the  San  Diego  canneries 
packed  250,000  full  cases  of  tuna,  150,000  cases  of  sardines,  and 
15,000  cases  of  turtle. 

SAN  DIEGO  CANNERY  FLEET  AND  PLANT. 

The  growth  of  the  industry  in  San  Diego  has  developed  a fleet 
of  fishing  boats,  which  during  the  summer  season  of  1918  numbered 
about  200.  These  craft  are  all  powered  with  distillate-burning 
motors  (No.  1 engine  distillate,  Baume  31°)  of  the  heavy-duty  type 
and  range  from  5 to  60  brake  horsepower  in  size.  Taking  an  average 
of  four  men  to  each  boat,  800  men  may  be  said  to  constitute  the 
number  of  the  crew  whose  products  go  to  the  canneries.  About  95 
per  cent  of  the  boats  and  their  crews  are  under  contract  to  the 
canneries  for  their  catch  and  often  are  also  financed  by  some  of  the 
cannery  plants  for  the  necessary  supplies  and  equipment.  The 
Japanese  make  up  50  per  cent  of  the  crews,  30  per  cent  are  Italians, 
10  per  cent  are  Portuguese,  and  10  per  cent  are  Americans.  From 
1,200  to  1,400  people,  80  per  cent  of  whom  are  women,  are  employed 
in  the  canneries  during  the  season. 

Sardines  are  packed  in  olive  oil,  deviled  tomato  sauce,  and  peach 
kernel  oil.  Cottonseed  oil  is  used  for  the  tuna  and  albacore.  Sizes 
of  the  sardine  pack  are  known  to  the  trade  as  ‘‘quarters,  "halves, 
“ovals,”  and  “half-rounds.” 

318 


FISHING. 


319 


There  are  at  present  10  canneries  operating,  and  new  leases  on 
ground  have  been  taken  for  two  more.  Boats  are  furnished  by  the 
San  Diego  Marine  Construction  Co.  and  by  enterprising  Italian  and 
Portuguese  builders. 

FRESH-FISH  INDUSTRY. 

There  are  about  100  Italians  engaged  in  the  fresh-fish  industry. 
Twenty-five  per  cent  of  the  catch  goes  to  the  local  market  of  San 
Diego  and  San  Pedro;  that  sent  to  the  former  point  goes  to  Camp 
Kearny,  United  States  Marine  Barracks,  and  Fort  Rosecrans  at 
San  Diego,  and  the  rest  is  sent  inland  as  far  as  Chicago,  Kansas  City, 
etc.  The  fish  are  packed  in  iced  boxes  weighing  from  50  to  150 
pounds  each  for  express  shipment.  The  classes  of  fish  sent  fresh  are 
halibut,  rock  cod,  sea  bass,  yellowtail  mackerel,  whitefisk,  spiny 
lobsters  (large  crawfish),  and  barracuda. 

FISHING  METHODS. 

Except  for  tuna,  trammel  nets,  drift  nets,  and  set  lines  are  used  for 
fishing.  The  purse  seine,  as  used  in  Alaskan  and  Puget  Sound  waters 
for  salmon,  is  beginning  to  be  used,  but  objection  has  been  made  to  it 
by  the  Mexican  authorities  in  control  of  fishing  in  Mexican  waters,  it 
being  alleged  that  this  type  of  seine  destroys  the  small  fish  as  well. 
Clams,  abalone,  and  the  flesh  of  the  green  domed-back  sea  turtle  are 
canned.  The  abalone  is  also  cured  for  shipment  to  Japan  and  China. 
Mackerel,  sea  bass,  barracuda,  and  other  varieties  of  fish  are  dried, 
salted,  and  cured  for  shipment,  principally  to  China  and  Japan, 
which  countries  offer  a very  good  market.  An  oversize  sardine,  14  to 
16  inches  in  length,  which  formerly  went  to  the  reduction  plants  to 
be  turned  into  oil,  fish  meal,  and  fertilizer,  is  now  being  cured  and 
smoked,  put  up  in  brine  and  also  salted.  All  by-products  formerly 
wasted  are  now  being  utilized  in  some  manner,  an  example  of  such 
conservation  being  the  making  of  glue. 

The  annual  catch  of  sardines  is  from  10,000,000  to  12,000,000 
pounds.  About  1,000,000  pounds  of  the  spiny  lobsters  are  brought 
each  year  from  Mexican  waters  for  consumption  in  the  United  States. 

PRICES. 

In  1916  the  average  price  paid  by  the  canneries  for  fish  was  2 cents 
per  pound  for  all  kinds  of  fish  used  by  the  plants  during  the  entire 
season.  During  the  first  half  of  1917  war  conditions  greatly  affected 
the  market  and  prices  went  up  to  cents  per  pound,  and  during  the 
last  half  of  that  year  to  5 cents  per  pound.  In  1918  from  7^  to  8^ 
cents  was  paid  as  an  average  price  to  the  fishermen. 

Cannery  prices  paid  last  season  were  8130  per  ton  for  white-meat 
tuna;  $75  per  ton  for  bluefin  tuna,  and  $40  per  ton  for  striped  tuna. 
This  year  the  price  for  albacore,  the  first  fish  to  run  in  June,  was  placed 
at  $125  per  ton  delivered  at  the  plants. 

There  are  18  wholesale  fish  concerns  in  San  Diego  engaged  in  the 
fresh  fish  trade,  and  9 Mexican  importers  and  shippers  of  lobsters. 
The  1921  catch  of  lobsters  was  estimated  at  16,051  tons,  all  from 
Mexican  waters. 

The  first  cannery  was  built  at  San  Diego  in  1911.  The  investment 
was  around  $10,000  and  the  pack  that  year  was  5,000  cases  of  tuna. 
In  1920;  14  canneries  were  running  and  the  total  investment  had  in- 


320 


LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 


creased  to  $2, 500, 000.  These  plants  are  served  by  a total  of  150  boats, 
valued  at  $750,000,  and  the  total  annual  pack  can  be  estimated  at 
256,000  cases  of  fish.  All  plants  are  modern  and  use  the  latest  sani- 
tary equipment,  machinery,  and  methods. 

The  catch  was  16,090  tons  in  1917  and  16,051  tons  in  1921,  showing 
the  even  run  of  the  fish  year  by  year  and  the  reliability  of  the  seasons. 

Cannery  interests  of  San  Pedro  and  San  Diego  have  recently  com- 
bined and  the  industry  promises  to  become  larger  and  better  organized 
as  time  goes  on. 

Cannery  interests  of  San  Francisco  have  been  studying  the  field  for 
some  years  and  two  years  ago  made  an  exhaustive  survey  of  the 
waters  of  the  Gulf  of  California.  The  boats  used  were  equipped  with 
spring  attachments  on  special  types  of  drag  nets  with  which  the  catch 
could  be  readily  calculated  from  on  board  and  the  fish  then  released. 
The  results  of  the  expedition  were  surprising  in  the  quantity  and 
quality  of  fish  discovered.  The  predominating  fish  was  found  to  be 
the  mullet,  which  runs  up  the  gulf  and  into  the  Colorado  River  for 
spawning  each  season,  beginning  in  June.  *' 

CANNING  PLANTS  IN  LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 

The  Mexican  Industrial  Development  Co.  (Japanese),  of  San  Diego, 
maintains  two  fish  curing  and  drying  plants,  one  at  Magdalena  Bay 
and  the  other  at  Turtle  Bay  farther  to  the  north  on  the  Pacific  coast 
of  the  peninsula.  This  company  is  also  the  agent  for  the  Peninsular 
United  Industries  Co.,  a Japanese  cooperative  society  financed  from 
Los  Angeles  and  vicinity.  A wholesale  plant  for  handling  fresh  fish 
is  maintained  in  San  Diego,  the  principal  business  of  which  is  the 
shipping  of  fresh  Mexican  lobsters  to  points  in  the  interior  of  the 
United  States.  The  chief  product  of  the  drying  plants  in  Lower 
California  is  abalone. 

The  Lower  California  Commercial  & Industrial  Co.  maintains  a 
small  canning  plant  in  Low'er  California  which  is  now  being  moved 
from  Punta  Ceniza  (at  San  Quentin)  to  Cedros  Island.  The  daily 
capacity  of  this  plant  is  from  150  to  200  cases  of  fish,  lobster,  and 
abalone.  Dried  abalone  for  export  to  the  Orient  is  also  prepared. 

While  operating  under  ideal  conditions,  both  concerns  appear  to  be 
handicapped  by  the  lack  of  sufficient  capital  and  by  the  general 
market  condition  for  export  so  that  they  have  been  unable  to  increase 
production  to  a point  where  they  could  hope  to  compete  with  the 
large  canning  concerns. 

GENERAL  FISHING  STATISTICS. 

According  to  official  records  imports  of  fish  from  Mexican  waters 
into  the  port  of  San  Diego  for  the  calendar  years  1919  and  1920  were 
as  follows: 


Kinds. 

1919 

1920 

Pounds. 

Value. 

Pounds. 

Value. 

1, 594. 325 
5, 185, 478 
1, 182, 967 

$34, 491 
267,354 
102,990 
115, 490 

672,  S00 
7,061,051 
1, 107, 69S 

$13, 618 
182,  S73 
112, 199 
104, 145 

FISHING. 


321 


Imports  from  Mexican  waters  of  fish  for  the  port  of  San  Pedro 
were  as  follows  in  the  calendar  year  1920: 


Kinds. 

Pounds. 

Value. 

29,100 
3, 655,  849 
10, 272 

S580 

153,621 
7, 165 
15,528 

According  to  the  statistics  of  the  Mexican  Fisheries  Agency  Offices 
of  San  Diego  and  the  branch  recently  established  in  San  Pedro,  the 
imports  of  fish  into  these  two  ports  of  the  United  States  during  the 
calendar  years  1920  and  1921  were  as  follows: 


Kinds. 

1920 

1921 

Kilos. 

48, 508 
1, 715, 420 
36,278 
249,  222 
6, 164 
19, 147 

Kilos. 

27,591 
1,820, 150 
34,483 
355, 384 

Fresh  fish 

Salt  fish 

Lobsters 

2,896 

Abalone  shell  shipped  to  the  United  States  from  Lower  California 
during  1920  amounted  to  8,082  kilos;  and  in  1921  to  12,196  kilos. 


FISHING  CONCESSIONS  AND  MEXICAN  GOVERNMENT  REGULATIONS. 

During  the  Diaz  regime  the  fishing  industry  on  the  Pacific  coast  of 
Mexico  was  held  back  on  account  of  exclusive  concessions  being 
given  to  one  party  for  a long  period  of  years.  The  concessionaire 
spent  most  of  the  time  allowance  in  an  endeavor  to  dispose  of  the 
concession  to  American,  Canadian,  or  Japanese  interests  for  a large 
sum  of  money.  The  concessions  actually  exploited  were  the  British 
and  French  pearl  fisheries  at  La  Paz  and  on  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico. 
During  the  last  10  years  of  the  Diaz  regime,  with  the  exception  of 
these  concessions  for  pearl  fishing,  the  entire  West  Coast  seaboard 
was  controlled  by  interests  which  did  not  actively  engage  in  fishing 
operations  on  a commercial  scale,  but  did  send  three  Japanese  experts 
in  shrimp  and  turtle  fishing  to  Magdalena  Bay  to  examine  the  terri- 
tory and  report.  During  the  Carranza  regime  all  of  these  old  con- 
cessions were  canceled  by  the  Government  and  -were  followed  by  a 
number  of  special  decrees  and  regulations,  which  made  for  uncer- 
tainty and  tended  to  disorganize  the  industry.  The  Obregon  Ad- 
ministration has  declared  fishing  to  be  free  and  a number  of  the  old 
hampering  regulations  have  been  removed,  even  to  the  small  export 
duty  in  force  until  recently.  A small  exploitation  tax  only  is  col- 
lected now.  The  Mexican  Government,  through  its  Fisheries  Depart- 
ment, is  studying  the  regulations  now  in  force  in  the  United  States 
and  also  those  of  the  Fish  and  Game  Commission  of  the  State  of 
California,  with  the  object  of  modeling  fishing  legislation  and  regula- 
tions in  conformity  with  those  of  the  United  States  and  with  the 
object  of  promoting  the  industry. 

44807°— 23 22 


322 


LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 


The  West  Coast  of  Lower  California,  which  includes  the  islands  of 
Guadalupe,  Cedros,  and  San  Benito,  is  divided  into  seven  fishing 
zones.  Offices  are  maintained  in  San  Diego  and  San  Pedro  under  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  Department  of  Agriculture  and  Development  with 
headquarters  at  Ensenada  and  Tiajuana.  These  agencies  are  em- 
powered to  issue  licenses  for  fishing  in  Mexican  waters  and  to  exercise 
vigilance  in  enforcing  compliance  with  the  law.  There  has  been 
considerable  trouble  lately  over  boats  from  San  Pedro  and  San  Diego 
charged  with  poaching  in  Mexican  waters  in  defiance  of  these  regula- 
tions. Zone  maps  which  show  the  territory  of  the  maritime  zone 
covered  by  each  permit  are  for  sale  at  these  offices.  Eight  maps  are 
published,  one  of  which  is  a general  map  showing  all  zones  and  their 
relative  locations. 

A special  regulation  dated  March  30,  1922,  governs  the  fishing  of 
turtles  in  Mexican  waters. 

Mexico  is  a large  and  increasing  consumer  of  canned  and  dried 
fish.  Exports  from  the  United  States  are  increasing  rapidly  in  spite 
of  the  fairly  high  import  duty  assessed  on  these  commodities.  How- 
ever, native  capital  has  not  been  attracted  to  fishing  in  spite  of  the 
favorable  conditions  and  the  additional  protection  of  a high  import 
tariff,  and  conditions  in  the  world  markets  to-day  do  not  appear  to 
be  favorable  for  the  attraction  of  foreign  capital. 

Masakara  Kondo  has  recently  secured  two  new  concessions,  so 
called,  from  the  Mexican  Government,  in  which  .are  included  provi- 
sions for  the  establishment  of  two  large  fish-packing  plants  on  the 
Pacific  coast  of  Lower  California.  These  “concessions,”  or  rather 
contracts,  do  not  appear  to  embody  any  preferential  rights  of  any 
kind  and  on  analysis  appear  to  be  merely  a new  form  of  fisWig  permit 
such  as  is  issued  to  anyone  competent  to  apply  for  it. 

It  is  thought  by  well-informed  people  that  the  principal  purpose  of 
these  “concessions”  is  to  create  interest  on  the  part  of  Japanese 
investors  in  the  United  States  in  investing  in  the  Kondo  fishing 
companies. 


MINING. 

GOLD  -COPPER— SILVER. 

The  first  development  of  Lower  California  was  undertaken  by 
missionaries  during  colonial  times  when  attention  was  paid  to  agri- 
culture for  the  sustenance  of  the  Indian  mission  centers.  Interest  in 
Lower  California  lapsed  after  the  decline  of  the  missions  until  in  1870 
when  gold  was  discovered  at  the  Real  del  Castillo  east  of  Ensenada, 
in  the  northwestern  part  of  the  peninsula.  By  reason  of  this  dis- 
covery the  district  became  the  scene  of  considerable  activity.  In 
1880  the  dry  placers  of  Calmalli  were  found  near  the  coast  at  the 
twenty-eighth  parallel,  south  of  San  Quentin.  The  latter  area  was 
much  larger  than  the  original  discovery  at  Real  del  Castillo.  In  1889 
the  famous  placers  of  Santa  Clara  were  found  and  worked.  This 
district  is  now  known  as  El  Alamo,  and  was  thought  at  the  time  to 
be  an  indication  that  Lower  California  was  to  rival  California  as  a 
producer  of  placer  gold.  Pockets  worth  $30,000  and  even  $60,000 
were  taken  out  in  a few  days  from  this  field,  and  Ensenada,  then  the 
headquarters  of  the  miners,  rivaled  the  famous  mining  camps  of  the 
western  United  States.  It  is  estimated  that  the  total  yield  of  placers 
and  veins  of  the  North  District  from  1880  to  date  has  been  around 
$15,000,000  in  gold.  Several  small  veins  of  gold  ore  as  well  as 
placers  are  being  worked  now  and  it  is  predicted  that  the  mining 
industry  in  Lower  California  will  again  become  active. 

There  are  known  to  exist  large  and  valuable  deposits  of  iron  ore, 
magnesite,  kaolin,  niter,  gypsum  sands,  salt,  sulphur,  and  other  com- 
mercially valuable  minerals,  the  development  of  which  is  only  a ques- 
tion of  the  development  of  manufacturing  on  the  Pacific  coast  of  the 
United  States.  Onyx  and  magnesite  of  high  grade  are  now  being 
shipped  to  the  United  States  through  San  Diego. 

The  Alamo  district  alone  is  said  to  have  produced  a total  of  $4,000,- 
000  in  gold.  Mica,  asbestos,  and  caustic  soda  are  among  the  other 
mineral  products  which  it  is  thought  can  be  developed  with  the 
improvement  of  the  demand  on  the  Pacific  coast  of  the  United  States. 

The  principal  rock  mass  of  the  western  slopes  of  the  western  ranges 
is  granodiorite  and  the  gold  occurs  in  small  quartz  fissure  veins.  The 
Alamo  district  is  in  the  zone  of  the  heavily  oxidized  gold  ore,  which 
was  worked  out  at  a depth  of  100  to  200  feet  when  the  sulphide  forma- 
tions were  encountered. 

In  this  district  is  found  the  largest  gold  mine  in  the  northern  half 
of  the  peninsula.  The  Old  Aurora  and  Primera  mills  were  consoli- 
dated with  a number  of  other  claims  and  financed  in  1903  by  the 
Douglas-Lacey  group  of  mining  financiers  in  New  York.  This  com- 
bination failed  in  1907.  A 600-horsepower  gas-producer  power  plant 
was  installed  and  electric  power  provided  for  the  mine  machinery 
and  mill.  New  plans  are  being  formulated  for  reopening  this  property 
at  the  present  time.  The  old  workings  have  been  pumped  out  for 
the  examination  of  some  3,000  meters  of  old  shaft,  tunnel,  and  other 
workings.  The  Princesa-Aurora  property  has  produced  one  and 
one-half  million  dollars. 


323 


324 


LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 


At  present  the  Miramar  placers  in  the  El  Rosario  section  south  of 
Ensenada  are  being  worked  to  some  extent  and  are  the  most  pro- 
ductive placers  of  Lower  California.  Dry  washers  are  used  almost 
exclusively. 

The  San  Fernando  copper  mine  is  also  found  near  here.  The  dump 
is  said  to  contain  over  16,000  tons  of  4 per  cent  copper  ore  and  there 
is  a 10-ton  smelter  for  matte.  Workings  include  500  meters  of  tun- 
nel, but  at  present  the  mine  is  partially  flooded  and  not  being  worked. 

The  most  modem  placers  are  those  of  El  Socorro  in  the  San  Tel  mo 
section,  where  capital  has  been  employed  for  the  construction  of  a 
22-mile  ditch  from  the  San  Pedro  Martir  Range.  The  ditch  carries 
6,500  feet  of  water  per  minute. 

Inland  from  Turtle  Bay  is  located  the  property  of  the  Beryl  Mining 
Co.,  which  has  been  in  operation  for  four  years  and  has  erected  a 30- 
ton  capacity  milling  and  cyanide  plant  at  the  mine. 

Another  mine,  the  only  one  in  actual  operation  on  the  eastern  side 
of  the  mountains  in  the  north  district,  is  a small  silver  mine  located 
inland  from  the  lower  reaches  of  the  Pescadero  River,  one  of  the  out- 
lets of  the  Colorado,  from  which  a water  pipe  line  has  been  carried  for 
some  miles  to  the  property. 

PHOSPHATES  —MAGNESITE. 

Large  deposits  of  low-grade  phosphates  are  known  to  exist  south 
of  Ensenada  near  the  coast. 

Magnesite  is  known  to  exist  on  Cedros  Island,  on  Margarita  Island 
in  Magdalena  Bay,  and  at  three  other  places  on  the  mainland  near 
to  the  coast.  The  deposit  on  Cedros  Island  was  examined  in  1917 
by  Mexican  Government  engineers  who  pronounced  it  of  value  but 
of  too  low  grade  and  as  containing  too  large  an  amount  of  impurities 
to  permit  its  commercial  exploitation  at  that  time.  The  best  Known, 
purest,  and  largest  deposit  of  magnesite  is  found  on  Margarita  Island 
in  Magdalena  Bay  on  the  property  of  the  Magdalena  Bay  Improvement 
Co.,  covering  10,000  acres.  An  analysis  of  a selected'  10-ton  sample 
of  this  mineral  gave  the  following  results : 

Per  cent. 


Ferric  oxide 0.  21 

Carbonate  of  lime 43 

Carbonate  of  magnesia 99.36 


100.00 

In  the  pure  state  magnesite  resembles  lime  rock  and  is  hard  and 
brittle.  Mineral  magnesite  is  pure  carbonate  of  magnesium.  It 
calcines  like  lime  and  produces  in  equal  parts  magnesium  oxide  and 
carbon  dioxide.  Deposits  in  the  pure  state  are  very  rare  in  any 
quantity.  The  present  principal  sources  of  the  world  supply  are 
the  Province  of  Styria  in  Hungary,  the  island  of  Euboea  in  Greece, 
and  the  island  of  Margarita  off  the  north  coast  of  Venezuela.  It  is 
also  found  in  Southern  India,  Canada,  and  in  the  State  of  Washington. 
There  is  a great  and  increasing  demand  for  this  mineral  for  use  in  the 
plastic  arts  and  in  certain  construction  work.  Its  value  lies  in  the 
fact  that  it  is  fireproof  and  waterproof,  possesses  very  high  tensile 
strength,  is  of  unusual  hardness,  and  takes  a high  degree  of  polish. 
Another  important  quality  is  that  it  will  adhere  to  wood  ana  steel 
construction  framing. 


MINING. 


325 


A few  years  ago  12,000  tons  were  shipped  from  this  deposit  to  the 
factory  of  the  “Durostone”  company  at  San  Diego.  Shipments  have 
been  discontinued  on  account  of  the  fact  that  the  deposit  was  found 
to  be  located  on  the  property  of  the  Magdalena  Bay  Improvement  Co. 
and  new  arrangements  for  its  extraction  have  not  been  made  with 
the  legitimate  owners. 

It  should  be  noted  that  the  new  import  duty  assessed  by  the 
emergency  tariff  act  of  the  United  States  in  1921  greatly  affects  the 
importation  of  the  deposits  of  magnesite  located  on  Margarita  Island 
in  Magdalena  Bay  in  Lower  California,  and  also  that  foimd  on  Mar- 
garita Island  lying  off  the  north  coast  of  Venezuela.  Both  deposits 
are  owned  by  Aunerican  capital. 

IRON  DEPOSITS. 

There  are  several  iron  ore  deposits  in  Lower  California  along  the 
western  coast.  The  best  known  is  that  located  at  Tepetete,  just 
south  of  Ensenada  and  said  to  contain  an  enormous  tonnage  of  63 
per  cent  hematite.  Another  deposit  of  iron  ore  is  located  at  San 
Vicente,  still  farther  to  the  south  on  the  coast. 

In  view  of  the  existence  of  large  deposits  of  coking  coal  on  the 
west  coast  of  Colombia,  and  of  large  deposits  of  natural  coke  within 
easy  rail  distance  of  Los  Angeles,  the  iron  ore  deposits  of  Lower 
California  are  of  great  importance  in  connection  with  the  prospective 
development  of  the  iron  and  steel  industry  on  the  Pacific  coast  of 
the  United  States.  In  fact,  such  development  may  be  predicted  for 
the  near  future  and  may  be  said  to  embrace  great  and  far-reaching 
possibilities  in  manufacturing  and  commerce. 

KAOLIN  - CEMENT-  SALT. 

Kaolin  is  found  near  the  coast.  The  deposits  are  of  a more  or  less 
silicified  character,  suitable  for  high-grade  pottery  or  a poor  grade  of 
porcelain.  Large  deposits  also  occur  near  Santa  Rosalia  on  the 
gulf  coast.  Large  deposits  of  cement  marl  lie  near  the  ocean. 

Immense  deposits  of  salt  exist  at  Estero  San  Ignacio  and  at  Ojo  de 
Liebre,  both  south  of  Ensenada.  The  latter  deposits  are  of  great 
importance  and  have  been  extensively  worked.  The  salt  is  of  high 
quality.  Large  deposits  of  pure  sea  salt  are  also  found  at  Ometepec 
Bay  and  at  San  Felipe  on  the  gulf  side. 

ONYX  AND  MARBLE. 

Onyx  and  marble  quarries  are  found  on  Cedros  Island,  and  there 
are  three  known  deposits  of  onyx  of  a very  high  grade  on  the  peninsula. 
One  is  located  25  miles  from  tidewater  and  the  other,  now  being 
worked,  lies  65  miles  inland.  The  onyx  marble  formation  is  traver- 
tine of  the  calcite  group  of  carbonates  and  is  96  per  cent  carbonate 
of  lime.  Low  grades  are  found  in  Arizona,  Nevada,  Missouri,  and 
Mexico.  The  onyx  of  Arizona  can  not  be  quarried  in  large  pieces 
and  that  of  Nevada  is  muddy  in  color.  That  of  Mexico  is  said  to  be 
too  brittle  for  shipment,  of  heavy,  coarse  grain,  and  too  highly  colored. 
The  west  coast  of  Lower  California  produces  what  has  been  termed 
the  best  onyx  in  the  world.  Blocks  of  any  size  can  be  quarried  out 
for  shipment  so  that  there  is  no  limit  to  its  commercial  usefulness. 


326 


LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 


On  the  lands  of  the  Magdalena  Bay  Improvement  Co.  there  occur 
two  onyx  deposits  of  high  grade,  the  best  of  which  is  that  known  as 
the  “Green  Gem”  quarry,  which  is  located  only  10  miles  from  the 
ocean  (15  miles  by  road).  Borings  have  been  made  in  the  deposit 
and  the  uniform  quality  has  been  determined.  The  colors  are  pearl 
gray  and  pink,  white,  green,  rose,  and  many  banded  effects.  Pieces 
can  be  secured  from  the  surface  workings  from  6 inches  to  6 feet  or 
more  in  thickness.  The  cost,  including  mine  royalty  to  the  company, 
is  calculated  at  $35  per  ton,  the  quarrying  and  surfacing  cost  being 
estimated  at  only  $1.75  per  ton.  These  deposits  are  5 miles  long  by 
2 miles  wide  and  cover  6,000  acres.  The  marble  is  free  from  opaque 
spots  or  seams. 

OTHER  MINERAL  DEPOSITS. 

There  are  also  found  great  deposits  of  gypsum  sands  and  of  pure 
gypsum  in  several  easily  accessible  places  along  the  coast. 

Large  deposits  of  sulphur  occur  in  the  Cocopah  Range  south  of 
Mexicali  and  also  on  Cedros  Island. 

Other  placer  deposits  of  the  north  district  are  those  of  Juarez, 
Nacional,  Jacalitos,  Agua  Dulce,  Yalladeres,  El  Chapo,  and  Socorro. 
Several  very  good  hot  mineral  springs  are  found  near  Ensenada. 

FACTORS  AFFECTING  MINING  OPERATIONS. 

Great  difficulties  are  encountered  in  mining  operations  and  develop- 
ment in  the  peninsula  because  of  the  general  lack  of  sufficient  water 
and  timber  throughout  the  country,  except  on  the  higher  reaches  of 
the  main  mountain  ranges,  where  the  difficulty  is  that  of  transporta- 
tion, as  only  pack  animals  could  be  used.  Most  of  the  known  placers 
and  vein  mines  are  more  or  less  accessible  over  rough  track  wagon 
roads.  The  country  has  been  very  thoroughly  surface-prospected, 
in  spite  of  the  general  belief  to  the  contrary,  and  there  can  be  found 
prospectors  and  miners,  both  American  and  Mexican,  who  have  spent 
a lifetime  in  exploring  the  interior  of  the  peninsula  for  ore  and  gold 
placers. 


TRANSPORTATION. 

RAILWAYS. 

The  Inter-California  line  of  the  Southern  Pacific  Co.  is  the  only 
railway  in  Lower  California.  This  branch  leaves  the  main  line 
between  Los  Angeles  and  Yuma  at  Imperial  Junction  and  crosses  the 
frontier  at  Calexico  to  Mexicali,  recrossing  into  American  territory  at 
Andrade,  9 miles  west  of  Yuma,  near  which  place  it  again  connects 
with  the  main  line.  The  gauge  is  standard.  A branch  office  is 
maintained  at  Mexicali.  At  Calexico  this  branch  of  the  Southern 
Pacific  connects  with  the  San  Diego  and  Arizona  Railway,  which 
connects  the  valley  with  the  Pacific  port  of  San  Diego,  Calif.  This 
line  runs  through  Mexican  territory  in  two  places,  one  at  Tecate  and 
again  at  Tiajuana.  All  through  transcontinental  trains  of  the  South- 
ern Pacific  system  carry  one  or  more  Pullmans  which  go  through  to 
San  Diego  from  Yuma  and  transfer  to  the  Santa  Fe  system  at  San 
Diego  for  Los  Angeles  and  points  north  and  east  again.  This  line 
makes  the  valley  territory  tributary  to  San  Diego  and  its  port. 
But  San  Diego,  being  more  or  less  tributary  to  Los  Angeles,  which  is 
the  big  commercial  distributing  center,  does  not  take  its  full  ad- 
vantage of  this  proximity  and  rail  connection,  although  the  port  is 
used  to  a great  extent  for  cotton  shipments  from  this  district  to  the 
Orient. 

In  connection  with  the  colonization  scheme  of  the  Lower  California 
Development  Co.  (British-Canadian)  some  years  ago,  a short 
narrow-gauge  line  was  constructed  north  from  San  Quentin  to  San 
Ramon,  a distance  of  16.7  miles.  This  line  is  not  in  actual  operation 
at  the  present  time. 

Another  private  railway  of  the  peninsula  is  that  of  the  Boleo  Co. 
(French),  running  from  the  port  of  Santa  Rosalia  on  the  gulf  side 
and  connecting  with  the  company’s  copper  mines.  The'  line  is  of 
3-foot  gauge  and  has  a total  rail  length  of  26.7  miles. 

ROADS. 

Considerable  attention  has  been  given  by  the  Government  to  the 
development  of  roads  and  highways  in  the  North  District  of  Lower 
California.  The  municipality  (county)  of  Mexicali  keeps  up  the 
dirt  roads  of  the  irrigated  region,  employing  a regular  force  of  men 
for  the  purpose.  This  road  work  is  similar  to  that  on  the  American 
side  of  the  valley,  where  broad  ways  are  left  around  the  fields  and 
ditches.  The  surface  is  dragged  toward  the  center  where  a low  ridge 
is  left.  First  one  and  then  the  other  side  of  the  roadway  is  irrigated 
in  order  to  pack  the  soft  soil  and  level  it,  one  side  of  the  road  being 
wet  while  the  other  side  is  used  by  traffic.  The  entire  irrigated  sec- 
tion can  be  readily  and  rapidly  traversed  by  automobile  at  all  times. 
Cars  can  not  operate  on  wet  ground  in  this  region  of  soft  soil  as  the 
wheels  soon  dig  themselves  in  and  a machine  becomes  hopelessly 
stalled  and  has  to  be  dug  out.  The  road  taxes  levied  are  reasonable 
and  the  upkeep  is  very  satisfactory. 


327 


328 


LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 


One  wagon  road  extends  from  Mexicali  to  the  gulf  port  of  San 
Felipe,  running  south  from  the  border  through  the  irrigated  region 
and  then  following  the  line  of  the  Cocopah  Range  and  coast.  This 
road  is  not  worked  beyond  Black  Butte,  some  30  miles  south  of 
Mexicali,  but  is  readily  traveled  by  automobiles  at  all  times  of  the 
year,  as  the  country  is  almost  level,  although  some  stretches  of  heavy 
sand  are  encountered  here  and  there  after  leaving  the  valley  portion 
of  the  country.  The  total  distance  is  about  120  miles. 

At  the  end  of  the  Cocopah  Range  to  the  south  there  is  a pass  which 
affords  access  to  the  interior,  and  there  are  trails  running  between 
San  Felipe  and  Ensenada.  This  is  one  of  the  proposed  highways  of 
the  district. 

The  oldest  worked  road  in  the  northern  district  is  the  highway 
between  Mexicali  and  Tiajuana,  which  parallels  the  border  line  and 
passes  through  Tecate.  This  road  is  a natural  track,  worked  and 
bridged  in  places,  and  is  about  90  miles  in  length.  Traffic  is  liable 
to  interruption  in  times  of  heavy  rains  because  of  washouts  at  the 
watercourses  or  where  irrigation  ditches  have  broken  and  flooded  the 
roadway.  This  road  is  at  pi'esent  open  to  traffic. 

The  60-mile  highway  between  Tiajuana  and  Ensenada  is  being 
rapidly  repaired  and  put  into  first-class  condition  for  automobile 
traffic.  This  is  a good  road,  surfaced  with  rock  in  places,  but  it 
sometimes  suffers  heavy  washouts  during  periods  of  rain. 

From  Ensenada  there  is  a wagon  track  running  along  the  coast  to 
the  south  to  San  Quentin,  and  to  points  of  the  interior  to  the  south 
of  the  Sierra  de  San  Pedro  Martir  and  adjacent  mining  camps.  This 
road  is  not  worked  and  is  only  used  now  and  then  for  mine  hauling, 
etc. 

Several  old  trails  lead  over  the  Cocopah  Range  between  Mexicali 
and  Ensenada,  the  former  capital  of  the  north  district.  Governor 
Cantu  began  the  construction  of  a military  highway  over  this  route 
in  1915  and  completed  it  three  years  later.  The  distance  is  approxi- 
mately 150  miles.  Specifications  called  for  a road  22  feet  wide,  with 
75  feet  at  the  heaviest  curves  and  a maximum  grade  of  10  per  cent. 
The  Sierra  Juarez  Range  had  to  be  crossed,  and  the  road  presents 
one  of  the  most  important  road-building  feats  ever  accomplished  in 
Mexico.  The  highest  elevation  reached  is  1,350  meters,  or  4,426  feet, 
above  sea  level  and  the  minimum  curve  radius  is  18  meters.  For 
some  time  the  road  was  used  for  regular  automobile  traffic  between 
the  port  of  Ensenada  and  Mexicali,  but  it  has  been  allowed  to  fall 
into  disrepair  in  many  places  as  a result  of  landslides  and  washouts 
in  the  mountainous  portion  of  the  road.  On  account  of  the  heavy 
grades  and  the  limited  production  of  marketable  commodities  of  the 
Ensenada  region,  it  is  not  thought  that  this  road  could  be  made  of 
commercial  importance  at  present. 

The  most  important  road  in  the  north  district,  commercially  speak- 
ing, is  undoubtedly  that  between  Tiajuana  and  Ensenada.  This  road 
will  afford  an  easy  and  scenic  route  from  San  Diego  to  Ensenada  for 
the  tourist  traffic  in  which  Ensenada  should  participate  during  both 
summer  and  winter.  The  State  of  California  maintains  an  excellent 
paved  highway  between  Calexico  and  San  Diego,  the  road  touching 
the  border  at  several  points,  including  Tiajuana.  This  road  carries 
a daily  stage  and  motor  freight  service  and  heavy  private-car  traffic 
at  all  times. 


TRANSPORTATION. 


329 


TRANSPORTATION  PROJECTS. 

There  have  been  various  projects  suggested  for  the  development 
of  increased  transportation  facilities  for  the  Mexicali  district  of  the 
north  half  of  Lower  California,  most  of  these  having  to  do  with 
bringing  this  region  in  closer  commercial  and  social  contact  with  the 
rest  of  the  Republic.  One  project  was  for  a railway  running  east 
from  Mexicali  to  the  State  of  Sonora  to  connect  with  the  railway 
between  Guaymas  and  the  border  at  Nogales.  This  proposed  line 
would  have  to  traverse  an  undeveloped  desert  country  with  only  the 
possibility  of  a few  mining  camps  as  a source  of  tonnage  revenue. 

The  transportation  project  with  the  most  immediate  prospect  of 
development  is  that  of  the  proposed  railway,  barge  canal,  or  high- 
way to  the  port  of  San  Felipe  on  the  gulf  side,  approximately  120 
miles  south  of  Mexicali.  It  is  thought  to  be  feasible  to  utilize  part 
of  the  present  channels  of  the  Hardy  or  Pescadero  River  and  that 
the  cost  of  dredging  out  the  rest  of  the  canal  in  the  soft  and  level 
soil  would  not  be  great.  The  canal  would  be  also  used  for  the  irri- 
gation of  great  areas  of  good  land  lying  south  of  the  present  culti- 
vated area  of  the  Mexicali  part  of  the  valley. 

Another  plan  is  to  construct  a fine  and  durable  paved  highway 
from  Mexicali  to  tidewater  at  San  Felipe,  which  has  a fairly  good 
harbor  sufficiently  large  and  deep  for  ocean  craft  of  2,000  to  2,500 
tons  gross  register — a size  suitable  for  traffic  in  the  gulf  and  coast- 
wise up  and  down  the  west  coast  of  Mexico.  About  20  miles  north 
of  San  Felipe  there  is  a large  circular  bay  called  Ometepec,  which  is 
also  being  studied  as  a prospective  terminus  for  such  a road  or  rail- 
way. It  is  said  that  the  latter  is  a better  natural  harbor  and  will 
require  less  initial  expense  in  the  way  of  docks  and  dredging  to  fit 
it  for  ocean  traffic. 

American  interests  own  the  land  all  the  way  from  Mexicali  to 
San  Felipe  and  are  much  interested  in  this  development  project. 
The  Mexican  Government  was  approached  last  fall  by  these  interests 
with  the  object  of  obtaining  a permit  for  the  construction  of  a toll 
road  to  San  Felipe,  and  it  is  understood  that  one  of  the  clubs  of 
Los  Angeles  is  considering  erecting  at  the  road  terminus  a large  club- 
house for  the  accommodation  of  hunting  and  fishing  parties,  tourists, 
etc. 

There  are  also  some  important  commercial  features  to  such  a 
transportation  route.  The  textile  mills  of  the  Puebla  region  are 
buyers  of  American  cotton,  and  cotton  from  the  Mexicali  district 
could  be  shipped  by  water  from  San  Felipe  to  Manzanillo  and  thence 
by  shorter  rail  haul  to  the  ulterior  of  Mexico.  Certain  foodstuffs 
produced  in  Mexico,  as  well  as  some  articles  of  manufacture,  would 
then  also  move  into  the  district  by  coastwise  ocean  traffic  from  the 
West  Coast  ports  of  Mexico,  and  cotton,  cottonseed  oil,  cottonseed 
meal,  etc.,  could  be  shipped  out  of  the  Mexicali  region  for  foreign 
export,  with  transshipment  at  Mazatlan.  In  this  connection  it  should 
be  remembered  that  the  bulk  of  the  Mexicali  cotton  now  goes  to  Japan 
and  is  shipped  at  present  through  the  United  States  to  port  of  export 
in  bond. 

At  present  there  are  one  or  two  small  launches  operated  between 
Guaymas  and  gulf  ports  and  the  mouth  of  the  Colorado  River  and 
some  traffic  has  been  developed,  as  this  route  avoids  the  long  and 


330 


LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 


costly  rail  journey  via  Yuma,  Tucson,  Nogales,  and  West  Coast 
points,  via  Guaymas. 

OCEAN  TRANSPORTATION. 

Ensenada  on  the  Pacific  coast  is  the  only  regular  port  of  call  for 
steamers  in  the  north  district  of  Lower  California.  Boats  of  three 
companies  call  at  this  port.  The  San  Diego  and  Ensenada  Steam- 
ship Co.  operates  the  motor  ship  Gryme  of  about  100  tons  between 
San  Diego  and  Ensenada  once  a week,  -with  sailings  from  San  Diego 
every  Wednesday  night  and  return  sailing  from  Ensenada  Friday 
night. 

The  steamers  of  the  Mexican  States  Navigation  Co.  (British)  under 
the  Mexican  flag,  operating  between  the  Pacific  ports  of  the  United 
States  and  those  of  the  West  Coast  of  Mexico,  with  headquarters  in 
San  Francisco,  Calif.,  touch  there  twice  a month.  There  are  also 
occasional  steamers  of  the  Mexican  Government-controlled  line,  and, 
at  times,  steamers  of  other  lines  operating  out  of  San  Francisco  for 
West  Coast  ports  touch  there,  but  not  on  regular  schedule. 

PORT  OF  ENSENADA. 

The  Bay  of  Todos  Santos  affords  an  excellent  harbor  and  anchorage 
in  3 to  5 fathoms  of  water,  about  a mile  from  shore.  The  harbor  is 
fully  sheltered  from  the  north  but  exposed  from  the  south. 

There  are  few  facilities  for  handling  cargo,  and  no  fresh  water  or 
coaling  provision  for  steamers.  The  old  light  pier  is  666  yards  long, 
but  has  been  damaged  and  repairs  have  been  neglected.  There  are 
now  three  small  20-ton  cargo  lighters  in  service.  The  others  are  out 
of  repair.  A new  wharf  and  breakwater  was  begun  by  a Canadian 
company  in  1913  but  the  work  was  discontinued. 

CUSTOMS  AND  PORT  REGULATIONS. 

No  special  customs  or  port  provisions  are  enforced:  those  in  effect 
are  the  same  as  for  other  ports  of  Mexico.  The  port  is  under  the 
direction  of  the  collector  of  customs. 

Aids  to  navigation  consist  of  one  small  light  (noted  on  the  United 
States  geodetic  and  hydrographic  charts)  located  at  the  entrance  to 
the  harbor  channel. 


COMMERCE  AND  TRADE. 


MEXICALI  DISTRICT. 

Because  of  the  proximity  to  the  United  States,  trade  in  American 
goods  is  on  a domestic  rather  than  a foreign  basis.  The  international 
boundary  imposes  no  physical  barrier.  The  few  towns  of  impor- 
tance in  the  district  are  directly  on  the  line  and  each  is  coextensive 
with  a corresponding  town  on  the  American  side.  Persons  having 
legitimate  business  may  cross  the  line  at  will,  and  many  of  the 
ranchers,  business  men,  and  others  having  interests  in  Lower  Cali- 
fornia maintain  their  residences  in  the  United  States,  crossing  into 
Mexico  daily  to  attend  to  their  affairs.  This  is  true  of  Mexicans 
and  Americans  alike.  Some  of  the  stores  on  the  American  side  in 
Calexico  (just  across  the  tracks  and  street  from  Mexicali)  maintain 
a delivery  service  in  Mexicali,  and  hundreds  of  persons  cross  the 
line  daily  to  bring  back  into  Mexico  their  purchases  of  merchandise 
and  household  supplies. 

Because  of  these  conditions  stocks  kept  on  the  American  side  of 
the  border  are  just  as  accessible  to  the  purchasers  as  if  kept  in  stock 
in  Mexico,  and  policy  does  not  warrant  keeping  on  the  Mexican  side 
stocks  on  which  duty  would  have  to  be  paid,  when  the  same  stocks 
can  be  carried  on  the  American  side  and  introduced  freely  into  the 
immediate  Mexican  territory  as  needed  for  consumption  by  the  trade. 

The  few  retail  establishments  in  Mexicali  confine  themselves  almost 
exclusively  to  the  sale  of  staple  articles  of  food.  The  stores  of  the 
Chinese  merchants,  which  are  by  far  the  largest,  handle  considerable 
amounts  of  certain  foodstuffs  imported  under  bond  from  Hongkong, 
the  annual  amount  of  which  may  be  estimated  at  $250,000  United 
States  currency. 

Imports  in  1918  were  a little  less  than  $3,000,000,  and  exceeded 
this  figure  in  1920,  but  dropped  by  20  per  cent  in  1921.  These 
imports  consisted  of  general  merchandise  such  as  would  be  listed 
under  this  heading  on  the  American  side  and  also  included  machinery 
and  material  for  the  planting  and  handling  of  the  cotton  crop. 

It  is  recommended  to  American  houses  desiring  to  enter  the  trade 
of  the  Mexicah  district  that  they  direct  their  efforts  through  that 
part  of  their  domestic  organizations  covering  southern  California, 
and  especially  the  city  of  Calexico,  rather  than  through  their  foreign 
sales  departments. 

There  are  two  banks  doing  business  in  Mexicali  and  these  are  the 
only  ones  in  the  district.  The  Companfa  Bancaria  Peninsular,  S.  A., 
is  a private  banking  institution  organized  under  the  Mexican  banking 
laws  and  doing  a general  banking  business  in  Mexicali.  Its  paid-up 
capital  is  40,000  pesos  (1  peso  equals  $0.49  at  present  rate  of  ex- 
change) . The  Banco  Mercantil  is  a subsidiary  of  the  Mercantile  Bank- 
ing Co.,  S.  A.,  organized  recently  by  the  Calexico  banks  to  take  care  of 
cotton  financing  on  the  Mexican  side  of  the  line. 

In  Mexicali  there  are  40  grocery  stores,  14  of  which  are  owned  and 
managed  by  Chinese,  2 by  Japanese,  and  the  rest  by  Mexicans;  drug 
stores  number  3,  all  conducted  by  native  Mexicans.  There  are  10 

331 


332 


LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 


small  dry  goods  stores  handling  notions,  clothing,  etc.,  5 of  them 
being  in  the  hands  of  Chinese;  a small  hat  store  and  2 oonfectionery 
shops  complete  the  leading  places  of  retail  merchandising. 

The  largest  stores  are  those  of  the  Chinese,  who  are  large  importers 
of  rice  from  Hongkong  and  Chinese  grocery  supplies  for  their  own 
people  engaged  in  the  cotton  industry  hi  the  district. 

A number  of  Mexican  merchants  interested  in  the  trade  of  the 
Mexicali  region  have  established  their  stores  on  the  American  side 
in  Calexico. 

Mexicali  has  8 hotels,  most  of  which  are  owned  and  conducted  by 
Chinese.  There  are  in  all  perhaps  a dozen  saloons  where  liquors  of 
all  kinds  are  sold  in  Mexicali,  most  of  them  owned  and  managed  by 
Americans.  Gambling  is  no  longer  permitted,  but  dance  halls,  prize 
fights,  etc.,  are  allowed. 

The  Chamber  of  Commerce  and  the  C&mara  Agricola  of  Mexicali 
have  interested  themselves  in  the  protection  of  Mexican  commerce 
for  the  region,  but  such  Mexican  products  as  panocha  (brown  sugar), 
cheese,  lard,  cheap  cotton  goods,  etc.,  which  could  be  sent  into  the 
district,  have  a long  railway  haul  from  the  interior  of  Mexico  and  have 
to  pass  through  the  United  States  in  bond,  so  that  the  business 
is  impossible  in  competition  with  American  goods  of  a similar  kind. 

ENSENADA  DISTRICT. 

The  municipality  or  district  of  Ensenada,  of  which  the  town  is 
the  capital,  was  formerly  the  capital  of  the  north  district  of  Lower 
California.  The  district  stretches  from  the  international  boundary 
line  at  Tiajuana  to  Calmalli  on  the  twenty-eighth  parallel  (a  distance 
of  nearly  500  miles  from  north  to  south),  extends  from  the  gulf  to  the 
Pacific  Ocean,  and  contains  four-fifths  of  the  territory  of  the  north 
district  of  the  peninsula.  Ensenada  is  the  only  seaport  of  entry  in 
the  north  district.  The  old  town  lies  under  the  south  side  of  the  tills 
which  encircle  the  Bay  of  Todos  Santos,  6S  miles  down  the  coast 
from  San  Diego,  Calif.  It  has  7 miles  of  very  good  sandy  beach, 
and  the  bay  itself  has  a beach  over  18  miles  in  length  and  semicir- 
cular in  shape,  forming  a quiet,  landlocked  harbor  for  medium-sized 
ocean  craft.  Looking  inland,  one  sees  the  abrupt  mountain  ranges 
extending  60  miles  to  the  high  sierras,  the  maximum  elevation  of 
which  is  10,000  feet  above  sea  level.  All  kinds  of  fish  abound  in  the 
waters  of  the  ocean  near  by,  very  good  quail,  duck,  and  geese  can 
be  had,  and  deer  shooting  is  possible  in  season. 

The  new  coast  highway  is  63  miles  long  from  Tiajuana  and  the 
total  distance  by  automobile  road  from  San  Diego  is  about  80  miles. 
The  new  road  was  completed  last  fall  but  suffered  severe  damage 
from  washouts  last  winter.  Repairs  are  being  rapidly  made  by  the 
Mexican  authorities.  The  trip  from  San  Diego  to  Ensenada  by  auto- 
mobile requires  about  three  and  one-half  hours  in  a good  car.  A 
regular  motor  bus  takes  passengers  to  Tiajuana  and  Ensenada,  for 
which  the  round-trip  fare  is  $15  United  States  currency. 

As  has  been  previously  noted,  the  woolen  mill  which  formerly 
operated  with  105  hands  has  been  closed  down  for  some  years  as  a 
result  of  the  lack  of  sufficient  local  wool  supply. 

Three  flour  mills  now  operate  at  Ensenada.  That  of  C.  E.  Bern- 
stein & Bro.  has  two  units  of  25-barrel  capacity  and  that  of  the 


COMMERCE  AND  TRADE. 


333 


Molinos  del  Pacifico  of  E.  Hernandez  y Compania  is  of  the  same  type. 
The  other  mill  is  also  of  two  25-barrel  units  and  is  owned  and  managed 
by  the  Compania  Molinera  de  Ensenada,  S.  A.  (Eulogia  Romero). 

There  is  also  a small  tannery,  and  a fruit-packing  plant  turning 
out  dried  fruits  for  shipment  to  the  mining  camps  and  to  the  interior 
of  Mexico.  The  town  has  a good  water  supply,  electric  light  plant, 
ice  plant,  etc.  The  population  of  the  town  proper  is  between  1,600 
and  1,800. 

Trade  with  the  United  States  is  conducted  chiefly  through  San 
Francisco  rather  than  San  Diego.  This  is  possibly  due  to  the  fact 
that  San  Diego  is  more  or  less  commercially  tributary  to  Los  Angeles 
and  that  San  Francisco  has  long  been  interested  in  the  trade  of  the 
West  Coast  of  Mexico.  Trade  has  therefore  followed  the  provision 
of  water  transportation  from  San  Francisco,  where  the  exporters  are 
able  to  distribute  goods  direct  from  factory. 

Since  the  first  of  the  year  1922  a notable  increase  in  the  consump- 
tion of  European  goods  of  certain  classes  has  occurred.  These  goods 
come  from  importing  houses  at  Mexico  City,  and  the  lines  consist 
principally  of  small  hardware,  builders’  hardware,  and  tools  of  German 
manufacture;  French  and  British  textiles;  and  cheap  knit  goods  (un- 
dershirts and  stockings)  from  Spain.  These  goods  are  originally  im- 
ported through  Vera  Cruz  and  are  reshipped  by  the  large  importing 
houses  to  West  Coast  points  from  Mexico  City  through  Manzanillo. 
After  leaving  Mexico  City  they  are  treated  as  domestic  exports 
throughout.  It  is  thought  that  the  present  low  exchange  rates  still 
prevailing  in  European  countries  have  a great  deal  to  do  with  this 
situation  in  trade. 

According  to  the  latest  available  Mexican  Government  statistics, 
the  foreign  trade  of  the  port  of  Ensenada  for  the  fiscal  year  1918  was 


as  follows: 

Pesos. 

Animal  products 65,  965 

Vegetable  products 113,  230 

Mineral  products,  including  iron 94,  939 

Textiles 122,  764 

Drugs  and  chemicals 24,  042 

Beverages,  liquors,  etc 5,  704 

Paper  and  paper  products 7,  534 

Machinery 23,  259 

Vehicles,  including  automobiles 11,342 

Arms  and  explosives 1,  423 

Other 40,  959 


Total 511,161 


Exports  during  the  same  period  amounted  to  1,322,766  pesos, 
classified  as  follows : 


Pesos. 

Animal  products 42,  440 

Vegetable  products 97,  741 

Mineral  products 1, 181,  513 

Manufactures,  various 1,072 


Total 1,322,766 


During  the  same  period  the  border  port  of  Tec  ate  exported  to  the 
United  States  goods  valued  at  35,132  pesos,  of  which  34,760  pesos 
represented  the  value  of  exports  of  live  stock. 


334 


LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 


During  the  same  period  exports  from  Tiajuana  were  valued  at  61,747 
pesos,  of  which  53,617  pesos  represented  live  stock  and  hides, 
7,880  pesos  mineral  products,  and  the  remainder  (250  pesos)  various 
manufactures. 

The  imports  at  Tecate  were  much  larger  than  the  exports,  being  in 
the  fiscal  year  1918  as  follows: 

Pesos. 

Animal  products 31,  309 

Vegetable  products 4,  487 

Mineral  products,  including  iron  and  steel 1,  708 

Textiles 1,  966 

Drugs  and  chemicals 177 

Beverages 528 

Paper  and  paper  products 135 

Machinery 2,  350 

Vehicles 740 

Other 505 


Total 43,905 

Goods  imported  into  Tiajuana  from  the  United  States  during  the 
me  period,  representing  total  declared  imports,  were  as  follows: 

Pesos. 

Animal  products 6,593 

Vegetable  products 17,  989 

Mineral  products,  including  iron  and  steel 13,  074 

Textiles 3,  474 

Drugs  and  chemicals 1,076 

Beverages 9,086 

Paper  and  paper  products 372 

Machinery 3, 173 

Vehicles 3, 139 

Other 2,  033 


Total 


60,  009 


NOTES  ON  SOUTHERN  HALF  OF  LOWER  CALIFORNIA.14 

AGRICULTURE. 

There  is  very  little  agricultural  development  in  the  territory  back 
of  La  Paz,  the  largest  town  and  most  important  seaport  of  the  penin- 
sula of  Lower  California.  The  usual  rainv-season  crops  of  corn  and 
beans  are  planted  on  a very  small  scale,  and,  on  account  of  the  scanty 
and  erratic  rainfall,  these  seasonal  crops  are  not  always  sufficient  to 
supply  the  needs  of  the  population,  an  additional  supply  being  im- 
ported from  Sinaloa. 

The  population  is  small;  the  villages  are  few  and  far  apart,  as  most 
of  the  country  inland  from  La  Paz  is  very  dry  and  lacks  sufficient 
water. 

A small  American  company,  organized  under  the  laws  of  Mexico, 
and  financed  from  Los  Angeles,  Calif.,  is  endeavoring  to  develop  an 
agricultural  property  near  San  Antonio,  with  some  prospect  of  suc- 
cess, the  ranch  being  an  old,  developed  property  that  had  been 
neglected  for  some  years.  There  are  a large  number  of  producing 
date  palms,  and  the  American  owners  plan  to  pack  dates  for  the 
Mexico  City  market.  Modern  equipment  has  been  purchased. 

Another  American  owns  some  30,000  acres  of  land  near  Triumfo, 
on  which  some  corn  and  beans  are  planted,  but  the  land  is  used 
principally  for  stock-grazing  purposes. 

These  are  the  only  American  agricultural  interests  in  the  district. 
Other  American  interests  own  a large  tract  of  land  reaching  along  the 
Pacific  coast  north  and  south  of  Magdalena  Bay,  which  it  is  proposed 
to  colonize  and  develop. 

TOPOGRAPHY  AND  CLIMATE. 

Near  the  southern  extremity  of  the  peninsula  there  is  a high  table- 
land called  the  Sierra  de  la  Victoria,  or  “de  la  Laguna,”  with  a mean 
elevation  above  sea  level  of  about  2,000  feet  and  a maximum  eleva- 
tion of  6,000  feet.  On  the  higher  elevations  of  this  formation  there 
are  fairly  good  stands  of  pine  and  oak.  There  is  also  a lake  covering 
about  800  hectares  (1  hectare  = 2.47  acres),  which,  however,  does 
not  always  have  a full  supply  of  water  because  of  the  erratic  rainfall 
of  the  region.  It  is  thought  that  the  construction  of  reservoirs  would 
afford  sufficient  water  supply  for  horticultural  enterprise,  as  on  both 
sides  of  the  peninsula  there  are  coastal  valleys  where  good  land  is 
found.  At  present  Todos  Santos,  Santiago,  and  San  Jose  del  Cabo 
are  centers  of  the  production  of  “piloncillo,”  the  brown  sugar  of  the 
country. 

On  account  of  the  mountain  range,  the  western  watershed  is  drier 
than  the  eastern  slope  where  crops  can  be  raised,  and  there  are  many 
possibilities  of  development  of  agriculture  by  means  of  water  conser- 
vation, wells,  etc.  In  many  spots  general  conditions  are  as  good  as 
in  southern  California  with  respect  to  climate  and  rainfall,  and  what 


M Most.  of  the  following  notes  were  made  by  Assistant  Trade  Commissioner  H.  Bentley  MacKenzie, 
who  made  the  trip  (rom  Mazatlan  to  La  Paz  in  September,  1922.  For  data  on  mining,  see  p.  235.  For 
commercial  statistics,  see  p.  279.  For  data  relating  to  Magdalena  Bay,  highway  construction,  topography 
of  the  Pacific  side  of  the  lower  half  of  the  peninsula,  and  fisheries,  see  “Northern  half  of  Lower  California,” 
by  P.  L-  Bell,  beginning  on  p.  28L 

335 


336 


LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 


is  lacking  is  a sufficient  population  equipped  by  education  and  experi- 
ence to  make  the  most  of  the  natural  advantages. 

The  production  of  native  brown  sugar  in  the  Todos  Santos,  Santi- 
ago, and  San  Jose  regions  amounts  to  200,000  “ cargas”  (of  300  pounds 
each)  per  year,  and  this  scale  of  production  has  been  maintained  for 
the  last  50  years.  Cane  is  planted  year  after  year  without  rotation 
of  crops. 

Between  the  twenty-fifth  and  twenty-eighth  parallels  there  are 
large  natural  plantations  of  henequen,  and  it  is  thought  that  the  fiber 
industry  is  well  suited  to  the  climate  and  soil  conditions.  In  general 
climatic  conditions  are  ideal. 

LIVE  STOCK. 

The  whole  area  of  the  southern  half  of  the  peninsnla  is  a great 
cattle  range,  the  best  conditions  existing  toward  the  southern  ex- 
tremity and  on  the  eastern  watershed,  where  the  rainfall  is  greater 
than  on  the  western  slope  of  the  range.  However,  the  rainfall  is 
erratic,  and  in  1922  the  range  had  the  first  adequate  rainfall  for 
grass  in  a period  of  four  years.  It  is  the  history  of  the  cattle  industry 
in  this  part  of  the  peninsula  that  large  herds  have  been  built  up  dur- 
ing a series  of  good  years,  only  to  be  more  than  decimated  by  a period 
of  drought.  Most  of  the  water  for  stock  is  obtained  from  wells. 

PEARL-FISHING  INDUSTRY  AT  LA  PAZ. 

The  port  of  La  Paz  on  the  peninsula  of  Lower  California  has  long 
been  famous  for  its  pearls.  Ordinarily  40  or  50  boats,  engaged  in 
this  industry,  sailed  out  of  La  Paz,  but  practically  none  of  them 
are  in  service  at  present.  This  is  accounted  for  by  the  fact  that  the 
principal  market  for  the  pearls  was  in  Europe  and  that  the  houses 
there  are  not  now  in  a position  to  carry  on  the  business.  Before 
the  war  several  European  pearl  buyers  were  located  at  La  Paz,  but 
none  are  there  at  present.  The  United  States  market  for  pearls 
appears  to  have  been  oversold  about  two  years  ago  when  there  was 
a fad  for  pearls,  and  American  importers  have  been  left  with  stocks 
on  hand.  The  important  markets  for  pearl  shell  were  formerly  in 
Austria,  especially  for  the  button  factories  of  Vienna,  and  in  Ger- 
many, but  these  houses  are  not  now  in  a position  to  do  much  buying. 
In  the  United  States  the  fresh-water  clamshell  has  to  a great  extent 
driven  the  pearl  shell  from  the  market.  Pearl  fishing  is  now  free 
for  all  Mexican  citizens  at  La  Paz,  and  only  a Government  permit  is 
required  to  engage  in  the  industry,  as  all  of  the  old  exclusive  con- 
cessions given  to  foreign  companies  by  the  Diaz  Administration  have 
either  lapsed  or  have  been  declared  void. 

ROADS. 

On  account  of  the  fact  that  Americans  are  interested  in  the  de- 
velopment of  the  southern  regions  of  the  peninsula  and  also  that  there 
is  considerable  travel  from  the  ports  of  the  Pacific  coast  of  the  United 
States,  it  is  interesting  to  note  here  that  the  Mexican  Government 
has  undertaken  the  construction  of  the  long-proposed  wagon  road 
from  La  Paz  to  Magdalena  Bay.  The  work  is  under  direction  of 
and  assisted  financially  by  the  progressive  governor  of  Sinaloa, 
Gen.  Angel  Flores. 


NOTES  ON  SOUTHERN  HALF  OF  LOWER  CALIFORNIA.  337 

This  road  is  intended  for  automotive  transport  and  is  120  kilo- 
meters (74.56  miles)  long,  passing  from  La  Paz  through  the  villages 
of  Todos  Santos,  San  Lucas,  and  San  Jose  del  Cabo.  It  crosses  the 
Sierra  de  los  Filos,  and  then  runs  parallel  to  the  north  through  the 
cattle  ranches  of  Conejos  and  El  Juncal.  An  American  company  is 
now  shipping  agricultural  machinery  and  supplies  to  a new  agricul- 
tural colony  near  San  Jose  del  Cabo,  which  this  new  road  should 
benefit.  Labor  is  being  supplied  by  troops  of  the  Mexican  Army,  and 
Governor  Flores  of  Sinaloa  contributes  the  sum  of  $2,000  monthly 
toward  the  work,  in  addition  to  the  funds  supplied  by  the  La  Paz 
district  and  the  south  district  government. 

In  this  southern  region  large  cattle  ranges  and  some  agricultural 
land  were  formerly  held  by  Americans  under  colonization  conces- 
sions of  the  Diaz  Government.  These  have  nearly  all  been  recalled 
and  canceled  by  the  Mexican  Government,  which  entertains  large 
plans  for  division  of  the  lands  under  the  new  agrarian  laws  of  Mexico. 

The  mining  company  at  Triumfo  keeps  up,  from  La  Paz  to  the 
mines,  a small  automobile  road  which  it  constructed  several  years 
ago. 

COMMERCE,  TRADE,  AND  BANKING. 

There  are  only  seven  commercial  houses  of  any  importance  located 
at  La  Paz — three  Mexican  and  four  Chinese.  They  are  all  general- 
merchandise  stores. 

Practically  all  imported  goods  come  from  either  San  Francisco  or 
Los  Angeles,  Calif.,  by  steamer.  About  50  per  cent  of  the  goods 
handled  are  of  Mexican  domestic  production,  salesmen  from  the 
larger  wholesale  houses  at  Mazatlan  and  even  from  Mexico  City  visit- 
ing La  Paz,  making  the  trip  three  or  four  times  a year.  Usual  credit 
terms  on  goods  imported  from  the  United  States  are  30  to  60  days 
from  date  of  invoice.  The  largest  house,  that  of  Antonio  Ruffo, 
usually  pays  cash  and  discounts  its  bills.  The  domestic  goods 
handled  are  chiefly  cotton  textiles. 

Exports  consist  of  dried  figs  and  dates,  pearls  and  pearl  shell  (when 
market  conditions  are  better  than  they  are  now),  and  some  arsenical 
ores  carrying  gold. 

There  are  no  established  banks  or  branches  of  banks  at  La  Paz  or 
other  points  of  Lower  California.  Banking  facilities  are  furnished 
by  Antonio  Ruffo,  acting  as  agent  for  the  Banco  Nacional  de  Mexico 
(Mexico  City) ; Felipe  R.  Cota,  acting  as  agent  for  the  Banco  de 
Sonora;  and  Rocholl,  Ruffo  y Cla,  owners  of  the  tannery,  who  do  some 
private  banking  business. 

The  trade  of  Loreto,  Mulege,  and  Santa  Rosalia — Gulf  of  Cali- 
fornia ports — is  principally  in  the  hands  of  two  or  three  Chinese 
merchants  in  each  place,  with  the  exception  of  the  large  commissary 
store  of  the  mining  company  at  Santa  Rosalia. 

FUTURE  PROSPECTS. 

There  undoubtedly  exists  an  opportunity  for  agricultural  develop- 
ment in  Lower  California  in  the  line  of  a much  greater  production  of 
dates,  figs,  and  fiber.  Dates  and  figs  do  exceptionally  well  and  have 
produced  abundantly  a high  grade  of  fruit  ever  since  the  days  of  the 
old  colonial  missions.  What  is  lacking  is  capital  and  a knowledge  of 
44807°— 23 23 


338 


LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 


scientific  agriculture,  combined  with  a sufficient  population.  With 
an  adequate  production  and  proper  packing  methods,  these  products 
could  be  exported  to  the  great  markets  of  the  world. 

North  of  La  Paz,  on  the  gulf  coast,  are  several  good  harbors  where 
there  is  a sufficient  fresh-water  supply  on  the  land  near  by  for  the 
purposes  of  a fish  cannery.  The  points  most  mentioned  are  the  Bay  of 
Las  Animas  and  Los  Angeles,  situated  about  half  way  up  the  gulf. 
Good  runs  of  tuna  and  albacore  are  reported  in  each  of  these  places, 
and  other  varieties  of  commercial  fishes  abound  in  the  waters  of  the 
gulf,  with  exceptional  runs  of  mullet  toward  the  mouth  of  the  Colo- 
rado River.  (See  pp.  187  and  3L8.) 


APPENDIX, 

COMMODITY  REPORTS. 

During  the  past  two  years,  through  the  activities  of  the  various 
commodity  divisions  of  the  Bureau  of  Foreign  and  Domestic  Com- 
merce of  the  United  States  Department  of  Commerce,  a great  number 
of  commodity  reports  intimately  pertinent  to  various  lines  of  in- 
dustry and  their  foreign  markets  have  been  collected,  many  of  these 
reports  having  been  made  by  the  various  American  consular  officers. 
Numerous  reports  of  this  character  relate  to  the  Mexican  West  Coast 
region  covered  in  the  present  monograph.  These  will  be  found  of 
practical  use  to  manufacturers  and  exporters.  Copies  may  be  ob- 
tained upon  application  to  the  nearest  district  or  cooperative  office, 
or  directly  to  the  proper  commodity  division  of  the  Bureau  of  Foreign 
and  Domestic  Commerce  at  Washington,  D.  C.  The  names  of  these 
divisions  are: 

Agricultural  implements  and  machinery. 

Automotive. 

Chemicals. 

Coal. 

Electrical  equipment. 

Foodstuffs. 

Hides  and  leather. 

Iron  and  steel. 

Lumber. 

Machinery. 

Paper. 

Petroleum. 

Rubber  products. 

Shoes  and  leather  manufactures. 

Specialties. 

Textiles. 

Transportation  and  communications. 

TRADE  LISTS  AVAILABLE. 

Many  names  of  importers,  exporters,  dealers,  agents,  and  other  per- 
sons and  firms  connected  with  the  commercial  activity  of  Mexico 
have  been  obtained  in  recent  years  by  various  representatives  of  the 
United  States  Government.  These  names  are  now  on  file  in  the 
Commercial  Intelligence  Division  of  the  Bureau  of  Foreign  and  Do- 
mestic Commerce.  Numerous  trade  lists  have  been  prepared  for 
distribution,  arranged  on  the  basis  of  the  commodities  handled. 
These  lists  show  the  character  of  business  conducted  by  each  firm — 
that  is,  whether  wholesale,  retail,  commission  merchant,  or  agent— 
and  they  are  starred,  to  indicate  the  relative  size  of  each  firm  in  its 
community,  by  one,  two,  or  three  stars.  Information  is  also  available 
concerning  the  capital,  organization,  and  commercial  activity  of  each  of 
these  Mexican  houses.  The  lists  are  furnished  to  American  business 
men  upon  application  to  the  Bureau  of  Foreign  and  Domestic  Com- 
merce or  any  of  its  district  or  cooperative  offices.  The  inquirer 
should  state  definitely  the  kind  of  list  that  he  desires;  if  he  is  con- 
cerned with  the  market  for  a particular  commodity  or  class  of  arti- 
cles, he  should  be  careful  to  make  a specific  statement  to  that  effect. 

339 


340 


APPENDIX. 


REFERENCE  MATERIAL. 

The  following  maps  and  publications,  obtained  during  the  course  of 
the  field  investigation  on  the  West  Coast,  are  now  available  for 
reference  in  the  Latin  American  Division  of  the  Bureau  of  Foreign 
and  Domestic  Commerce : 

Map  of  trade  territory  of  Nogales. 

Geological  map  of  the  Hermosillo  and  Guaymas  districts  of  Sonora,  compiled  by 
the  Marland  Oil  Co.,  of  Mexico. 

Map  of  State  of  Nayarit,  by  J.  P.  Parkinson,  1920. 

Topographical  maps  of  States  of  Sonora,  Sinaloa,  Nayarit,  Jalisco,  Michoacan,  and 
Colima,  prepared  by  Secretaria  de  Agricultura  y Fomento.1* 

Official  blue  print,  Culiacan  Valley  Canal. 

Handbook  of  Mexico,  I.  D.  1205,  and  case  of  maps. 

Tarifa  de  Aduanas,  1922  (official  publication). 

Directorio  Comercial  del  Estado  de  Sonora,  1920-1921  (Sonora  business  directory). 

State  of  Nayarit,  general-information  pamphlet. 

Pulse  of  Mexico,  June,  1922,  pages  33  to  40,  inclusive  (“West  Coast  of  Mexico,” 
by  Percy  G.  Holmes). 

The  Land  of  Nayarit,  Arizona  and  Sonora  Chamber  of  Mines,  1904. 

Anuario  de  Estadfstica  Fiscal,  1919  (Secretaria  de  Hacienda  y Credito  Publico). 


15  These  maps  published  by  the  Secretaria  de  Agricultura  y Fomento  are  o f the  1920  edition  and  are  the 
latest  maps  on  Mexico. 

The  Southern  Pacific  Railroad  of  Mexico  has  hydrographic  maps  of  the  river  valleys  of  the  West  Coast. 
Also,  Frank  H.  Olmstead,  hydrographic  engineer,  Los  Angeles,  Calif.,  has  valley  maps  of  West  Coast  rivers. 


o 


BOLSON 


WESTERN 

MEXICO 


WESTERN 


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